of whom pays 20_d._ or works one day a week and two in autumn;
two _cottarii_, each of whom pays 12_d._ or works one day a
week. Ibid. 69 b (Shipston): two _cotmanni_, each of whom pays
3_s._ or works like a virgater; two _cottarii_, each of whom
pays 13_d._ Ibid. 76 a (Cropthorn): two _cotmanni_, each of
whom pays 2_s._ or works like a _cottarius_; two _cottarii_,
each of whom pays 18_d._ or works one day a week.
[115] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 149, gives a few instances of its
occurrence; but it seems to be very rare.
[116] D. B. i. 127 b, Fuleham: 'Ibi 5 villani quisque 1 hidam.'
There are a good many other instances.
[117] D. B. i. 130, Hamntone; 'et 4 bordarii quisque de dimidia
virga.'
[118] D. B. i. 127, Herges: 'et 2 cotarii de 13 acris.'
[119] D. B. i. 127 b, Fuleham: 'et 22 cotarii de dimidia hida et 8
cotarii de suis hortis.'
[120] D. B. ii. 75 b: 'et 5 bordarii super aquam qui non tenent
terram.'
[121] D. B. i. 163 b, Turneberie: 'et 42 villani et 18 radchenistre
cum 21 carucis et 23 bordarii et 15 servi et 4 coliberti.'
Ibid. 164, Hechanestede: 'et 5 villani et 8 bordarii cum 6
carucis; ibi 6 servi.'
[122] D. B. iv. 215-223; on p. 223 there are two _villani_ with one
ox.
[123] D. B. i. 164, Tedeneham: 'Ibi erant 38 villani habentes 38
carucas.' Ibid. 164 b, Nortune, '15 villani cum 15 carucis;
Stanwelle, 5 villani cum 5 carucis.'
[124] Malden, Domesday Survey of Surrey (Domesday Studies, ii.) 469,
says that in Surrey '_bordarii_ and _cotarii_ only occur once
together upon the same manor, and very seldom in the same
hundred.... There are three hundreds, Godalming, Wallington
and Elmbridge, where the _cotarii_ are nearly universal to the
exclusion of _bordarii_. In the others the _bordarii_ are
nearly or quite universal, to the exclusion of the _cotarii_.'
[125] Thorpe, Diplomatarium, 623. King Eadwig declares that a
certain church-ward of Exeter is 'free and fare-worthy.'
[126] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 341 ff.
[127] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 354-8.
[128] Liebermann, Instituta Cnuti, Transact. Roy. Hist. Soc. vii.
93.
[129] Leg. Will. Conq. I. 8: 'La were del thein 20 lib. in
Merchenelahe, 25 lib. in Westsexenelahe. La were del vilain
100 sol. en Merchenelahe e ensement en Westsexene.' Leg. Henr.
70, § 1: 'In Westsexa quae caput regni est et legum, twyhindi,
i.e. villani, wera est 4 lib.; twelfhindi, i.e. thaini, 25
lib.' Ibid. 76, § 2: 'Omnis autem wera liberorum est aut
servorum ... liberi alii twyhindi, alii syxhindi, alii
twelfhindi'; § 6, twihindus = cyrliscus = villanus. As to the
100 shillings in the first of these passages, see Schmid, p.
676. There is some other evidence that the equation, 1 Norman
shilling = 2 English shillings, was occasionally treated as
correct enough. As to the six-hynde man, see Schmid, p. 653;
we may doubt whether he existed in the eleventh century, but
according to the Instituta Cnuti the _radchenistres_ of the
west may have been six-hynde. We must not draw from Alfred's
treaty with the Danes (Schmid, p. 107) the inference that the
normal ceorl was seated on _gafol-land_. This international
instrument is settling an exceptionally high tariff for the
maintenance of the peace. Every man, whatever his rank, is to
enjoy the handsome wergild of 8 half-marks of pure gold,
except the Danish lysing and the English ceorl who is seated
on gafol-land; these are to have but the common wer of 200
shillings. The parallel passage in Æthelred's treaty (Schmid,
p. 207) sets £30 on every free man if he is killed by a man of
the other race. See Schmid, p. 676.
[130] Ine, 55: a sheep with a lamb until a fortnight after Easter is
worth 1 shilling. Æthelstan, VI. 6: a horse 120 pence, an ox
30 pence, a cow 20, a sheep 1 shilling (5 pence). Ibid. 8, §
5: an ox 30 pence. Schmid, App. I. c. 7: a horse 30 shillings,
a mare 20 shillings, an ox 30 pence, a cow 24 pence, a swine 8
pence, a sheep 1 shilling, a goat 2 pence, a man (i.e. a
slave) 1 pound. Schmid, App. iii. c. 9: a sheep or 3 pence. D.
B. i. 117 b: an ox or 30 pence. D. B. i. 26: Tolls at Lewes;
for a man 4 pence, an ox a halfpenny. This preserves the
equation that we have already seen, namely, 1 slave = 8 oxen.
Thus the full team is worth one pound. On the twelfth century
Pipe Rolls the ox often costs 3 shillings (= 36 pence) or even
more.
[131] In Leg. Will. Conq. I. 16, we hear of the _forisfacturae_
(probably the 'insult fines') due to archbishops, bishops,
counts, barons and sokemen; the baron has 10 shillings, the
sokeman 40 pence. In the same document, c. 20, § 2, we read of
the reliefs of counts, barons, vavassors and villeins. Leg.
Edw. Conf. 12, § 4, speaks of the _manbót_ due in the Danelaw;
on the death of a _villanus_ or a _socheman_ 12 ores are paid,
on the death of a _liber homo_ 3 marks.
[132] D. B. i. 167 b, Heile: 'ibi erant 12 servi quos Willelmus
liberos fecit.'
[133] D. B. i. 263: 'Si quis liber homo facit opera in die feriato
inde episcopus habet 8 solidos. De servo autem vel ancilla
feriatum diem infringente, habet episcopus 4 solidos.' Compare
Cnut, II. 45.
[134] D. B. i. 86: 'Huic manerio reddebatur T. R. E. de Cruche per
annum consuetudo, hoc est 6 oves cum agnis totidem, et quisque
liber homo i. blomam ferri.' South Perrott had belonged to the
Confessor, Crewkerne to Edith, probably 'the rich and fair.'
For the description of Cruche see D. B. i. 86 b. As to the
'bloom' of iron see Ellis, Introduction, i. 136.
[135] D. B. i. 92. See also p. 87 b, the account of Seveberge.
[136] D. B. ii. 145.
[137] D. B. ii. 1: 'In hoc manerio erat tunc temporis quidam liber
homo de dimidia hida qui modo effectus est unus de villanis.'
[138] Thus D. B. i. 127, Mid.: 'inter francos et villanos 45
carucae'; Ibid. 70, Wilts: '4 villani et 3 bordarii et unus
francus cum 2 carucis'; Ibid. 241, Warw.: 'Ibi sunt 3
francones homines cum 4 villanis et 3 bordariis.' Sometimes
_francus_ may be an equivalent for _francigena_; e.g. i. 254
b, where in one entry we have _unus francigena_ and in the
next _unus francus homo_. But an Englishman may be _francus_;
ii. 54 b 'accepit 15 acras de uno franco teigno et misit cum
terra sua.' However, it is not an insignificant fact that the
very name of Frenchman (_francigena_) must have suggested free
birth.
[139] For examples see the surveys of Warwick, Stafford and
Shropshire.
[140] D. B. ii. 260: 'et 7 homines qui possent vendere terram suam
si eam prius obtulissent domino suo.'
[141] D. B. ii. 278 b: 'si vellent recedere daret quisque 2
solidos.' Ibid. 207: 'et possent recedere si darent 2
solidos.'
[142] D. B. ii. 435: 'Et super Vlnoht habuit commendationem
antecessor R. Malet, teste hundredo, et non potuit vendere nec
dare _de eo_ terram suam.' Ibid. 397: 'viderunt eum iurare
quod non poterat dare [vel] vendere terram suam _ab_
antecessore Ricardi.'
[143] D. B. i. 145: 'Hoc manerium tenuit Aluuinus homo Estan, non
potuit dare nec vendere extra Brichelle manerium Estani.'
[144] D. B. i. 133: 'Hanc terram tenuit Aluric Blac 2 hidas de
Abbate Westmonasterii T. R. E.: non poterat separare ab
aecclesia.'
[145] D. B. ii. 216 b: 'Ita est in monasterio quod nec vendere nec
forisfacere potest extra ecclesia.'
[146] For example, D. B. i. 201: 'terram suam vendere potuerunt,
soca vero remansit Abbati.' D. B. ii. 78: 'et poterant vendere
terram set soca et saca remanebat antecessori Alberici.' Ibid.
ii. 92 b: 'unus sochemannus fuit in hac terra de 15 acris quas
poterat vendere, set soca iacebat in Warleia terra S. Pauli.'
[147] But the _consuetudo_, rent or the like, may 'remain': D. B.
ii. 181 b: 'et possent vendere terram suam set consuetudo
remanebat in manerio.' And so the _commendatio_ may 'remain';
ii. 357 b: 'Hi poterant dare et vendere terram, set saca et
soca et commendatio remanebant Sancto [Eadmundo].'
[148] For example, D. B. i. 201: 'Homines Abbatis de Ely fuerunt et
4 terram suam _vendere potuerunt_, soca vero remansit Abbati,
et quartus 1 virgam et dimidiam habuit et _recedere non
potuit_.' See the important evidence produced by Round, Feudal
England, 24, as to the equivalence of these phrases.
[149] One of the commonest terms is _recedere_--'potuit
recedere'--'non potuit recedere'; i. 41, 'non potuit cum terra
_recedere ad alium dominum_'; i. 56 b, '10 liberi homines T.
R. E. tenebant 12 hidas et dimidiam de terra eiusdem manerii
sed _inde recedere_ non poterant'; ii. 19 b, 'non poterant
_recedere a terra_ sine licentia Abbatis'; ii. 57 b, 'non
poterant recedere _ab illo manerio_'; ii. 66, 'non poterant
_removere_ ab illo manerio'; ii. 41, 'non poterant _recedere a
soca_ Wisgari'; ii. 41 b, 'nec poterant _abire_ sine iussu
domini'; i. 66 b, 'qui tenuit T. R. E. non poterat ab
aecclesia diverti [separari]'; ii. 116, 'unus [burgensis] erat
ita dominicus ut non posset _recedere nec homagium facere_
sine licentia [Stigandi]'; ii. 119, 'de istis hominibus erant
36 ita dominice Regis Edwardi ut non possent _esse homines
cuiuslibet_ sed semper tamen consuetudo regis remanebat preter
herigete.' A remarkable form is, ii. 57 b, 'non potuit istam
terram mittere in aliquo loco nisi in abbatia.' Then 'potuit
ire quo voluit,' 'non potuit ire quolibet' are common enough.
[150] Ine, c. 39: He who leaves his lord without permission pays
sixty shillings to his lord.
[151] For example, D. B. i. 41: 'Tres taini tenuerunt de episcopo et
non potuerunt ire quolibet.'
[152] D. B. i. 35 b, Tornecrosta.
[153] D. B. i. 212 b, Stanford.
[154] D. B. i. 249 b: 'Tres taini tenuerunt et liberi homines
fuerunt'; 256, 'Ipsi taini liberi erant'; 259 b, 'Quatuor
taini tenuerunt ante eum et liberi fuerunt.'
[155] Chron. Abingd. i. 490: 'Nam quidam dives, Turkillus nomine,
sub Haroldi comitis testimonio et consultu, de se cum sua
terra quae Kingestun dicitur, ecclesiae Abbendonensi et abbati
Ordrico homagium fecit; licitum quippe libero cuique, illo in
tempore, sic agere erat.'
[156] D. B. i. 180 b: 'et poterant ire cum terra quo volebant, et
habebant sub se 4 milites, ita liberos ut ipsi erant.'
[157] D. B. ii. 59.
[158] D. B. i. 172: 'si ita liber homo est ut habeat socam suam et
sacam et cum terra sua possit ire quo voluerit.'
[159] D. B. i. 84 b.
[160] D. B. ii. 213: 'Hanc terram calumpniatur esse liberam Vlchitel
homo Hermeri, quocunque modo iudicetur, vel bello vel iudicio,
et alius est praesto probare eo modo quod iacuit ad ecclesiam
[S. Adeldredae] die quo rex Edwardus obiit. Set totus
hundretus testatur eam fuisse T. R. E. ad S. Adeldredam.'
[161] See in particular the survey of Gloucestershire; D. B. i. 165
b: 'Hoc manerium quietum est a geldo et ab omni forensi
servitio praeter aecclesiae'; Ibid. 'Haec terra libera fuit et
quieta ab omni geldo et regali servitio'; 170, 'Una hida et
dimidia libera a geldo.' When after reading these passages we
come upon the following (167 b), 'Isdem W. tenet Tatinton:
Ulgar tenuit de rege Edwardo: haec terra libera est,' and when
we observe that the land is not hidated, we shall probably
infer that 'This land is free' means 'This land is exempt from
geld, and (perhaps) from all other royal service.'
[162] Dialogus, i. c. 11; ii. c. 14.
[163] Dialogus, i. c. 10.
[164] Will. Conq. I. 30, 31: 'Si les seignurages ne facent altri
gainurs venir a lour terre, la justise le facet.' The Latin
version is ridiculous: 'Si domini terrarum non procurent
_idoneos_ cultores ad terras suas colendas, iustitiarii hoc
faciant.' The translator seems to have been puzzled by the
word _altri_ or _autrui_.
[165] Ibid. 29.
[166] Schmid, App. v.; vii., 2, §§ 9-11; Pseudoleges Canuti, 60-1
(Schmid, p. 431).
[167] D. B. iv. 497.
[168] D. B. i. 44 b: 'Istam terram calumpniatur Willelmus de
Chernet, dicens pertinere ad manerium de Cerneford feudum
Hugonis de Port per hereditatem sui antecessoris et de hoc
suum testimonium adduxit de melioribus et antiquis hominibus
totius comitatus et hundredi; et Picot contraduxit suum
testimonium de villanis et vili plebe et de prepositis, qui
volunt defendere per sacramentum vel dei iudicium, quod ille
qui tenuit terram liber homo fuit et potuit ire cum terra sua
quo voluit. Sed testes Willelmi nolunt accipere legem nisi
regis Edwardi usque dum diffiniatur per regem.' It seems
possible that William's witnesses wished to insist on the
ancient rule that the oath of one thegn would countervail the
oaths of six ceorls. This was the old English law (_lex
Edwardi_) on which they relied.
[169] D. B. ii. 393: 'et 5 villani de eodem manerio testantur ei et
offerunt legem qualem quis iudicaverit; set dimidium hundret
de Gepeswiz testantur quod hoc iacebat ad ecclesiam T. R. E.
et Wisgarus tenebat et offert derationari.'
[170] Schmid, App. vi.; Leg. Hen. 61 § 2: 'thaini iusiurandum
contravalet iusiurandum sex villanorum.'
[171] Leg. Hen. 29, § 1.
[172] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 344.
[173] Dialogus, i. c. 11.
[174] D. B. i. 67 b: 'De terra villanorum dedit abbatissa uni militi
3 hidas et dimidiam.' Ibid. 89: 'tenet Johannes de episcopo 2
hidas de terra villanorum.' Ibid. i. 169: 'unus francigena
tenet terram unius villani.' Ibid. 164: 'In Sauerna 11
piscariae in dominio et 42 piscariae villanorum.' Ibid. 230:
'Silva dominica 1 leu. long. et dim. leu. lat. Silva
villanorum 4 quarent. long. et 3 quarent. lat.' Ibid. 7 b: '5
molini villanorum.' We have not seen _dominicum_ used as a
substantive; but in the Exon. D. B. iv. 75 we have
_dominicatus Regis_, for the king's demesne. There is already
a slight ambiguity about the term _dominium_. We may say that
a church has a manor _in dominio_, meaning thereby that the
manor as a whole is held by the church itself and is not held
of it by any tenant; and then we may go on to say that only
one half of the land comprised in this manor is held by the
church _in dominio_. Cf. Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 126.
[175] For example, D. B. i. 159: 'Nunc in dominio 3 carucae et 6
servi, et 26 villani cum 3 bordariis et 15 liberi homines
habent 30 carucas.' Ibid. 165: 'In dominio 2 carucae et 9
villani et 6 bordarii et presbyter et unus rachenistre cum 10
carucis.' Ibid. 258 b: 'et 3 villani et 2 bordarii et 2
francigenae cum 2 carucis.' But such entries are common
enough.
[176] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 97.
[177] D. B. i. 28: 'Ipse Willelmus de Braiose tenet Wasingetune....
De hac terra tenet Gislebertus dim. hidam, Radulfus 1 hidam,
Willelmus 3 virgas, Leuuinus dim. hidam qui potuit recedere
cum terra sua et dedit geldum domino suo et dominus suus
nichil dedit.'
[178] D. B. i. 163, 163 b.
[179] D. B. i. 121: 'Omnes superius descriptas terras tenebant T. R.
E. S. Petrocus; huius sancti terrae nunquam reddiderunt geldum
nisi ipsi aecclesiae.' D. B. iv. 187: 'Terrae S. Petrochi
nunquam reddiderunt gildum nisi sancto.'
[180] D. B. ii. 372: 'Et quando in hundreto solvitur ad geldum 1
libra tunc inde exeunt 60 denarii ad victum monachorum.'
[181] Cnut, II. 79: 'And se þe land gewerod hæbbe be scire
gewitnisse....' The A.-S. _werian_ is just the Latin
_defendere_.
[182] Heming, Cartulary, i. 278; Round, Domesday Studies, i. 89.
Compare the story in D. B. i. 216 b: Osbern or Osbert the
fisherman claims certain land as having belonged to his
'antecessor'; 'sed postquam rex Willelmus in Angliam venit,
ille gablum de hac terra dare noluit et Radulfus Taillgebosc
gablum dedit et pro forisfacto ipsam terram sumpsit et cuidam
suo militi tribuit.'
[183] D. B. iv. 245, Cruca.
[184] See above p. 54, note 175.
[185] D. B. i. 163: 'Ibi erant villani 21 et 9 rachenistres habentes
26 carucas et 5 coliberti et unus bordarius cum 5 carucis. Hi
rachenistres arabant et herciabant ad curiam domini.' Ibid.
'Ibi 19 liberi homines rachenistres habentes 48 carucas cum
suis hominibus.' Ibid. 166: 'De terra huius manerii tenebant
radchenistres, id est liberi homines, T. R. E., qui tamen
omnes ad opus domini arabant et herciabant et falcabant et
metebant.'
[186] D. B. i. 186, Ewias.
[187] D. B. i. 180.
[188] D. B. i. 179 b.
[189] D. B. i. 179 b.
[190] D. B. i. 174 b.
[191] D. B. i. 246 b. So the burgesses of Steyning (i. 17) 'ad
curiam operabantur sicut villani T. R. E.'
[192] D. B. i. 219.
[193] D. B. i. 174 b: 'Ipsi radmans secabant una die in anno et omne
servitium quod eis iubebatur faciebant.' The position of these
tenants will be discussed hereafter in connexion with St.
Oswald's charters.
[194] D. B. i. 16 b: 'De herbagio, unus porcus de unoquoque villano
qui habet septem porcos.' In the margin stands 'Similiter per
totum Sussex.'
[195] D. B. i. 12 b: 'Ibi tantum silvae unde exeunt de pasnagio 40
porci aut 54 denarii et unus obolus.' Ibid. 191 b: 'De
presentacione piscium 12 solidi et 9 denarii.' Ibid. 117 b:
'aut unum bovem aut 30 denarios.'
[196] See above p. 56.
[197] D. B. i. 12 b.
[198] D. B. i. 11 b, Hamestede.
[199] D. B. i. 117 b, Colun.
[200] D. B. i. 127, Stibenhede.
[201] D. B. i. 179 b, Lene.
[202] D. B. i. 12 b, Norborne.
[203] D. B. i. 127 b: 'Wellesdone tenent canonici S. Pauli.... Hoc
manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum. In dominio nil
habetur.'
[204] See above p. 36.
[205] This matter will be discussed when we deal with St. Oswald's
charters.
[205] Schmid, p. 263 (note). This document is Dr Liebermann's
Instituta Cnuti (Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. vii. 77).
[207] Schmid, App. II. 57-9.
[208] For the rest, the word _túnesman_ appears in Edgar IV. 8, 13,
in connexion with provisions against the theft of cattle.
[209] D. B. i. 259, 259 b.
[210] Leg. Will. I. 29.
[211] D. B. ii. 360 b: 'Hanc terram habet Abbas in vadimonio pro
duabus marcis auri concessu Engelrici quando redimebant
Anglici terras suas.' Sometimes the Englishman gets back his
land as a bedesman: i. 218, 'Hanc terram tenuit pater huius
hominis et vendere poterit T. R. E. Hanc rex Willelmus in
elemosina eidem concessit'; i. 211, 'Hanc terram tenuit Avigi
et potuit dare cui voluit T. R. E. Hanc ei postea rex
Willelmus concessit et per breve R. Tallebosc commendavit ut
eum servaret'; i. 218 b, a similar case.
[212] Dialogus, i. c. 10; Bracton, f. 7. On both passages see
Vinogradoff, Villainage, p. 121.
[213] D. B. ii. 1: 'In hoc manerio erat tunc temporis quidam liber
homo ... qui modo effectus est unus de villanis.'
[214] D. B. i. 148 b: 'In Merse tenet Ailric de Willelmo 4 hidas pro
uno manerio.... Istemet tenuit T. R. E. sed modo tenet ad
firmam de Willelmo graviter et miserabiliter.'
[215] D. B. i. 141: 'Hanc terram sumpsit Petrus vicecomes de isto
sochemanno Regis Willelmi in manu eiusdem Regis pro
forisfactura de gildo Regis se non reddidisse ut homines sui
dicunt. Sed homines de scira non portant vicecomiti
testimonium, quia semper fuit quieta de gildo et de aliis erga
Regem quamdiu tenuit, testante hundret.'
[216] D. B. i. 30: 'Ricardus de Tonebrige tenet de hoc manerio unam
virgatam cum silva unde abstulit rusticum qui ibi manebat.'
[217] D. B. ii. 282 b: 'et istam consuetudinem constituit illis
Aluricus prepositus in tempore R. Bigot.'
[218] D. B. ii. 284 b.
[219] D. B. ii. 84 b.
[220] D. B. ii. 353 b: 'omnes fuerunt confusi.'
[221] D. B. ii. 440 b: 'sed homines inde fuerunt confusi.'
[222] D. B. i. 65, Aldeborne.
[223] D. B. ii. 18, Berdringas.
[224] D. B. ii. 88 b, Tachesteda.
[225] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 428. We give Ellis's figures, but
think that he has exaggerated the number of sokemen who were
to be found in 1086.
[226] We make considerably more than 900 by counting only those who
are expressly described as sokemen and excluding the many
persons who are simply described as _homines_ capable of
selling their land.
[227] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 65.
[228] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 77.
[229] Thus e.g. D. B. ii. 87 b: 'Hidingham tenet Garengerus de
Rogero pro 25 acris quas tenuerunt 15 liberi homines T. R. E.'
[230] D. B. i. 31.
[231] D. B. i. 31 b: 'Et 10 hidas tenebant alodiarii villae.'
[232] D. B. i. 10 b.
[233] D. B. i. 13, Essella.
[234] D. B. i. 24.
[235] D. B. 83, 83 b.
[236] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 89 ff.; Hist. Engl. Law, i. 366 ff.
[237] D. B. i. 189 b.
§ 4. _The Sokemen._
[The _sochemanni_ and _liberi homines_.]
Now of a large part of England we may say that all the occupiers of land
who are not holding 'manors[238]' will belong to some of those classes
of which we have already spoken. They will be villeins, bordiers,
cottiers, 'boors' or serfs. Here and there we may find a few persons who
are described as _liberi homines_. In some of the western counties,
Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, Shropshire, there are _rachenistres_ or
_radmans_; between the Ribble and the Mersey we may find a party of
_drengs_. Still it is generally true that two of those five classes that
seem to have been mentioned in King William's writ[239], the
_sochemanni_ and the _liberi homines_, are largely represented only in
certain counties. They are to be seen in Essex, yet more thickly in
Suffolk and Norfolk. In Lincolnshire nearly half of the rural population
consists of sokemen, though there is no class of persons described as
_liberi homines_. There are some sokemen in Yorkshire, but they are not
very numerous and there are hardly any _liberi homines_. We have seen
how in Cambridgeshire and Bedfordshire the sokemen have fared ill; but
still some are left there. Traces of them may be found in Hertford and
Buckingham; they are thick in Leicester, Nottingham and Northampton;
there are some in Derbyshire. There have been sokemen in Middlesex[240]
and in Surrey[241]; but they have been suppressed; a few remain in
Kent[242]; so we should be rash were we to find anything
characteristically Scandinavian in the sokemen. Even in Suffolk they are
suffering ill at the hands of their new masters[243], while in
Cambridgeshire, Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire they have been suppressed or
displaced.
[Lord and man.]
We have now to enter on a difficult task, a discussion of the relation
which exists between these _sochemanni_ and _liberi homines_ on the one
hand and their lord upon the other. The character of this relation
varies from case to case. We may distinguish three different bonds by
which a man may be bound to a lord, a personal bond, a tenurial bond, a
jurisdictional or justiciary bond. But the language of Domesday Book is
not very patient of this analysis. However in the second volume we very
frequently come upon two ideas which are sharply contrasted with each
other; the one is expressed by the term _commendatio_, the other by the
term _soca_[244]. To these we must add the great vague term
_consuetudo_, and we shall also have to consider the phrases which
describe the various degrees of that freedom of 'withdrawing himself
with his land' that a man may enjoy.
[Bonds between lord and man.]
In order that we may become familiar with the use made of these terms
and phrases we will transcribe a few typical entries:
Two free men, of whom Ælfwin had not even the commendation[245].
Of these men Harold had not even the commendation[246].
Thus commendation seems put before us as the slightest bond that there
can be between lord and man. Very often we are told that the lord had
the commendation and nothing more[247]. Thus it is contrasted with the
soke:--
His predecessor had only the commendation of this, and Harold had
the soke[248].
Of these six free men St Benet had the soke, and of one of them the
commendation[249].
And the commendation is contrasted with the 'custom,' the _consuetudo_,
perhaps we might say the 'service':--
Of the said sokeman Ralph Peverel had a custom of 3 shillings a
year, but in the Confessor's time his ancestor had only the
commendation[250].
R. Malet claims 18 free men, 3 of them by commendation, and the
rest for all custom[251].
And the soke is contrasted with the _consuetudo_:--
To this manor belong 4 men for all custom, and other 4 for soke
only[252].
In a given case all these bonds may be united:--
There are 7 sokemen who are the Saint's men with sake and soke and
all custom[253].
Over this man the Saint has sake and soke and commendation with all
custom[254].
Then if the man 'withdraws,' or gives or sells his land, we often read
of the soke 'remaining'; we sometimes read of the commendation, the
custom, the service 'remaining.'
These free men could sell or give their land, but the commendation
and the soke and sake would remain to St Edmund[255].
These men could sell their land, but the soke would remain to the
Saint and the service (_servitium_), whoever might be the
buyer[256].
They could give and sell their land, but the soke and the
commendation and the service would remain to the Saint[257].
But after all, these distinctions are not maintained with rigour, for
the soke is sometimes spoken of as though it were a species of
_consuetudo_. We have a tangled skein in our hands.
[Commendation.]