"Naturally," I persisted, "it is less easy to you than to me to imagine

our race transcended and superseded, since the more energy a being is

possessed of, the harder it must be for him to conceive his own death.

But I, from the point of view of a reflective carp, can easily imagine

myself and my congeners dispensed with in the frame of things and giving

way not only to a superior but a vastly different kind of Entity. What I

would ask you is, to show me why, since each new invention casts a new

light along the pathway of discovery, and each new combination or

structure brings into play more conditions than its inventor foresaw,

there should not at length be a machine of such high mechanical and

chemical powers that it would find and assimilate the material to supply

its own waste, and then by a further evolution of internal molecular

movements reproduce itself by some process of fission or budding. This

last stage having been reached, either by man's contrivance or as an

unforeseen result, one sees that the process of natural selection must

drive men altogether out of the field; for they will long before have

begun to sink into the miserable condition of those unhappy characters

in fable who, having demons or djinns at their beck, and being obliged

to supply them with work, found too much of everything done in too short

a time. What demons so potent as molecular movements, none the less

tremendously potent for not carrying the futile cargo of a consciousness

screeching irrelevantly, like a fowl tied head downmost to the saddle of

a swift horseman? Under such uncomfortable circumstances our race will

have diminished with the diminishing call on their energies, and by the

time that the self-repairing and reproducing machines arise, all but a

few of the rare inventors, calculators, and speculators will have become

pale, pulpy, and cretinous from fatty or other degeneration, and behold

around them a scanty hydrocephalous offspring. As to the breed of the

ingenious and intellectual, their nervous systems will at last have been

overwrought in following the molecular revelations of the immensely

more powerful unconscious race, and they will naturally, as the less

energetic combinations of movement, subside like the flame of a candle

in the sunlight. Thus the feebler race, whose corporeal adjustments

happened to be accompanied with a maniacal consciousness which imagined

itself moving its mover, will have vanished, as all less adapted

existences do before the fittest--_i.e._, the existence composed of the

most persistent groups of movements and the most capable of

incorporating new groups in harmonious relation. Who--if our

consciousness is, as I have been given to understand, a mere stumbling

of our organisms on their way to unconscious perfection--who shall say

that those fittest existences will not be found along the track of what

we call inorganic combinations, which will carry on the most elaborate

processes as mutely and painlessly as we are now told that the minerals

are metamorphosing themselves continually in the dark laboratory of the

earth's crust? Thus this planet may be filled with beings who will be

blind and deaf as the inmost rock, yet will execute changes as delicate

and complicated as those of human language and all the intricate web of

what we call its effects, without sensitive impression, without

sensitive impulse: there may be, let us say, mute orations, mute

rhapsodies, mute discussions, and no consciousness there even to enjoy

the silence."

"Absurd!" grumbled Trost.

"The supposition is logical," said I. "It is well argued from the

premises."

"Whose premises?" cried Trost, turning on me with some fierceness. "You

don't mean to call them mine, I hope."

"Heaven forbid! They seem to be flying about in the air with other

germs, and have found a sort of nidus among my melancholy fancies.

Nobody really holds them. They bear the same relation to real belief as

walking on the head for a show does to running away from an explosion or

walking fast to catch the train."

XVIII.

THE MODERN HEP! HEP! HEP!

To discern likeness amidst diversity, it is well known, does not require

so fine a mental edge as the discerning of diversity amidst general

sameness. The primary rough classification depends on the prominent

resemblances of things: the progress is towards finer and finer

discrimination according to minute differences. Yet even at this stage

of European culture one's attention is continually drawn to the

prevalence of that grosser mental sloth which makes people dull to the

most ordinary prompting of comparison--the bringing things together

because of their likeness. The same motives, the same ideas, the same

practices, are alternately admired and abhorred, lauded and denounced,

according to their association with superficial differences, historical

or actually social: even learned writers treating of great subjects

often show an attitude of mind not greatly superior in its logic to that

of the frivolous fine lady who is indignant at the frivolity of her

maid.

To take only the subject of the Jews: it would be difficult to find a

form of bad reasoning about them which has not been heard in

conversation or been admitted to the dignity of print; but the neglect

of resemblances is a common property of dulness which unites all the

various points of view--the prejudiced, the puerile, the spiteful, and

the abysmally ignorant.

That the preservation of national memories is an element and a means of

national greatness, that their revival is a sign of reviving

nationality, that every heroic defender, every patriotic restorer, has

been inspired by such memories and has made them his watchword, that

even such a corporate existence as that of a Roman legion or an English

regiment has been made valorous by memorial standards,--these are the

glorious commonplaces of historic teaching at our public schools and

universities, being happily ingrained in Greek and Latin classics. They

have also been impressed on the world by conspicuous modern instances.

That there is a free modern Greece is due--through all infiltration of

other than Greek blood--to the presence of ancient Greece in the

consciousness of European men; and every speaker would feel his point

safe if he were to praise Byron's devotion to a cause made glorious by

ideal identification with the past; hardly so, if he were to insist that

the Greeks were not to be helped further because their history shows

that they were anciently unsurpassed in treachery and lying, and that

many modern Greeks are highly disreputable characters, while others are

disposed to grasp too large a share of our commerce. The same with

Italy: the pathos of his country's lot pierced the youthful soul of

Mazzini, because, like Dante's, his blood was fraught with the kinship

of Italian greatness, his imagination filled with a majestic past that

wrought itself into a majestic future. Half a century ago, what was

Italy? An idling-place of dilettanteism or of itinerant motiveless

wealth, a territory parcelled out for papal sustenance, dynastic

convenience, and the profit of an alien Government. What were the

Italians? No people, no voice in European counsels, no massive power in

European affairs: a race thought of in English and French society as

chiefly adapted to the operatic stage, or to serve as models for

painters; disposed to smile gratefully at the reception of halfpence;

and by the more historical remembered to be rather polite than truthful,

in all probability a combination of Machiavelli, Rubini, and Masaniello.

Thanks chiefly to the divine gift of a memory which inspires the moments

with a past, a present, and a future, and gives the sense of corporate

existence that raises man above the otherwise more respectable and

innocent brute, all that, or most of it, is changed.

Again, one of our living historians finds just sympathy in his vigorous

insistance on our true ancestry, on our being the strongly marked

heritors in language and genius of those old English seamen who,

beholding a rich country with a most convenient seaboard, came,

doubtless with a sense of divine warrant, and settled themselves on this

or the other side of fertilising streams, gradually conquering more and

more of the pleasant land from the natives who knew nothing of Odin,

and finally making unusually clean work in ridding themselves of those

prior occupants. "Let us," he virtually says, "let us know who were our

forefathers, who it was that won the soil for us, and brought the good

seed of those institutions through which we should not arrogantly but

gratefully feel ourselves distinguished among the nations as possessors

of long-inherited freedom; let us not keep up an ignorant kind of naming

which disguises our true affinities of blood and language, but let us

see thoroughly what sort of notions and traditions our forefathers had,

and what sort of song inspired them. Let the poetic fragments which

breathe forth their fierce bravery in battle and their trust in fierce

gods who helped them, be treasured with affectionate reverence. These

seafaring, invading, self-asserting men were the English of old time,

and were our fathers who did rough work by which we are profiting. They

had virtues which incorporated themselves in wholesome usages to which

we trace our own political blessings. Let us know and acknowledge our

common relationship to them, and be thankful that over and above the

affections and duties which spring from our manhood, we have the closer

and more constantly guiding duties which belong to us as Englishmen."

To this view of our nationality most persons who have feeling and

understanding enough to be conscious of the connection between the

patriotic affection and every other affection which lifts us above

emigrating rats and free-loving baboons, will be disposed to say Amen.

True, we are not indebted to those ancestors for our religion: we are

rather proud of having got that illumination from elsewhere. The men who

planted our nation were not Christians, though they began their work

centuries after Christ; and they had a decided objection to Christianity

when it was first proposed to them: they were not monotheists, and their

religion was the reverse of spiritual. But since we have been fortunate

enough to keep the island-home they won for us, and have been on the

whole a prosperous people, rather continuing the plan of invading and

spoiling other lands than being forced to beg for shelter in them,

nobody has reproached us because our fathers thirteen hundred years ago

worshipped Odin, massacred Britons, and were with difficulty persuaded

to accept Christianity, knowing nothing of Hebrew history and the

reasons why Christ should be received as the Saviour of mankind. The Red

Indians, not liking us when we settled among them, might have been

willing to fling such facts in our faces, but they were too ignorant,

and besides, their opinions did not signify, because we were able, if we

liked, to exterminate them. The Hindoos also have doubtless had their

rancours against us and still entertain enough ill-will to make

unfavourable remarks on our character, especially as to our historic

rapacity and arrogant notions of our own superiority; they perhaps do

not admire the usual English profile, and they are not converted to our

way of feeding: but though we are a small number of an alien race

profiting by the territory and produce of these prejudiced people, they

are unable to turn us out; at least, when they tried we showed them

their mistake. We do not call ourselves a dispersed and a punished

people: we are a colonising people, and it is we who have punished

others.

Still the historian guides us rightly in urging us to dwell on the

virtues of our ancestors with emulation, and to cherish our sense of a

common descent as a bond of obligation. The eminence, the nobleness of a

people depends on its capability of being stirred by memories, and of

striving for what we call spiritual ends--ends which consist not in

immediate material possession, but in the satisfaction of a great

feeling that animates the collective body as with one soul. A people

having the seed of worthiness in it must feel an answering thrill when

it is adjured by the deaths of its heroes who died to preserve its

national existence; when it is reminded of its small beginnings and

gradual growth through past labours and struggles, such as are still

demanded of it in order that the freedom and wellbeing thus inherited

may be transmitted unimpaired to children and children's children; when

an appeal against the permission of injustice is made to great

precedents in its history and to the better genius breathing in its

institutions. It is this living force of sentiment in common which makes

a national consciousness. Nations so moved will resist conquest with

the very breasts of their women, will pay their millions and their blood

to abolish slavery, will share privation in famine and all calamity,

will produce poets to sing "some great story of a man," and thinkers

whose theories will bear the test of action. An individual man, to be

harmoniously great, must belong to a nation of this order, if not in

actual existence yet existing in the past, in memory, as a departed,

invisible, beloved ideal, once a reality, and perhaps to be restored. A

common humanity is not yet enough to feed the rich blood of various

activity which makes a complete man. The time is not come for

cosmopolitanism to be highly virtuous, any more than for communism to

suffice for social energy. I am not bound to feel for a Chinaman as I

feel for my fellow-countryman: I am bound not to demoralise him with

opium, not to compel him to my will by destroying or plundering the

fruits of his labour on the alleged ground that he is not cosmopolitan

enough, and not to insult him for his want of my tailoring and religion

when he appears as a peaceable visitor on the London pavement. It is

admirable in a Briton with a good purpose to learn Chinese, but it

would not be a proof of fine intellect in him to taste Chinese poetry in

the original more than he tastes the poetry of his own tongue.

Affection, intelligence, duty, radiate from a centre, and nature has

decided that for us English folk that centre can be neither China nor

Peru. Most of us feel this unreflectingly; for the affectation of

undervaluing everything native, and being too fine for one's own

country, belongs only to a few minds of no dangerous leverage. What is

wanting is, that we should recognise a corresponding attachment to

nationality as legitimate in every other people, and understand that its

absence is a privation of the greatest good.

For, to repeat, not only the nobleness of a nation depends on the

presence of this national consciousness, but also the nobleness of each

individual citizen. Our dignity and rectitude are proportioned to our

sense of relationship with something great, admirable, pregnant with

high possibilities, worthy of sacrifice, a continual inspiration to

self-repression and discipline by the presentation of aims larger and

more attractive to our generous part than the securing of personal ease

or prosperity. And a people possessing this good should surely feel not

only a ready sympathy with the effort of those who, having lost the

good, strive to regain it, but a profound pity for any degradation

resulting from its loss; nay, something more than pity when happier

nationalities have made victims of the unfortunate whose memories

nevertheless are the very fountain to which the persecutors trace their

most vaunted blessings.

These notions are familiar: few will deny them in the abstract, and many

are found loudly asserting them in relation to this or the other

particular case. But here as elsewhere, in the ardent application of

ideas, there is a notable lack of simple comparison or sensibility to

resemblance. The European world has long been used to consider the Jews

as altogether exceptional, and it has followed naturally enough that

they have been excepted from the rules of justice and mercy, which are

based on human likeness. But to consider a people whose ideas have

determined the religion of half the world, and that the more cultivated

half, and who made the most eminent struggle against the power of Rome,

as a purely exceptional race, is a demoralising offence against rational

knowledge, a stultifying inconsistency in historical interpretation.

Every nation of forcible character--_i.e._, of strongly marked

characteristics, is so far exceptional. The distinctive note of each

bird-species is in this sense exceptional, but the necessary ground of

such distinction is a deeper likeness. The superlative peculiarity in

the Jews admitted, our affinity with them is only the more apparent when

the elements of their peculiarity are discerned.

From whatever point of view the writings of the Old Testament may be

regarded, the picture they present of a national development is of high

interest and speciality, nor can their historic momentousness be much

affected by any varieties of theory as to the relation they bear to the

New Testament or to the rise and constitution of Christianity. Whether

we accept the canonical Hebrew books as a revelation or simply as part

of an ancient literature, makes no difference to the fact that we find

there the strongly characterised portraiture of a people educated from

an earlier or later period to a sense of separateness unique in its

intensity, a people taught by many concurrent influences to identify

faithfulness to its national traditions with the highest social and

religious blessings. Our too scanty sources of Jewish history, from the

return under Ezra to the beginning of the desperate resistance against

Rome, show us the heroic and triumphant struggle of the Maccabees, which

rescued the religion and independence of the nation from the corrupting

sway of the Syrian Greeks, adding to the glorious sum of its memorials,

and stimulating continuous efforts of a more peaceful sort to maintain

and develop that national life which the heroes had fought and died for,

by internal measures of legal administration and public teaching.

Thenceforth the virtuous elements of the Jewish life were engaged, as

they had been with varying aspects during the long and changeful

prophetic period and the restoration under Ezra, on the side of

preserving the specific national character against a demoralising fusion

with that of foreigners whose religion and ritual were idolatrous and

often obscene. There was always a Foreign party reviling the National

party as narrow, and sometimes manifesting their own breadth in

extensive views of advancement or profit to themselves by flattery of a

foreign power. Such internal conflict naturally tightened the bands of

conservatism, which needed to be strong if it were to rescue the sacred

ark, the vital spirit of a small nation--"the smallest of the

nations"--whose territory lay on the highway between three continents;

and when the dread and hatred of foreign sway had condensed itself into

dread and hatred of the Romans, many Conservatives became Zealots, whose

chief mark was that they advocated resistance to the death against the

submergence of their nationality. Much might be said on this point

towards distinguishing the desperate struggle against a conquest which

is regarded as degradation and corruption, from rash, hopeless

insurrection against an established native government; and for my part

(if that were of any consequence) I share the spirit of the Zealots. I

take the spectacle of the Jewish people defying the Roman edict, and

preferring death by starvation or the sword to the introduction of

Caligula's deified statue into the temple, as a sublime type of

steadfastness. But all that need be noticed here is the continuity of

that national education (by outward and inward circumstance) which

created in the Jews a feeling of race, a sense of corporate existence,

unique in its intensity.

But not, before the dispersion, unique in essential qualities. There is

more likeness than contrast between the way we English got our island

and the way the Israelites got Canaan. We have not been noted for

forming a low estimate of ourselves in comparison with foreigners, or

for admitting that our institutions are equalled by those of any other

people under the sun. Many of us have thought that our sea-wall is a

specially divine arrangement to make and keep us a nation of sea-kings

after the manner of our forefathers, secure against invasion and able to

invade other lands when we need them, though they may lie on the other

side of the ocean. Again, it has been held that we have a peculiar

destiny as a Protestant people, not only able to bruise the head of an

idolatrous Christianity in the midst of us, but fitted as possessors of

the most truth and the most tonnage to carry our purer religion over the

world and convert mankind to our way of thinking. The Puritans,

asserting their liberty to restrain tyrants, found the Hebrew history

closely symbolical of their feelings and purpose; and it can hardly be

correct to cast the blame of their less laudable doings on the writings

they invoked, since their opponents made use of the same writings for

different ends, finding there a strong warrant for the divine right of

kings and the denunciation of those who, like Korah, Dathan, and Abiram,

took on themselves the office of the priesthood which belonged of right

solely to Aaron and his sons, or, in other words, to men ordained by the

English bishops. We must rather refer the passionate use of the Hebrew

writings to affinities of disposition between our own race and the

Jewish. Is it true that the arrogance of a Jew was so immeasurably

beyond that of a Calvinist? And the just sympathy and admiration which

we give to the ancestors who resisted the oppressive acts of our native

kings, and by resisting rescued or won for us the best part of our civil

and religious liberties--is it justly to be withheld from those brave

and steadfast men of Jewish race who fought and died, or strove by wise

administration to resist, the oppression and corrupting influences of

foreign tyrants, and by resisting rescued the nationality which was the

very hearth of our own religion? At any rate, seeing that the Jews were

more specifically than any other nation educated into a sense of their

supreme moral value, the chief matter of surprise is that any other

nation is found to rival them in this form of self-confidence.

More exceptional--less like the course of our own history--has been

their dispersion and their subsistence as a separate people through ages

in which for the most part they were regarded and treated very much as

beasts hunted for the sake of their skins, or of a valuable secretion

peculiar to their species. The Jews showed a talent for accumulating

what was an object of more immediate desire to Christians than animal

oils or well-furred skins, and their cupidity and avarice were found at

once particularly hateful and particularly useful: hateful when seen as

a reason for punishing them by mulcting or robbery, useful when this

retributive process could be successfully carried forward. Kings and

emperors naturally were more alive to the usefulness of subjects who

could gather and yield money; but edicts issued to protect "the King's

Jews" equally with the King's game from being harassed and hunted by the

commonalty were only slight mitigations to the deplorable lot of a race

held to be under the divine curse, and had little force after the

Crusades began. As the slave-holders in the United States counted the

curse on Ham a justification of negro slavery, so the curse on the Jews

was counted a justification for hindering them from pursuing agriculture

and handicrafts; for marking them out as execrable figures by a peculiar

dress; for torturing them to make them part with their gains, or for

more gratuitously spitting at them and pelting them; for taking it as

certain that they killed and ate babies, poisoned the wells, and took

pains to spread the plague; for putting it to them whether they would be

baptised or burned, and not failing to burn and massacre them when they

were obstinate; but also for suspecting them of disliking the baptism

when they had got it, and then burning them in punishment of their

insincerity; finally, for hounding them by tens on tens of thousands

from the homes where they had found shelter for centuries, and

inflicting on them the horrors of a new exile and a new dispersion. All

this to avenge the Saviour of mankind, or else to compel these

stiff-necked people to acknowledge a Master whose servants showed such

beneficent effects of His teaching.

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