THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION

HOW THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE "DIVINE RIGHT" OF KINGS AND THE LESS DIVINE

BUT MORE REASONABLE "RIGHT OF PARLIAMENT" ENDED DISASTROUSLY FOR KING

CHARLES II

CAESAR, the earliest explorer of north-western Europe, had crossed

the Channel in the year 55 B.C. and had conquered England. During four

centuries the country then remained a Roman province. But when the

Barbarians began to threaten Rome, the garrisons were called back from

the frontier that they might defend the home country and Britannia was

left without a government and without protection.

As soon as this became known among the hungry Saxon tribes of northern

Germany, they sailed across the North Sea and made themselves at home in

the prosperous island. They founded a number of independent Anglo-Saxon

kingdoms (so called after the original Angles or English and the Saxon

invaders) but these small states were for ever quarrelling with each

other and no King was strong enough to establish himself as the head

of a united country. For more than five hundred years, Mercia and

Northumbria and Wessex and Sussex and Kent and East Anglia, or whatever

their names, were exposed to attacks from various Scandinavian pirates.

Finally in the eleventh century, England, together with Norway and

northern Germany became part of the large Danish Empire of Canute the

Great and the last vestiges of independence disappeared.

The Danes, in the course of time, were driven away but no sooner was

England free, than it was conquered for the fourth time. The new enemies

were the descendants of another tribe of Norsemen who early in the

tenth century had invaded France and had founded the Duchy of Normandy.

William, Duke of Normandy, who for a long time had looked across the

water with an envious eye, crossed the Channel in October of the year

1066. At the battle of Hastings, on October the fourteenth of that

year, he destroyed the weak forces of Harold of Wessex, the last of

the Anglo-Saxon Kings and established himself as King of England. But

neither William nor his successors of the House of Anjou and Plantagenet

regarded England as their true home. To them the island was merely

a part of their great inheritance on the continent--a sort of colony

inhabited by rather backward people upon whom they forced their own

language and civilisation. Gradually however the "colony" of England

gained upon the "Mother country" of Normandy. At the same time the

Kings of France were trying desperately to get rid of the powerful

Norman-English neighbours who were in truth no more than disobedient

servants of the French crown. After a century of war fare the French

people, under the leadership of a young girl by the name of Joan of Arc,

drove the "foreigners" from their soil. Joan herself, taken a prisoner

at the battle of Compiegne in the year 1430 and sold by her Burgundian

captors to the English soldiers, was burned as a witch. But the English

never gained foothold upon the continent and their Kings were at last

able to devote all their time to their British possessions. As the

feudal nobility of the island had been engaged in one of those strange

feuds which were as common in the middle ages as measles and small-pox,

and as the greater part of the old landed proprietors had been killed

during these so-called Wars of the Roses, it was quite easy for the

Kings to increase their royal power. And by the end of the fifteenth

century, England was a strongly centralised country, ruled by Henry VII

of the House of Tudor, whose famous Court of Justice, the "Star Chamber"

of terrible memory, suppressed all attempts on the part of the surviving

nobles to regain their old influence upon the government of the country

with the utmost severity.

In the year 1509 Henry VII was succeeded by his son Henry VIII, and from

that moment on the history of England gained a new importance for the

country ceased to be a mediaeval island and became a modern state.

Henry had no deep interest in religion. He gladly used a private

disagreement with the Pope about one of his many divorces to declare

himself independent of Rome and make the church of England the first of

those "nationalistic churches" in which the worldly ruler also acts as

the spiritual head of his subjects. This peaceful reformation of 1034

not only gave the house of Tudor the support of the English clergy, who

for a long time had been exposed to the violent attacks of many Lutheran

propagandists, but it also increased the Royal power through the

confiscation of the former possessions of the monasteries. At the same

time it made Henry popular with the merchants and tradespeople, who as

the proud and prosperous inhabitants of an island which was separated

from the rest of Europe by a wide and deep channel, had a great dislike

for everything "foreign" and did not want an Italian bishop to rule

their honest British souls.

In 1517 Henry died. He left the throne to his small son, aged ten. The

guardians of the child, favoring the modern Lutheran doctrines, did

their best to help the cause of Protestantism. But the boy died before

he was sixteen, and was succeeded by his sister Mary, the wife of Philip

II of Spain, who burned the bishops of the new "national church" and in

other ways followed the example of her royal Spanish husband

Fortunately she died, in the year 1558, and was succeeded by Elizabeth,

the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, the second of his six wives,

whom he had decapitated when she no longer pleased him. Elizabeth, who

had spent some time in prison, and who had been released only at

the request of the Holy Roman Emperor, was a most cordial enemy of

everything Catholic and Spanish. She shared her father's indifference

in the matter of religion but she inherited his ability as a very shrewd

judge of character, and spent the forty-five years of her reign in

strengthening the power of the dynasty and in increasing the revenue and

possessions of her merry islands. In this she was most ably assisted by

a number of men who gathered around her throne and made the Elizabethan

age a period of such importance that you ought to study it in detail in

one of the special books of which I shall tell you in the bibliography

at the end of this volume.

Elizabeth, however, did not feel entirely safe upon her throne. She had

a rival and a very dangerous one. Mary, of the house of Stuart, daughter

of a French duchess and a Scottish father, widow of king Francis II of

France and daughter-in-law of Catherine of Medici (who had organised the

murders of Saint Bartholomew's night), was the mother of a little boy

who was afterwards to become the first Stuart king of England. She was

an ardent Catholic and a willing friend to those who were the enemies

of Elizabeth. Her own lack of political ability and the violent

methods which she employed to punish her Calvinistic subjects, caused

a revolution in Scotland and forced Mary to take refuge on English

territory. For eighteen years she remained in England, plotting forever

and a day against the woman who had given her shelter and who was at

last obliged to follow the advice of her trusted councilors "to cutte

off the Scottish Queen's heade."

The head was duly "cutte off" in the year 1587 and caused a war with

Spain. But the combined navies of England and Holland defeated Philip's

Invincible Armada, as we have already seen, and the blow which had been

meant to destroy the power of the two great anti-Catholic leaders was

turned into a profitable business adventure.

For now at last, after many years of hesitation, the English as well as

the Dutch thought it their good right to invade the Indies and America

and avenge the ills which their Protestant brethren had suffered at

the hands of the Spaniards. The English had been among the earliest

successors of Columbus. British ships, commanded by the Venetian pilot

Giovanni Caboto (or Cabot), had been the first to discover and explore

the northern American continent in 1496. Labrador and Newfoundland were

of little importance as a possible colony. But the banks of Newfoundland

offered a rich reward to the English fishing fleet. A year later, in

1497, the same Cabot had explored the coast of Florida.

Then had come the busy years of Henry VII and Henry VIII when there had

been no money for foreign explorations. But under Elizabeth, with the

country at peace and Mary Stuart in prison, the sailors could leave

their harbour without fear for the fate of those whom they left behind.

While Elizabeth was still a child, Willoughby had ventured to sail past

the North Cape and one of his captains, Richard Chancellor, pushing

further eastward in his quest of a possible road to the Indies, had

reached Archangel, Russia, where he had established diplomatic and

commercial relations with the mysterious rulers of this distant

Muscovite Empire. During the first years of Elizabeth's rule this voyage

had been followed up by many others. Merchant adventurers, working

for the benefit of a "joint stock Company" had laid the foundations of

trading companies which in later centuries were to become colonies. Half

pirate, half diplomat, willing to stake everything on a single lucky

voyage, smugglers of everything that could be loaded into the hold of

a vessel, dealers in men and merchandise with equal indifference to

everything except their profit, the sailors of Elizabeth had carried the

English flag and the fame of their Virgin Queen to the four corners of

the Seven Seas. Meanwhile William Shakespeare kept her Majesty amused at

home, and the best brains and the best wit of England co-operated with

the queen in her attempt to change the feudal inheritance of Henry VIII

into a modern national state.

In the year 1603 the old lady died at the age of seventy. Her cousin,

the great-grandson of her own grandfather Henry VII and son of Mary

Stuart, her rival and enemy, succeeded her as James I. By the Grace of

God, he found himself the ruler of a country which had escaped the fate

of its continental rivals. While the European Protestants and Catholics

were killing each other in a hopeless attempt to break the power

of their adversaries and establish the exclusive rule of their own

particular creed, England was at peace and "reformed" at leisure without

going to the extremes of either Luther or Loyola. It gave the island

kingdom an enormous advantage in the coming struggle for colonial

possessions. It assured England a leadership in international affairs

which that country has maintained until the present day. Not even the

disastrous adventure with the Stuarts was able to stop this normal

development.

The Stuarts, who succeeded the Tudors, were "foreigners" in England.

They do not seem to have appreciated or understood this fact. The native

house of Tudor could steal a horse, but the "foreign" Stuarts were not

allowed to look at the bridle without causing great popular disapproval.

Old Queen Bess had ruled her domains very much as she pleased. In

general however, she had always followed a policy which meant money in

the pocket of the honest (and otherwise) British merchants. Hence

the Queen had been always assured of the wholehearted support of her

grateful people. And small liberties taken with some of the rights

and prerogatives of Parliament were gladly overlooked for the ulterior

benefits which were derived from her Majesty's strong and successful

foreign policies.

Outwardly King James continued the same policy. But he lacked that

personal enthusiasm which had been so very typical of his great

predecessor. Foreign commerce continued to be encouraged. The Catholics

were not granted any liberties. But when Spain smiled pleasantly upon

England in an effort to establish peaceful relations, James was seen to

smile back. The majority of the English people did not like this, but

James was their King and they kept quiet.

Soon there were other causes of friction. King James and his son,

Charles I, who succeeded him in the year 1625 both firmly believed in

the principle of their "divine right" to administer their realm as they

thought fit without consulting the wishes of their subjects. The idea

was not new. The Popes, who in more than one way had been the successors

of the Roman Emperors (or rather of the Roman Imperial ideal of a

single and undivided state covering the entire known world), had

always regarded themselves and had been publicly recognised as the

"Vice-Regents of Christ upon Earth." No one questioned the right of God

to rule the world as He saw fit. As a natural result, few ventured to

doubt the right of the divine "Vice-Regent" to do the same thing and

to demand the obedience of the masses because he was the direct

representative of the Absolute Ruler of the Universe and responsible

only to Almighty God.

When the Lutheran Reformation proved successful, those rights which

formerly had been invested in the Papacy were taken over by the many

European sovereigns who became Protestants. As head of their own

national or dynastic churches they insisted upon being "Christ's

Vice-Regents" within the limit of their own territory. The people

did not question the right of their rulers to take such a step.

They accepted it, just as we in our own day accept the idea of a

representative system which to us seems the only reasonable and

just form of government. It is unfair therefore to state that either

Lutheranism or Calvinism caused the particular feeling of irritation

which greeted King-James's oft and loudly repeated assertion of his

"Divine Right." There must have been other grounds for the genuine

English disbelief in the Divine Right of Kings.

The first positive denial of the "Divine Right" of sovereigns had been

heard in the Netherlands when the Estates General abjured their lawful

sovereign King Philip II of Spain, in the year 1581. "The King," so they

said, "has broken his contract and the King therefore is dismissed like

any other unfaithful servant." Since then, this particular idea of a

king's responsibilities towards his subjects had spread among many of

the nations who inhabited the shores of the North Sea. They were in a

very favourable position. They were rich. The poor people in the heart

of central Europe, at the mercy of their Ruler's body-guard, could not

afford to discuss a problem which would at once land them in the deepest

dungeon of the nearest castle. But the merchants of Holland and England

who possessed the capital necessary for the maintenance of great armies

and navies, who knew how to handle the almighty weapon called "credit,"

had no such fear. They were willing to pit the "Divine Right" of their

own good money against the "Divine Right" of any Habsburg or Bourbon

or Stuart. They knew that their guilders and shillings could beat the

clumsy feudal armies which were the only weapons of the King. They dared

to act, where others were condemned to suffer in silence or run the risk

of the scaffold.

When the Stuarts began to annoy the people of England with their

claim that they had a right to do what they pleased and never mind the

responsibility, the English middle classes used the House of Commons as

their first line of defence against this abuse of the Royal Power. The

Crown refused to give in and the King sent Parliament about its own

business. Eleven long years, Charles I ruled alone. He levied taxes

which most people regarded as illegal and he managed his British kingdom

as if it had been his own country estate. He had capable assistants and

we must say that he had the courage of his convictions.

Unfortunately, instead of assuring himself of the support of his

faithful Scottish subjects, Charles became involved in a quarrel with

the Scotch Presbyterians. Much against his will, but forced by his need

for ready cash, Charles was at last obliged to call Parliament together

once more. It met in April of 1640 and showed an ugly temper. It was

dissolved a few weeks later. A new Parliament convened in November. This

one was even less pliable than the first one. The members understood

that the question of "Government by Divine Right" or "Government by

Parliament" must be fought out for good and all. They attacked the

King in his chief councillors and executed half a dozen of them. They

announced that they would not allow themselves to be dissolved without

their own approval. Finally on December 1, 1641, they presented to the

King a "Grand Remonstrance" which gave a detailed account of the many

grievances of the people against their Ruler.

Charles, hoping to derive some support for his own policy in the country

districts, left London in January of 1642. Each side organised an army

and prepared for open warfare between the absolute power of the crown

and the absolute power of Parliament. During this struggle, the most

powerful religious element of England, called the Puritans, (they were

Anglicans who had tried to purify their doctrines to the most absolute

limits), came quickly to the front. The regiments of "Godly men,"

commanded by Oliver Cromwell, with their iron discipline and their

profound confidence in the holiness of their aims, soon became the model

for the entire army of the opposition. Twice Charles was defeated. After

the battle of Naseby, in 1645, he fled to Scotland. The Scotch sold him

to the English.

There followed a period of intrigue and an uprising of the Scotch

Presbyterians against the English Puritan. In August of the year 1648

after the three-days' battle of Preston Pans, Cromwell made an end to

this second civil war, and took Edinburgh. Meanwhile his soldiers, tired

of further talk and wasted hours of religious debate, had decided to act

on their own initiative. They removed from Parliament all those who did

not agree with their own Puritan views. Thereupon the "Rump," which was

what was left of the old Parliament, accused the King of high treason.

The House of Lords refused to sit as a tribunal. A special tribunal was

appointed and it condemned the King to death. On the 30th of January of

the year 1649, King Charles walked quietly out of a window of White Hall

onto the scaffold. That day, the Sovereign People, acting through their

chosen representatives, for the first time executed a ruler who had

failed to understand his own position in the modern state.

The period which followed the death of Charles is usually called after

Oliver Cromwell. At first the unofficial Dictator of England, he was

officially made Lord Protector in the year 1653. He ruled five years. He

used this period to continue the policies of Elizabeth. Spain once more

became the arch enemy of England and war upon the Spaniard was made a

national and sacred issue.

The commerce of England and the interests of the traders were placed

before everything else, and the Protestant creed of the strictest nature

was rigourously maintained. In maintaining England's position abroad,

Cromwell was successful. As a social reformer, however, he failed very

badly. The world is made up of a number of people and they rarely think

alike. In the long run, this seems a very wise provision. A government

of and by and for one single part of the entire community cannot

possibly survive. The Puritans had been a great force for good when they

tried to correct the abuse of the royal power. As the absolute Rulers of

England they became intolerable.

When Cromwell died in 1658, it was an easy matter for the Stuarts to

return to their old kingdom. Indeed, they were welcomed as "deliverers"

by the people who had found the yoke of the meek Puritans quite as hard

to bear as that of autocratic King Charles. Provided the Stuarts were

willing to forget about the Divine Right of their late and lamented

father and were willing to recognise the superiority of Parliament, the

people promised that they would be loyal and faithful subjects.

Two generations tried to make a success of this new arrangement. But the

Stuarts apparently had not learned their lesson and were unable to drop

their bad habits. Charles II, who came back in the year 1660, was an

amiable but worthless person. His indolence and his constitutional

insistence upon following the easiest course, together with his

conspicuous success as a liar, prevented an open outbreak between

himself and his people. By the act of Uniformity in 1662 he broke the

power of the Puritan clergy by banishing all dissenting clergymen from

their parishes. By the so-called Conventicle Act of 1664 he tried to

prevent the Dissenters from attending religious meetings by a threat of

deportation to the West Indies. This looked too much like the good old

days of Divine Right. People began to show the old and well-known

signs of impatience, and Parliament suddenly experienced difficulty in

providing the King with funds.

Since he could not get money from an unwilling Parliament, Charles

borrowed it secretly from his neighbour and cousin King Louis of France.

He betrayed his Protestant allies in return for 200,000 pounds per year,

and laughed at the poor simpletons of Parliament.

Economic independence suddenly gave the King great faith in his own

strength. He had spent many years of exile among his Catholic relations

and he had a secret liking for their religion. Perhaps he could bring

England back to Rome! He passed a Declaration of Indulgence which

suspended the old laws against the Catholics and Dissenters. This

happened just when Charles' younger brother James was said to have

become a Catholic. All this looked suspicious to the man in the street

People began to fear some terrible Popish plot. A new spirit of unrest

entered the land. Most of the people wanted to prevent another outbreak

of civil war. To them Royal Oppression and a Catholic King--yea, even

Divine Right,--were preferable to a new struggle between members of the

same race. Others however were less lenient. They were the much-feared

Dissenters, who invariably had the courage of their convictions. They

were led by several great noblemen who did not want to see a return of

the old days of absolute royal power.

For almost ten years, these two great parties, the Whigs (the middle

class element, called by this derisive name be-cause in the year 1640 a

lot of Scottish Whiggamores or horse-drovers headed by the Presbyterian

clergy, had marched to Edinburgh to oppose the King) and the Tories (an

epithet originally used against the Royalist Irish adherents but now

applied to the supporters of the King) opposed each other, but neither

wished to bring about a crisis. They allowed Charles to die peacefully

in his bed and permitted the Catholic James II to succeed his brother

in 1685. But when James, after threatening the country with the terrible

foreign invention of a "standing army" (which was to be commanded by

Catholic Frenchmen), issued a second Declaration of Indulgence in 1688,

and ordered it to be read in all Anglican churches, he went just a

trifle beyond that line of sensible demarcation which can only be

transgressed by the most popular of rulers under very exceptional

circumstances. Seven bishops refused to comply with the Royal Command.

They were accused of "seditious libel." They were brought before a

court. The jury which pronounced the verdict of "not guilty" reaped a

rich harvest of popular approval.

At this unfortunate moment, James (who in a second marriage had taken to

wife Maria of the Catholic house of Modena-Este) became the father of a

son. This meant that the throne was to go to a Catholic boy rather than

to his older sisters, Mary and Anne, who were Protestants. The man in

the street again grew suspicious. Maria of Modena was too old to have

children! It was all part of a plot! A strange baby had been brought

into the palace by some Jesuit priest that England might have a Catholic

monarch. And so on. It looked as if another civil war would break out.

Then seven well-known men, both Whigs and Tories, wrote a letter asking

the husband of James's oldest daughter Mary, William III the Stadtholder

or head of the Dutch Republic, to come to England and deliver the

country from its lawful but entirely undesirable sovereign.

On the fifth of November of the year 1688, William landed at Torbay. As

he did not wish to make a martyr out of his father-in-law, he helped him

to escape safely to France. On the 22nd of January of 1689 he summoned

Parliament. On the 13th of February of the same year he and his wife

Mary were proclaimed joint sovereigns of England and the country was

saved for the Protestant cause.

Parliament, having undertaken to be something more than a mere advisory

body to the King, made the best of its opportunities. The old Petition

of Rights of the year 1628 was fished out of a forgotten nook of the

archives. A second and more drastic Bill of Rights demanded that the

sovereign of England should belong to the Anglican church. Furthermore

it stated that the king had no right to suspend the laws or permit

certain privileged citizens to disobey certain laws. It stipulated that

"without consent of Parliament no taxes could be levied and no army

could be maintained." Thus in the year 1689 did England acquire an

amount of liberty unknown in any other country of Europe.

But it is not only on account of this great liberal measure that the

rule of William in England is still remembered. During his lifetime,

government by a "responsible" ministry first developed. No king of

course can rule alone. He needs a few trusted advisors. The Tudors had

their Great Council which was composed of Nobles and Clergy. This body

grew too large. It was restricted to the small "Privy Council." In the

course of time it became the custom of these councillors to meet the

king in a cabinet in the palace. Hence they were called the "Cabinet

Council." After a short while they were known as the "Cabinet."

William, like most English sovereigns before him, had chosen his

advisors from among all parties. But with the increased strength of

Parliament, he had found it impossible to direct the politics of the

country with the help of the Tories while the Whigs had a majority in

the house of Commons. Therefore the Tories had been dismissed and the

Cabinet Council had been composed entirely of Whigs. A few years later

when the Whigs lost their power in the House of Commons, the king, for

the sake of convenience, was obliged to look for his support among the

leading Tories. Until his death in 1702, William was too busy fighting

Louis of France to bother much about the government of England.

Practically all important affairs had been left to his Cabinet Council.

When William's sister-in-law, Anne, succeeded him in 1702 this condition

of affairs continued. When she died in 1714 (and unfortunately not a

single one of her seventeen children survived her) the throne went to

George I of the House of Hanover, the son of Sophie, grand-daughter of

James I.

This somewhat rustic monarch, who never learned a word of English,

was entirely lost in the complicated mazes of England's political

arrangements. He left everything to his Cabinet Council and kept away

from their meetings, which bored him as he did not understand a single

sentence. In this way the Cabinet got into the habit of ruling England

and Scotland (whose Parliament had been joined to that of England in

1707) without bothering the King, who was apt to spend a great deal of

his time on the continent.

During the reign of George I and George II, a succession of great Whigs

(of whom one, Sir Robert Walpole, held office for twenty-one years)

formed the Cabinet Council of the King. Their leader was finally

recognised as the official leader not only of the actual Cabinet but

also of the majority party in power in Parliament. The attempts of

George III to take matters into his own hands and not to leave the

actual business of government to his Cabinet were so disastrous that

they were never repeated. And from the earliest years of the eighteenth

century on, England enjoyed representative government, with a

responsible ministry which conducted the affairs of the land.

To be quite true, this government did not represent all classes of

society. Less than one man in a dozen had the right to vote. But it was

the foundation for the modern representative form of government. In

a quiet and orderly fashion it took the power away from the King

and placed it in the hands of an ever increasing number of popular

representatives. It did not bring the millenium to England, but it saved

that country from most of the revolutionary outbreaks which proved so

disastrous to the European continent in the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries.

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