CHAPTER I.

Transcriber’s Note

These are old texts, and part of their value includes preserving them

as written with all of their inconsistencies intact. That said, some

probable printing errors were identified and fixed; these are listed at

the end. In addition, word spacing and punctuation have been amended

without further note. The listed errata have NOT been fixed, again in the

interest of preserving the original.

Travels to Tana and Persia, and A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia

WORKS ISSUED BY

The Hakluyt Society.

[Illustration]

TRAVELS TO TANA AND PERSIA,

BY BARBARO AND CONTARINI.

A NARRATIVE OF ITALIAN TRAVELS IN PERSIA,

IN THE 15TH AND 16TH CENTURIES.

FIRST SERIES. NO. XLIX-MDCCCLXXIII

TRAVELS

TO

TANA AND PERSIA,

BY

JOSAFA BARBARO

AND

AMBROGIO CONTARINI.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN BY

WILLIAM THOMAS, CLERK OF THE COUNCIL TO EDWARD VI,

AND BY

S. A. ROY, ESQ.

AND EDITED, WITH AN INTRODUCTION, BY

LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY.

BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

Published by

BURT FRANKLIN

514 West 113th Street

New York 25, N. Y.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

REPRINTED BY PERMISSION

Printed in U.S.A.

COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

THE RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS, PRESIDENT.

ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. }

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.B., } VICE-PRESIDENTS.

D.C.L., F.R.S., VICE-PRES.R.G.S. }

W. A. TYSSEN AMHURST, ESQ.

REV. GEORGE P. BADGER.

JOHN BARROW, ESQ., F.R.S.

VICE-ADMIRAL COLLINSON, C.B.

CAPTAIN COLOMB, R.N.

W. E. FRERE, ESQ.

EGERTON VERNON HARCOURT, ESQ.

JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ., F.S.A.

R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A., SEC.R.G.S.

SIR W. STIRLING MAXWELL, BART.

SIR CHARLES NICHOLSON, BART., D.C.L.

VICE-ADMIRAL ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.

REAR-ADMIRAL SHERARD OSBORN, C.B., F.R.S.

THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY.

EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.

THE HON. FREDERICK WALPOLE, M.P.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, ESQ., C.B., F.R.S., SEC.R.G.S. HONORARY SECRETARY.

INTRODUCTION.

The volume herewith given to the members of the Hakluyt Society, contains

six narratives by Italians, of their travels in Persia about the time

of Shah Ismail. Mr. Charles Grey, who has translated and edited four of

these travels, having accompanied Sir Bartle Frere to Zanguibar, has

been unable to finish the printing of his book, and the correction of

his proofs has been entrusted to me. As all these travellers were almost

contemporaries, and as they refer to one another, the council have

thought it best to give them to members in one single volume.

Shah Ismail, or Ismail Sufy, is the chief personage in this volume;

he found Persia in disorder, and reunited it; he revived the Persian

nationality, and very much increased the division which existed between

Persia and the rest of the Mussulman States; a division or schism which

has been erroneously called religious, but which originally was national

and political, and, as revived and augmented by Shah Ismail, entirely

national. The feelings which animated the earlier Persians to reject the

first three caliphs, were the national repulsion of the Persians to their

Arab conquerors, and a preference for hereditary succession instead of

popular election. Shah Ismail took advantage of these national sentiments

and dynastic traditions, without which Persia, overrun as it was by

Turkish tribes, would have merged into the Ottoman Empire. Shah Ismail

did his work so effectually, that Nadir Shah was unable to undo it, and

was assassinated for attempting it; and, though the greater part of the

Persian population and the reigning dynasty at this day speak Turkish as

their own language, yet they are as Persian in feeling as the Persian

inhabitants of Shiraz and Isfahan.

Of the Italian travellers and envoys, whose narratives are here

given, Josafa Barbaro is the most interesting personage: but none of

them attract the same interest which attaches to Varthema, or to the

Portuguese and Spanish travellers and voyagers of the same period.

The travels of Barbaro and Contarini have long been ready for

publication, but have been delayed hitherto, for want of an editor. The

work was undertaken by Sir Henry Rawlinson and Lord Strangford, but the

former had not time to attend to it, and the latter died before he had

really commenced it.

The translation of Contarini was done by Mr. Roy of the British

Museum, who also made a translation of Josafa Barbaro, and a question

arose whether Mr. Roy’s translation, or the quaint old translation of

William Thomas, should be published by the Society. I decided in favour

of Thomas’ translation, partly in deference to what I knew was the

opinion in its favour of Lord Strangford, on account of its interest

as English of the time of Edward VI, shewing much better orthography

than that current at a later period (Fanshaw’s translation of Camoens

for instance), and partly on account of the interest which attaches

(especially to members of the Hakluyt Society) to Mr. Thomas and his

unfortunate end.

Chalmers’ Biography tells us that Mr. William Thomas was a learned writer

of the sixteenth century, and was born in Wales, or was at least of Welsh

extraction, and was educated at Oxford. Wood says, that a person of both

his names was in 1529 admitted a bachelor of Canon Law, but does not say

that it was this person. In 1544, being obliged to quit the kingdom on

account of some misfortune, he went to Italy, and in 1546 was at Bologna,

and afterwards at Padua; in 1549 he was again in London, and on account

of his knowledge of modern languages, was made clerk of the council to

King Edward VI, who soon after gave him a prebend of St. Paul’s, and

the living of Presthend, in South Wales. According to Strype, he acted

very unfairly in procuring the prebend, not being a spiritual person;

and the same objection undoubtedly rests against his other promotion.

On the accession of Queen Mary, he was deprived of his employment at

Court, and is said to have meditated the death of the Queen; but Ball

says it was Gardiner whom he formed a design of murdering. Others think

that he was concerned in Wyatt’s rebellion. It is certain, that for some

of these charges he was committed to the Tower in 1553, together with

William Winter and Sir Nicholas Throgmorton. Wood says, “He was a man of

a hot fiery spirit, had sucked in damnable principles, by his frequent

conversations with Christopher Goodman, that violent enemy to the rule

of women. It appears that he had no rule over himself, for about a week

after his commitment he attempted suicide, but the wound not proving

mortal, he was arraigned at Guildhall, May 9th, 1553, and hanged at

Tyburn on the 18th.”

Chalmers gives the following list of his works:—

1. “The History of Italy.” Lond. 1549, 1561, 4to.

2. “The Principal Rules of the Italian Grammar, with a

Dictionary for the better understanding of Boccace, Petrarch,

and Dante.” _Ibid._ 1550, 1561, 1567, 4to.

3. “Le Peregrynne, or, a defence of King Henry VIII to Aretine,

the Italian poet.” MSS. Cott., Vesp. D 18, in Bodl. Library.

This, Wood says, was about to be published in the third volume

of Brown’s “Fasciculus.”

4. “Common Places of State,” written for the use of Edward VI.

MS. Cotton.

5. “Of the Vanity of the World.” Lond. 1549, 8vo.

6. “Translation of Cato’s speech, and Valerius’s answer; from

the 4th Decade of Livy.” _Ibid._ 1551, 12mo.

He also made some translations from the Italian, which are

still in manuscript.

Mr. Thomas might have rendered further service to letters, instead of

mixing himself up in conspiracies, had he received a favourable answer

to an application which he made to Cecil, to be sent at the expense of

the Government to Italy. A copy of his letter to Cecil, taken from the

original at the Record Office, here follows:—

_To the right honorable Sʳ William Cecill Knight one of the

King’s Mag. twoo principall Secretaries._

Sʳ myne humble comᵉndacons remembered According to yoʳ pleasʳᵉ

declared unto me at my departure I opened to my L of Pembroke

the consideracon of the warde which you procured for yoʳ Sister

wherein he is the best contented man that may be and made me

this answer that though he wrote at his friends request yet he

wrote unto his friende to be considered as it might be wᵗʰ yoʳ

owne comoditie and none otherwise ffor if he had knowen so much

before as I tolde him he wolde for nothing have troubled yᵒ wᵗʰ

so unfriendly a request Assuring yoᵘ faithfully that I who have

knowen him a good while never sawe him more bent to any man

of yoʳ degree than I perceave he is unto yoᵘ and not without

cause he thanketh yoᵘ hertily for yoʳ newes yoᵘ sent him And

Sʳ whereas at my departure we talked of Venice considering the

stirre of the worlde is nowe like to be very great those waies

I coulde finde in myne hert to spende a yere or two there if I

were sent I have not disclosed thus much to any man but to yoᵘ

nor entende not to do. wherefore it may please yoᵘ to use it

as yoᵘ shall thinke good Howe so ever it be yoʳ may be sure to

commande me as the least in yoᵘ house. And so I humbly take my

leave. ffrom Wilton the xiiijᵗʰ of August 1552.

Yoʳˢ assuredly to thuttermost

WILLM THOMAS.

From the following extracts from the indictment, and other records of his

trial, taken from the Record Office, it will be seen that he did conspire

against Queen Mary, and not only, as Ball supposes, against Gardiner.

_Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records_, iv, p. 248.

Pouch Nᵒ. xxx in the Record Office contains a file of 11

membranes, relating to the Trial and conviction of William

Thomas for high treason. The Indictment found against him at

Guildhall, dated 8 May, 1 Mary, 1554, charges that, he hearing

of the proposed marriage between the Queen and Philip, Prince

of Spain, had a discourse with one Nicholas Arnolde, late of

London, Knight, as to the manner in which such marriage could

be prevented or impeded, upon which the said William Thomas

put various arguments against such marriage in writing, and

afterwards, to wit 21 December, 1 Mary, at London, in the

parish of Sᵗ Alban, in the ward of Cripplegate, the said

William Thomas compassed and imagined the death of the Queen.

And afterwards, on the 22ᵈ December, in order to carry his

wicked intentions into effect, he went into the house of

the said Sir Nicholas, in the parish of Sᵗ. Bartholomew the

Less, in the ward of Farringdon Without, and there had a

traitorous discourse with the said Nicholas, to the following

effect:—“_Whether were it not a good ‘devise’ to have all these

perils that we have talked of, taken away with very little

bloodshed, that is to say, by killing of the Queen. I think

John Fitzwilliams might be persuaded to do it, because he seems

by his countenance to be so manly a man, that he will not

refuse any peril that might come to his own person, to deliver

his whole native country from so many and so great dangers,

as be offered thereunto, if he might be made to understand

them_”; which words the said Sir Nicholas, afterwards, viz.,

24 December, at London, in the parish of Sᵗ. Anne, in the ward

of Aldersgate, repeated to James Croftes, Knight, one of the

conspirators with Sir Thomas Wyatt, a traitor who had been

attainted for levying war against the Queen, whereof the said

James Croftes was also attainted.

And the said William Thomas, not contented with the

before-mentioned treasons, in order more fully to fulfil such

his imaginations, 27 December, went from London to Devonshire,

to a place called Mount Sautrey, then inhabited by Peter Caro,

Knight, with which Peter Caro, an abominable traitor, the said

William Thomas had a traitorous conference and consultation,

and then and there aided the said Peter Caro; and afterwards,

to wit, 4 February, fled from Mount Sautrey, from county to

county, in disguise, not knowing where to conceal himself; and

yet he did not desist from sending seditious bills and letters

to his friends, declaring his treasonable intentions, in order

that he might induce them to join him in his treasons.

Membrane I, Wednesday, 9 May, 1 Mary, London.

Record of Sessions, held at Guildhall, before the

said Sir Thomas Whyte, and his fellows setting forth.

1 May, 1 Mary, London—Special Commission of Oyer

Terminer.

8 May, 1 Mary, London—Indictment as before mentioned.

William Thomas, being brought to the bar by the

Constable of the Tower, pleads Not Guilty.

Venire, awarded instanter.

Verdict, Guilty.

Judgment as usual in cases of High Treason.

Execution at Tyburn.

Record delivered into Court, by William, Marquis of

Winchester, on Monday next, after the Octaves of the

Holy Trinity, 1 Mary.

TRAVELS OF JOSAFA BARBARO.

TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAᴵᴱ.

Whan I consider the state of foreyn cuntreys, and do compare this yoʳ

Ma’ˢ realme to the rest of the worlde as well for justice and civilitie

as for wealth and commodities, I do so much reioice in my cuntrey

that as I do yelde contynuall and most hertie thanks unto God for His

goodness unto us that are born in it, so I wishe all other Englishemen

to do, seeing that nombers there be who, puffed up wᵗʰ wealthe, wote

not why they whyne. For undoubtedly if the whole worlde were divided

into ix partes, as the quarter of the spheare is into nynetie degrees,

and that viii of those ix partes shulde be iudged to be evill cuntreys,

the ixth parte only remaining good, this realme of Englande must needes

be taken into that one good parte for all respects. The heat is never

extreame, and the colde seldome fervent, because we are little further

than mydde waye between the sunne and the northe. We have grayne of all

kindes necessarie, fyshe, fowle, and fleshe, and some fruites. The sea

environeth the cuntrey, to serve us both for carieng out of our owne

habundance, and also for fetching of strange comodities hither, in such

sort as beside the nedeful we wante nothing to serve us for pleasʳᵉ.

Our justice cannot be amended if the faulte be not in the ministers.

The subiects are the King’s children, and not sklaves, as they be

otherwheare. And finally oʳ civilitie is great, and wolde be p’fict if

some mennes barbarousenes did not nowe and then corrupt it. So that

wᵗhout affection me seemeth, I may by good reason advaunce my cuntrey for

goodness to be one of the best p’ts of that ixᵗʰ parte if it shulde be

divided againe. For the better proof whereof to thentent it may appeare

what barbarouse people are in other regions, what wante of good foode

they have, what miserable lyves they leade, what servitude and subiection

they endure, what extremities of heate and colde they suffer, what

sup’stitions they folowe, and what a nombre of other inconveniences do

hange upon them, the least whereof is ferre from us.

I have thought good to translate out of the Italian tonge this litell

booke, written by a Venetian of good fame and memorie, who hath travailed

many yeres in Tartarie and Persia, and hath had greate experience of

those p’tes, as he doth sufficiently declare, which I determined to

dedicate unto yoʳ Maᵗⁱᵉ as vnto him that I knowe is most desirouse of

all vertuouse knowledge. Trusting to God yoᵘ shall longe lyve and reigne

a most happie king over a blessed countrey, most humbly beseeching yoʳ

highnes to accept this poore newe yeres gift, being the worke of myne

owne hande, as a token of the faithfull love that I am bounde to beare

vnto yoᵘ as well naturally as through the speciall goodnesse that I have

founde in yoᵘ.

Yoʳ Maᵗˢ most bounden Servant,

WILLM. THOMAS.

[Here beginne the things that were seene and herde by me, Josaphat

Barbaro, citizen of Venice, in twoo voiages that I made thone vnto Tana

and thother into Persia.]

Thearthe (as the geometricians by evident reasons do prove) is as

little in respect of the firmament, as a pricke made in the middest of

the circumference of a circle; whereof by reason that a great parte is

either covered wᵗʰ water or else intemperate by excesse of heat or colde,

that parte which is inhabited is by a great deale the lesser parte.

Nevertheles, so little is the power of man, that fewe have been founde

that have seene any good porc̃on of it, and if I be not deceaved, none

at all that hath seene the whole. In our time those that have seene some

parte most com̄only are merchauntmen or maryners, in which two exercises

from the beginneng vnto this daie my Lordes and fathers the Venetians

have beene and are so excellent that I believe they may verylie be called

the principall. For syns the decaie of the Romaine estate (that sometime

ruled over all) this inferior worlde hath been so divided by diversitie

of languages, customes and religion, that the greatest parte of this

little that is enhabited shulde have been unknowen, if the Venetian

merchandise and marinership had not discovered it. Amongst whom, if

there be any that have seene ought at this daye, I may reaken myself

one: seeing I have spent all my yoʷthe and a great parte of myne age in

ferre cuntries, amongst barbarouse people and men wᵗhout civilitie, much

different in all things from our customes, wheare I have proved and seene

many things that, bicause they be not vsed in our parties, shulde seem

fables to them (as who wolde saie) that were never out of Venice. Which

in dede hath been the cause that I have not much forced either to write

or to talke of that that I have seene.

Neverthelesse, being constrayned through the requeste of them that may

com̄ande me, and considering that things which seeme more incredible than

these are writen in PLINIO SOLINO, POMPONIO MELA, STRABONE, HERODOTO,

DIODORO, DIONISIO HALICARNASSEO, and others of late as MARCO PAULO,

NICOLO CONTE, our Venetians, and John Mandevile thenglisheman: and by

other last of all as PIETRO QUIRINI, ALUISE DA MOSTO, and AMBROGIO

CONTARINI, me thought I coulde no lesse do than write the things that

I have seene to the honor of God that hath preserved me from infinite

dangers and to his contentac̃on that hath required me; the rather for

their proffitt that in tyme to com̄e shall happen to travaile into the

ꝑties wheare I have beene, and also for the com̄oditie of oʳ noble citie

in case the same shulde hereaftre have occasion to sende those waies.

Wherfore I shall divide my woʳke into twoo partes. In the first wherof

I shall declare my voiage vnto Tana, and in the seconde myne other

voiage into Persia, and speake little of the perills and trowbles that I

endured, myself.

* * * * *

The yere of oʳ Lorde mccccxxxvi I beganne my voiage towardes Tana,

wheare for the most parte I contynewed the space of xvi yeres, and have

compassed all those cuntreys as well by sea as by lande not only wᵗʰ

diligence, but in maner curiousely.

The plaine cuntrey of Tartarie to one that were in the middest thereof

hath on theast the ryver of Ledil, on the west and northwest parte

POLONIA, on the northe Russia, and on the sowthe partes towards the sea

called Mare Maggiore, the regions of Alania, Cumania, and Gazaria. All

which places do confyne upon the sea called Tabacche; and to thentent I

be the better vnderstanded, I shall declare it partely by the costes of

the Sea Maggiore, and partely by Lande to the ryver called Elice, which

is within xl miles of CAPHA: and passing that ryver it goeth towards

MONCASTRO, wheare the notable ryver of DANUBE renneth. From which place

forwardes I woll speake of nothing because those places are familiar and

knowen well enough.

The cuntrey of ALANIA is so called of the people Alani, which in their

tonge they call As. These have been Christen men, and were chased awaie

and destroied by the Tartares.

In that region are hills, ryvers, and plaines: wheare are to be seene an

infinite nombre of little hills forced in signe or steede of sepultures,

and on the toppe of everie of them a great stone wᵗʰ an hole: wherein

standeth a crosse of one peece made of an other stone.

[Sidenote: Cairo is the greatest citie in Egipt.]

[Sidenote: Zena is a sleade.]

In one of these little hilles we were ꝑsuaded there shulde be hidden

a great treasure. For in the tyme that MR. PIETRO Lando had beene

consule at Tana, there came one named GULBEDIN from EL CAIRO, wheare

he had learned of a Tartarien woman that in one of these little hylles

called Contebe,[1] the Alani had hidden a great treasᵉ. And for proofe

thereof the woman had given this man certein tokens as well of the hill

as of the grounde. So that this Gulbedin entreprised to make certein

holes or pittes like wells into this hill in divers places; and having

so contynued the space of twoo yeers he died: whereby it was iudged

that only for lacke of habilitie he coulde not bringe this treasure to

light. Wherefore vij of us merchant men being togither in Tana on Saint

Catherines night the yere 1437, fell in reasoning howe this matter

might be brought to passe. The names of those merchants were FRANCESCO

CORNARO, brother vnto JACOMO CORNARO of the banke, Catarino Contarini,

who afterwards vsed to CONSTANTINOPLE. Giovan Barbarigo sonne vnto ANDREA

of CANDIA. Giovan da Valle, that died master of the fooyste in the Lake

of Garda, and that with certein other Venetians the yere 1428 went vnto

Derbenthe wᵗʰ a fooyste that he had made, and there by appointment of

the Lorde of that place, spooyled certein shipps that came from STRANA,

which was a marveilouse acte. Moises Bon, sonne to Alessandro of Judecca,

Bartolomeo Rosso, a Venetian, and owner of the house in Tana that we were

in at that tyme, and I the vijᵗʰ. In effect three of this companie having

beene at the place before, ꝓsuaded the rest that the thinge was faisible,

so that we agreed and bound ourselfs both by othe and by writing, made by

Catarino Contarini, the copie whereof I have yet to shewe, to go digge

this hill; whereupon the matter being thus concluded, we hired cxx men to

go wᵗʰ us for that purpose, vnto whom we gave three ducates a peece for

the moonthe. And about viij daies aftre we vij wᵗʰ oʳ cxx men departed

from Tana, wᵗʰ stuff, vittaills, weapons, and instruments necessarie,

which we caried vpon those zena that they use in Russia, and went vp the

ryver on the yse, so that the next daie we arryved at the place, for it

standeth neere the ryver, and about lx miles distant from Tana. This

little hyll is lᵗⁱᵉ paces high and is plaine above, on which plaine is

an other little hill like a round bonett, compassed about wᵗʰ a stone so

large that ij men a fronte may walke on the bryme, and this little hill

is xii paces high. The hill bylowe was round as if it had been made wᵗʰ a

compasse, and was lxxx paces by diameter.

After all things were readie we beganne to cutt and digge on the plaine

of this greater hill, which is the beginneng of the little hill,

entending to make a large waie to enter into the botome: but the earthe

was so harde frozen that neither wᵗʰ mattockes nor yet wᵗʰ pickaxes we

coulde well break it. Nevertheles, after that we were a little entred we

founde thearthe softer, so that we wrought meetely well that daie. But

whan we retoʳned the next morneng we founde thearthe so harde frozen that

we were constraigned to forgoo our enterprise, and to retoʳne vnto Tana;

determyneng nevertheles to com̄e thither again an other tyme.

About thende of Marche we retoʳned thither by boates and litle vessells

wᵗʰ cl men, which beganne to digge of newe. So that in xxij daies we made

a waie of lx paces longe, viij paces brode, and x paces high. Nowe shall

yoᵘ hear wonders and things almost incredyble.

[Sidenote: Miglio is a graine almost as small as mustard seed.]

We founde all things as it had been tolde us before, which putt vs in

the more compforte of the rest. So that the hope of finding of this

treasure made vs that had hyred the laborers to carie the barowes better

than they: and I myself was master of making of the barowes. The great

wonder was that first next vnto the grasse thearthe was blacke. Than

next vnto that all was coles, but this is possible, for having willowes

enough there by, they might easilie make fyre on the hill. Vnder this

were asshes a spanne deep—and this is also possible; for having reades

there by which they might burne, it was no great matter to make asshes.

Then were there rynds of MIGLIO an other spanne deepe, and bicause it may

be said that that they of the cuntrey lyved wᵗʰ bread made of MIGLIO,

and saved the ryndes to bestowe in this place, I wolde faine knowe what

proportion of miglio wolde furnishe that quantitie to cover such an hill

of so great a breadth wᵗʰ the onlie ryndes thereof for a spanne deepe?

Under this an other spanne deepe were skales of fishe as of carpes and

such other. And bicause it may be saied that in the ryver there are

carpes and other fishe enough whose skales wolde suffise to cover such an

hill, I referre it vnto the reader’s iudgment wheather this thinge either

be possible or like to be trewe: and yet do I tell it for trewe. And do

consider besides that he which caused this sepulture to be made being

named Indiabu, mynding to vse all these ceremonies which ꝑchaunce were

used in those daies, did thinke on it longe before: and made all these

things to be gathered and laied togither by some processe of tyme.[2]

Thus having cutt in and finding hitherto no treasʳᵉ, we determyned to

make ij trenches into the great hill of iiij paces in breadeth and

height. This doon we founde a white harde earthe into the which we made

steppes to carie up the barrowes by. And so being entred v. paces deeper

we founde in the botome certein vessels of stone, some of them wᵗʰ

asshes, some wᵗʰ coles, some emptie and some full of fishe back bones.

We founde also v or vi beadestones as bigge as oranges made of bricke

and covered wᵗʰ glasse such as in the marke of ANCONA they used to plaie

wᵗʰall. We founde also halfe the handle of a little ewer of sylver,

made with an adders hedde on the toppe. Finally in the passion week

theast winde beganne to blowe so vehemently that it raysed thearthe wᵗʰ

the stoanes and cloddes that had been digged and threwe them so in the

workemens faces that the blowdde folowed. Wherfore we determined to leave

of and to prove no further; which we did on the Easter Monday after.

[Sidenote: The Tartares call in maner all nations of Europe franchi.]

This place was before called the caves of Gulbedin, but after our

digging there it hathe beene called the cave of the FRANCHI, and is so

called vnto this daie. For the worke that we did in those few daies is

so great, that it seemeth a m men coulde skarsalie have done it in so

shorte a tyme. And yet we had no certaintie of this treasure, but (as

we coulde learne), if there be any treasʳᵉ the cause why it shulde be

hidde there was that Indiabu Lorde of the Alani hearing that Themꝓoʳ

of the Tartares came against hym; for hydeng of his treasure feigned

to make his sepulture after their custome, and so conveigheng thither

secretlie that which seemed him good, he afterwardes caused this litell

hill to be made upon it. The faith of Macomett beganne to take place

amonge the Tartariens about an Cᵗʰ yeres past. In dede some of them were

Macomettanes before, but everie man was at his libertie to believe what

hym best liked; so that some worshipped ymags of woode, and of ragges,

which they carried on their carts about with them. The beginneng of

Macometts faith was in the tyme of Hedighi capitaigne of the people of

Sidahameth Can Emperoʳ of Tartarie. This Hedighi was father vnto Naurus,

of whom we shall speake at this present.

There reigned in the champaignes of Tartarie the yere 1438 an emperoʳ

called Vlumahumeth Can, that is to saie, the great Macomett emperoʳ,

who, having alreadie reigned certein yeres, and being in the champaignes

towards Russia wᵗʰ his Lordo[3] (that is to saie, his people), had this

Naurus as his capitaigne, sonne vnto Hedighi before named, by whose

meanes Tartarie was constreigned to receave the faith of Macomett.

Betwene this Naurus and Thempoʳ, there happened such a discorde, that

Naurus wᵗʰ such people as wolde folowe him left him, and went towards

the river Ledil vnto Chezimameth, that is to say Litle macomett, one of

the bloudde of thother emperor, and there agreed wᵗʰ both their forces

to go against Vlumahumeth. Wherevpon they tooke their waie by Citerchan

into the champaignes of Tumen, and coming about by Circassia they went

towards the ryver Tana, and towards the golfe of the sea called Tabacche,

which, with the ryver of Tana, were both frozen. And bicause their people

was great and their beasts innumerable, therefore it behoved them to go

the more at large to thentent they that went before shulde not destroie

the grasse, and other such thinges as served for the refresshing of them

that came aftre. So that the formost of this people and cattaill were

at a place called Palastra whan the hindermost were at a place called

Bosagaz (which signifieth grayye woodde), on the river of Tana, the

distance between which two places is cxx myles, which space of grounde

this foresaid people occupied, though in dede they were not all apt to

travaile.

We had newes of their cōmyng iiij moonthes before. But a moneth before

this Lordes arryvall there beganne to cōme towardes the Tana certain

skowltes, being younge men, iij or iiij on horsebacke, eche of them wᵗʰ

a spare horse in hande. Those that came into Tana were called before the

consule and well entreated. But whan they were examyned whither they went

and what was their busynes, they answered they were yonge men that went

about for their passetyme, and more coulde not be had of them. And they

never taried passing an howre or twoo, but that they goon againe, and

so it contynewed daylie, saving their nombre did somewhat more and more

encrease. But whan this Lorde was wᵗhin v or vi ioʳneys of Tana than they

begane to come by xxv and lᵗⁱᵉˢ togither, well armed and in good ordre,

and as he drewe nearer they encreased by the hundrethes.

[Sidenote: Moschea is the name of the Maccomettanes church.]

[Sidenote: Turcimanno signifieth an interpretoʳ.]

At length he came himself, and was lodged in an auncient MOSCHEA, wᵗhin

an arrowe shoot of Tana. Incontinently the consule determined to send him

presents, and sent him a NOUENA, an other to his moother, and an other

to NAURUS, capitaigne of the armie. NOUENA is called a present of nyne

divers things, as who wolde saie sylkes, skarlette and other such to the

numbre of ix. For such is the maner of presenting the Lordes of those

ꝑties. So there was caried vnto hym breade, wyne made of honye, ale and

other divers things, to the nombre of ix: and I was appointed to go wᵗʰ

all. Being thus entered into the MOSCHEA, we founde the Lorde lyeng on a

carpett, leanyng his hedde vnto NAURUS, he himself being of the age of

xxij, and Naurus xxv. Whan I had presented the things that we brought,

I recōmended the towne, wᵗʰ the people, vnto him, and telled him that

they were all at his cōmandement: wherevpon he answered wᵗʰ most gentle

woordes, and aftre looking towardes me beganne to laughe and to clappe

his handes togither, saieng, beholde what a towne is this, wheare as iij

men have but iij eyes, which he saied, bicause BURAN TAIAPIETRA, our

TURCIMANNO, had but one eye; Zuan Greco, the consules servant, one other

eye; and he that caried the wyne of honye likewise but one. And than we

tooke oʳ leave, and departed.

And bicause some woll skarse thinke it likely that, as I have saied, the

skowltes shulde go by iiij, by x, xx, and xxx, through those plaines x,

xv, and sometime xx ioʳneys before the people; constrewing whareof they

might lyve. I answere that every of them which so departe from the people

carieth wᵗʰ him a bottell, made of a goates skynne, full of meale of the

grayne called MIGLIO, made in past wᵗʰ a litle honye, and hath a certain

litle dishe of woodde, so that whan he misseth to take any wylde game

(whereof there is great store in those champaignes which they can well

kyll, specially wᵗʰ their bowes) than taketh he a litle of this meale,

and putting a litle water vnto it maketh a certein potion, of the which

he feedeth. For whan I have asked some of them what thinge they lyve vpon

in the champaigne, they have asked me again, Why do men die for hunger?

as who wolde saie, If I may have wherewᵗʰ sleightlie to susteigne the

lief, it suffiseth me. And, in dede, they passe their lyves well enough

wᵗʰ herbes and rootes and such other as they can gett, so they wante not

salte. For, if they lacke salte, their mowthes woll so swell and fester

that some of them die thereof: and in that case they cōmonly fall into

the fluxe.

[Sidenote: Peloponesus is nowe called Morea.]

[Sidenote: This is skarse an English halfpeny.]

But to retoʳne wheare we lefte, whan this Lorde was departed than this

people wᵗʰ their cattaill folowed. First, heardes of horses by lx-c.cc,

and more in an hearde. Aftre them folowed heardes of camells and oxen,

and aftre them heards of small beastes, which endured for the space of

vi daies, that as ferre as we might kenne wᵗʰ oʳ eyes the champaigne,

every waie was full of people and beasts folowing on their waie. And this

was only the first parte; whereby it is to be considered what a much

greater nombre shulde be in the myddle parte. We stood on the walles (for

we kept the gates shutt), and thevening we were weerie of looking, for

the moltitude of these people and beasts was such that the dyameter of

the plaine which they occupied seemed a PAGANEA of cxx myles. This is

a Greeke woorde that I learned in MOREA, being in a gentleman’s house

that brought an c plowemen in wᵗʰ him: every one of them wᵗʰ a staffe

in his hande. The maner of this people was, that they went in ordre a

rowe, one distant from an other an c paces, strikeng on the arthe wᵗʰ

their stafes, and sometime throwing fooʳthe a woʳde to raise the game,

for the which the hunters and fawkeners, some on horsebacke and some on

foote, wᵗʰ their hawkes and dogges, waited whereas they thought best;

and whan their tyme came lett their hawkes flee or their dogges renne,

as the game required. And amongest the other game that thei hunted there

were ꝑtriches and certain other birdes that we call hethecockes, which

are shorttailed like an henne, and holde up their heades like oʳ cockes,

being almost as great as pecocks, which they resemble altogether in

coloʳ, saving in the tayle. And, by reason that Tana standeth between

litle hills and hath many diches for x miles compasse, as ferre as wheare

the olde Tana hath beene, therefore a great nombre of these fowle and

game fledde amongst those litle hilles and valeys for succoʳ; insomuch

that about the walls of Tana and wᵗhin the diches were so many pertriches

and hethecockes that all those places seemed rich mennes poultries. The

boies of the towne tooke some of them and solde them twoo for an aspre,

which is viij baggatims of ours a peece. There was a freere at that tyme

in Tana called freere Thermo, of Saint Frauncs order, who (wᵗʰ a birdeng

nett, making of ij cereles one great and stickeng it out on a croked poll

wᵗhout the walls) tooke x and xx at a tyme, and with the selling of them

gate so much mooney as bought him a litell boye, CIRCASSO, which he named

Pertriche, and made him a freere: and all the night they of the towne

wolde leave their wyndowss open wᵗʰ a certain light in it to allure the

fowle to flee vnto it. Sometimes the hartes and other wilde beastes wolde

renne into the houses and in such nombres, that almost it is not to be

belieued: but that happened not neere vnto Tana.

From the plaine through which this people passed, it did well appeare

that their nombre was very great, and so many that at a certain place

called BOSAGAZ, wheare I had a fissheng place about xl miles from Tana,

the fisshers telled me that they had fisshed all the wynter, and had

salted a great quantitie of MORONI and CAUIARI, and that certain of this

people cōmyng thither had taken all their fishe, aswell freshe as salte,

and all their CAUIARI, and all their salte, which was as bigge as that of

SIENIZA, in such wise that there was not a crome of salte to be founde

after they were goon. Thei brake also the pipes and barells, and tooke

the barell stafes wᵗʰ them, perchaunce to trym̄e their cartes withall.

And further, they brake iij litle mylles there made to grynde salte, only

for covetousenes of that litle yron that was in the myddest of them. But

that which was doon to me was cōmon to all other. For ZUAN DA VALLE, who

had a fisshing there also, hearing of this lordes cōmyng, digged a great

diche, and putt therein about xxx barrells of cauiari and to the entent

it shulde not be ꝑceaued, when he had covered wᵗʰ earth again, he burned

woodde upon it: but it availed not, for they founde it and left not a

iote thereof.

This people carie wᵗʰ them innumerable cartes of twoo wheeles higher than

ours be, which are closed wᵗʰ mattes made of reades, and ꝓte covered wᵗʰ

felte, parte wᵗʰ clothe, if they apꝓteigne vnto men of estimacōn. Some of

these cartes carie their houses vpon them which are made on this wise.

They take a cercle of tymber, whose dyameter is a pase and an halfe,

crossed wᵗhin fooʳthe wᵗʰ other halfe cercles: betwene the which they

bestowe their mattes of reade, and than is it covered wᵗʰ felte or cloth,

according to the habilitie of the person. So that whan they lodge they

take downe these howses to lodge in.

Two daies after that this Lorde was departed, certain of the towne of

Tana came vnto me, willing me to go to the walles, wheare one of the

Tartares taried to speake wᵗʰ me. I went thither and founde one that

tolde me howe EDELMUGH, the Lordes brother-in-lawe, was not ferre of, and

desired (if I coulde be so contented) to entre vnto the towne and to be

my ghest. I asked licence of the consule, which being obteigned, I went

to the gate and receaued him in wᵗʰ iij of his companye. For the gates

were all this while kept shutt. I had him to my hawse and made him good

cheare, specially wᵗʰ wyne, which pleased him so well that he taried twoo

daies wᵗʰ me: and being disposed to departe entreated me to go wᵗʰ him,

for he was become my brother; and, wheare as he went, I might go saufely;

and so spake some what to the merchaunts, whereof there was none there,

but that he wondered at it.

So, being determined to go wᵗʰ him, I tooke wᵗʰ me twoo Tartariens of the

towne on foote: rode on horsebacke myself, and about the iijᵈᵉ howre of

the daie sett forwarde. But he was so dronke that the bloudde ranne out

of his nose; and whan I wolde ꝓsuade him not to drynke so much, he wolde

make mowes like an ape, saieng, Lette me drynke; whan shall I finde eny

more of this?

By the waie, it behoved vs to passe a ryver which was frozen over;

and being alighted, I endeavored myself to go wheare the snowe was on

the yse. But he who was overcome wᵗʰ wyne, going wheareas his horse

ledde him, chaunced on the yse in divers placs wheare no snowe was, by

reason whareof the horse was nowe up, nowe downe, aftre which sorte he

contynewed the thirde parte of an howre. Finallie, being passed that

river, we came to an other water, and passed it, wᵗʰ much a doo, aftre

the like maner: so that, being wearied, he rested him wᵗʰ certain of

the people that lodged there: wheare we taried all that night, as yll

provided, as may be thought. The next morneng we rode fooʳthe, though

not so lustylie as we had done the daie before, and when we weare passed

an other arme of the foresaid ryver: following the waie that the people

travailed (which were over all as a meyny of ants) wᵗhin two daies

ioʳney, we approached vnto the place, wheare the Lorde himself was: and

there was my conductoʳ much honored of all men, and fleshe, breade and

mylke, wᵗʰ other like things given him: so that we wanted no meate. The

next daie folowing coveting to see howe this people rode, and what order

they obserued in their things, I did see so many wonders, that if I wolde

ꝓticulerlie write them, I shoulde make a great volume.

We went to the Lordes lodging, whom we founde vnder a pavilion wᵗʰ

innumerable people about him. Of the which those that desired audience

kneeled all separate one from an other, and had left their weapons a

stones caste off ere they came to their Lorde. Vnto some of them the

Lorde spake, and demaunding what they wolde, he alwaies made a signe to

them wᵗʰ his hande that they shulde arise. Whereupon they wolde arise,

but not approache eight paces more till they kneeled againe: and so

neerer and neerer till they had audience.

The justice that is vsed throughout their campe is verie soddaine, aftre

this maner: Whan a difference groweth betwene partie and partie, and

wordes multiplied (not aftre the maner of oʳ quarters, for these do

vse no violence), thei both or moo (if they be moo) arise and go what

waie they thinke good: and to the first man of any estimacōn that they

meete they saie: Master, do vs right, for we here are in controversie,

wherevpon he tarieth and heareth what both ꝑties can saie: determyneng

therevpon what he thinketh best wᵗhout further writing, and what so ever

he determineth is accepted wᵗhout any contradiction. For vnto these

iudgements many ꝓsons assemble, vnto whom he that maketh the determīacōn

saieth yoᵘ shal be all witnesses, with which kinde of iudgements the

campe is continually occupied. And if any like difference happen by the

waie they observe the verie same ordre.

I did see on a daie (being in this Lordo) a treene[4] dishe

overwhelmed[5] on thearthe: vnder the which I founde a litle loofe baken:

and demaunding of a Tartarien that was by me, What thinge it was, he

answered, It was putt there for HIBUCH-PERES, that is to wete for the

Idolatrers. Why, qᵈ I, are there Idolatrers amongst this people? O, oh,

qᵈ he, that there be enough, but they are verie secret.

To nombre the people surely, in my iudgement, it was impossible; but to

speake according to myne estimacōn, I believe, vndoubtedly, that in all

the Lordo whan they came togither there were not so fewe as ccc thousand

ꝑsons. This I saie because VLU MAHUMETH had also parte of the Lordo, as

it hath been rehearsed before.

The hablemen are verie valiaunt and hardie, in such wise that some of

them for their excellencie are called TULUBAGATOR, which signifieth a

valiaunt foole: being a name of no lesse reputacōn amongst them than the

sernames of wisedome or beaultie wᵗʰ vs, as Peter, ec., the wiseman,

Paule, ec., the goodly man. These haue a certein preemynence that all

things they do (though partely it be against reason) are rekened to be

well doon: because that proceading of valiauntnes it seemeth to all men

that they do as it best becometh them. Wherefore there be many of them

that in feates of armes esteeme not their lyves, feare no perill, but

stryke on afore to make waie wᵗhout reason: so that the weake harted

take cowraige at them and become also very valiaunt. And this sername,

to my seemyng, is verie convenient for them: bicause I see none that

deserueth the name of a valiaunt man, but he is a foole in dede.[6] For,

I pray yoᵘ, is it not a folie in one man to fight against iiij? Is it not

a madnes for one wᵗʰ a knyfe to dispose himself to fight against divers

that haue sweardes? Wherefore to this purpose I shall write a thinge that

happened on a tyme while I was at TANA.

[Sidenote: Semenzina is a certein kinde of drugge.]

Being one daie in the streate, there came certein TARTARIENS into the

towne, and saied that in a litle woodde not past iii miles of there were

about an cᵗʰ horsemen of the Circasses hidden, entending to make a roade

even to the towne, as they were wonte to do. At the hearing whereof

I happened to be in a fletchers shoppe, wheare also was a Tartarien

merchaunt that was cōme thither wᵗʰ SEMENZINA, who, as soone ahe hearde

this, rose vp and saied, why go we not to take them? howe many horses be

they? I answered, an c. Well, said he, we are five, and howe many horses

woll yoᵘ make? I answered, xl. O, qᵈ he, the Circasses are no men, but

women: let us go take them. Wherevpon, I went to seeke Mr. Frauncs, and

tolde him what this man had saied. And he, alwaies laugheng, folowed

me, asking me wheather my hert serued me to go. I answered yea; so that

we tooke oʳ horses and ordeyned certein men of ours to come by water.

And about noone we assaulted these Circasses, being in the shadowe, and

some of them on sleepe, but by mishappe a litle before oʳ arryvall,

our trumpett sowned: by reason wheʳof many of them had tyme to eskape.

Nevertheles, we killed and tooke about xl of them. But to the purpose

of these valiaunt fooles, the best was that this Tartarien wolde needes

have had us folowe them still to take them: and seeing no man offer

unto it, ranne aftre those that were eskaped himself alone, crieng NOI

MAHE TORNA.[7] And about an howre after retoʳned lamenting wonders

much that he coulde take never a one of them. Beholde, wheather this

were a madnesse or no, for if iiij of them had retoʳned they might haue

hewen him to peecs, for the which whan we reproved him, he laughed vs to

skorne. The skowtes here before menc̃oned that came before the campe vnto

Tana, went alwaies before the campe into viij costes to descrie if there

were daungier any waie.

As soone as the Lorde is lodged, incontinently they vnlade their

baggaige, leaving large waies betweene their lodgings. If it be in the

wynter the beastes are so many that they make wondrefull mooyre: and

if it be in som̄er spreading much dust. Incontinently, aftre they haue

untrussed their baggaige they make their ovens roste and booyle their

fleshe: and dresse it wᵗʰ mylke, butter, and cheese, and most com̄only

they are not wᵗhout some venyson, or wilde fleshe, specially redde deere.

In this armie are many artisanes, as clothiers, smythes, armorers, and

of all other craftes and things that they neede. And if it shulde be

demaunded wheather they go, like the Egiptians oʳ no?[8] I answer, no.

For (saving that they are not walled about) they seeme verie great and

faire cities. And to this purpose, as I retoʳned on a tyme to TANA,

on the gate whereof was a very faire towre, I saied vnto a Tartarien

marchānt that was in my companie: who earnestly behelde this towre,

howe thinkest thoᵘ, is not this a faire thinge? But he, smiling, againe

answered, he that is afearde buyldeth towres: wherein me seemeth he said

trewly.

[Sidenote: Carauana is a company of merchauntes with their merchandise,

assembled to go strongely togithers.]

And because I have spoken of merchaunt men, retoʳneng to my purpose

of the armie, I saie there be alwaies merchauntes which carie their

wares divers waies though they passe wᵗʰ the Lordo, entending to

go otherwheare. These Tartariens are good fawkeners, have many

jerfaulcones, and their flight is much to the CAMMELEONS, which is not

vsed wᵗʰ vs.[9] They hunte the harte and other great beastes also. These

hawkes they carie on their fistes, and in the other hande they haue a

crowche:[10] which, whan they be weerie, they leane their hande vpon.

For one of these hawkes is twise as bigge as an egle. Sometimes there

passeth over the armie a flocke of gheese, to the which some of the campe

shoote certein croked arrowes vnfeathered, which, in the ascending, hurle

abowt breaking all that is in their waie, neckes, leggs, and whinges:

and sometyme there passe so many that it seemeth the ayre is full of

them: and than do the people showte and crie wᵗʰ so extreame a noyse,

that the gheese astonied wᵗhall do fall downe. And bicause I am entered

into talking of byrdes, I shall here rehearse one thinge that I thinke

notable. Rideng through this Lordo, on the banke of a litle ryver, I

founde a man that seemed of reputacōn talking wᵗʰ his serūnt, who called

me vnto him and made me alight, demaunding of me wheareabouts I went.

I answered as the case required, wherevpon, looking aside, I ꝑceaued

beside him iiij or v tesells:[11] on the which were certein lynettes;

he furthew cōmaunded one of his serūnts to take one of those lynetts:

who tooke two threades of his horsetayle, made a snare which he putt on

the tasells, and streight waie tooke a lynett, which he brought to his

master, who furthwᵗʰ did bidde hym dresse it: so that the serūnt tooke

him, quickely pulled him, made a broche of woode, rosted him and retoʳned

wᵗhall vnto his mʳ, who tooke it in his hande, and beholding me, said:

I am not nowe, whereas I may shewe the that honoʳ and courtesie that

thoᵘ mearitest, but of such as I haue that God hath sent me we wolde

make mearie; and so tooke the linett in his hande, brake it in three

partes, gave me one, eate an other himself: and the iijᵈᵉ, which was

verie litle, he gave vnto him that tooke it. What shall I saie of the

great and innumerable moltitude of beastes that are in this Lordo? Shall

I be believed? But, be as it be may, I haue determyned to tell it. And,

beginneng at the horses, I saie there be many horsecorsers which take

horses out of the Lordo and carie them into divers places: for there was

one CARAUANA that came into Persia er I deꝑted thense, which brought

iiij thousand of them; whereof ye neede not to mervaile, for if yoᵘ were

disposed in one daie to bie a thousande or ijᵐˡ horses yoᵘ shulde finde

them to sell in this Lordo, for they go in heardes like sheepe, and as

they go, if you saie to the owner I woll haue an cᵗʰ of these horses he

hath a staffe wᵗʰ a coller on thende of it, and is so connyng in that

feate that it is no sooner spoken, but he hath streight cast the coller

about the horse necke, and drawen him out of the hearde: and so by one

and one which he lyst, and as many as yoʷ bidde him. I have divers tymes

mett these horsecorsers on the waie wᵗʰ such a nombre of horses as haue

covered the champaigne, that it seemed a wonder. The countrey breedeth

not verie good horses, for they be litell, haue great bealies, and eate

no provander: and whan thei be brought into Persia the greatest praise

yoᵘ can give them is, that they woll eate provander: wᵗhout the which

they woll not endure any laboʳ to the purpose. The seconde sorte of their

beastes is oxen, which are verie faire and great, and such a nombre

wᵗʰall, that they serve the shambles of Italie, being sent by the waie

of Polonia, and some throwgh Valacchia into Transilvania, and so into

Allemaigne, from whense they are brought into Italie. The thirde sorte

of beasts that they have are camells of twoo bonches, great and rowghe,

which they carie into Persia, and there sell them for xxv ducats a

peece: whereas they of theast haue but one bonche, are litle, and be

solde for x ducats a peece. Their iiijᵗʰ kinde of beasts are sheepe,

which be unreasonable great, longe legged, longe woll, and great tayles,

that waie about xijˡ a peece. And some such I haue seene as haue drawen a

wheele aftre them, their tailes being holden vp. Whan for a pleasʳᵉ they

haue been put to it, with the fatt of which tayles they dresse all their

meates and serueth them in steede of butter, for it is not clammye in the

mowthe.

I wote not who wolde verifie this, that I shall saie nowe[12] if he

haue not seene it. For it may well be demaunded whereof shulde so

great a nombre of people lyve travaileng thus every daie! wheare is

the coʳne they eate? wheare do they gett it? To the which, I that haue

seene it, do answere on this wise. About the mooneth of Februarie they

make proclamac̃ons throughout the Lordo, that he which woll sowe shall

prepare his things necessarie against the mooneth of Marche, to sowe in

such a place. And such a daie of that mooneth they must take their waie

thitherwards. This doon, they that are mynded to sowe prepare themselfs,

and being agreed togither, lading their seede on cartes[13] wᵗʰ such

cattaill as their busynes require, togither wᵗʰ their wiefs and children

or parte of them they go to the place appointed, which most cōmonly

passeth not ij ioʳneys from the place of the Lordo wheare the crie is

made. And there do they eare, sowe, and tarie, till they haue furnisshed

that they came for, which doon they retoʳne to their Lordo.

Thempoʳ, wᵗʰ the Lordo, doth this meane while, as the mother is wonte to

do wᵗʰ her children. For whan she letteth them go plaie she ever keepeth

her eye on them, and so doth he never departe from these plowemen iiij

ioʳneys, but compasseth about them nowe here, nowe there, till the corne

be rype, and yet when it is ripe he goeth not thither wᵗʰ his LORDO, but

sendeth those that sowed it and those that mynded to bye of it wᵗʰ their

cartes, oxen, and camells, and those other things that they need; even as

they do at their village.

[Sidenote: Zattere arr polles so tied one to an other, that thei can not

synke.]

[Sidenote: Rialto is the merchauntes assembling place in Venice.]

[Sidenote: Lordes ouer the night is an office of great auctoritie in

Venice.]

Thearthe is fertile, and bringeth fooʳthe lᵗⁱᵉ busshells wheate for one

of seede: and their busshell is as great as the PADOUANE. And of MIGLIO

they haue an c for one; and sometimes thei haue so great plentie that

they leaue no small quantitie in the feelde. To this purpose I shall tell

yoᵘ, There was a sonnes sonne of VLUMAHUMETH, who, having ruled certein

years, fearing his cousyn Cormayn that dwelled on the other side of

the ryver of Ledil, to thentent he wolde not loose such a parte of his

people as must haue goon to this tyllaige, which they coulde not haue

doon wᵗhout their manifest perill, he wolde not suffer them to sowe in

the space of xj yeres. All which tyme they lyved of fleshe, mylke, and

other things. Nevertheles, they had alwaies in their tavernes a little

meale and PANICO: but that was verie deere. And whan I asked them howe

they did, they wolde answer that they had fleshe; and yet, for all that,

he at leingth was driven awaie by his said cousin. Finallie, VLUMAHUMETH,

of whom we spoke afore, whan ZIMAHUMETH was arryved neere vnto his

confines, seeing himself unhable to resist, lefte his Lordo and fledde

wᵗʰ his children and others, by reason whereof Zimahumeth became emperoʳ

of all the people: and went to wards the ryver of TANA in the mooneth

of June, and passed the same about ij daies ioʳney above Tana wᵗʰ all

that nombre of people, their cartes, and cattaill: a mervailouse thinge

to believe, but more wonderfull to beholde. For they passed all wᵗhout

any rumoʳ, and as saufe as if they had goon by lande. Their maner of

passaige is this. They that are of the most substanciall sende of their

folkes afore, who make certein zattere[14] of drie woode, whereof there

is plentie alonge the ryver. They also make certein bondells of softe

reades, which they putt vnder their zattere and vnder their cartes, and

so tye the same to their horses, who swymeng over the ryver (guyded by

certein naked men) passe the hole companie aftre this maner. About a

mooneth aftre, rowing vp the water towarde a certein fissheng place, I

mett wᵗʰ so many zatteres and bondells comyng downe the water (which

this people had lett go), that we coulde skarselie passe, and besids

that I did see so many zatteres and bondells on the banks, that it

made me to wonder. And whan we arrived at the fissheng place we founde

that these had doon much woʳse there than those that I haue writen of

before. And bicause I woll not forget my freends yoᵘ shall vnderstande

that EDELMULGH, the empoʳˢ brother in lawe before named, came unto TANA,

and his sonne wᵗʰ him, and soddainelie embraced me, saieng, here I haue

brought the my sonne, and incontinently tooke a cassacke from his sonnes

backe and putt it vpon me, wherewᵗʰ he gave me also viij sklaves of the

nation of Rossia, saieng, this is parte of the praye that I haue taken

in Rossia. In recompence whereof I presented him wᵗʰ convenient things

again, and so he taried wᵗʰ me ij daies. Some there be that, departing

from others, thinking never to meete again, do easylie forgett their

amitie, and so vse not those curtesies that they ought to vse: wherein,

by that litle experience that I haue had, me seemeth they do not well.

For, as the saieng is, mountaignes shall never meate, but men may. In

my retoʳneng out of PERSIA wᵗʰ the Ambassadoʳ of ASSAMBEI,[15] willing

to passe through Tartarie, and so through POLONIA to cōme to Venice

(though at that time I went not through that waie), it chaunced me to be

in companie of divers Tartarien merchaunts of whom I enquired for this

Edelmulg, and learned by signes of the phisonomie, and by the name, that

he which was given me by the father, as those Tartariens than telled me,

was great wᵗʰ thempoʳ. So that if we had goon further we must needes haue

fallen into his handes. In which cace I am assured I shulde haue had no

lesse good cheere of him, than as I haue made both to him and his father,

but who wolde haue belieued that xxxvᵗⁱᵉ yeres aftre in so ferre distant

cuntreys a Tartarien shulde haue mett wᵗʰ a Venetian? An other thinge

I woll rehearse even to the same purpose. The yere 1455, being in a

vinteners seller in the Rialto, as I ꝑvsed the seller in thone end of the

same, I ꝑceaued twoo men tyed in chaynes, which, by their countenaunce,

me thought shulde be Tartariens. I asked who they were, and they answered

that they had been sklaves of the Catelaines, and that, fleing awaie,

in a litle bote, they were taken by this vyntener, wherevpon I went

incontinently to the SIGNORI DI NOTTE, and declared this matter, who

by and by sent officers thither, brought them to the coʳte, and in the

vinteners presence delivered them, putteng him to his fyne. Thus I gate

them loosed, and had them home to my house, and askeng them what they

were and of what cuntrey; thone of them answered, he was of Tana, and had

been serunt to Cazadahuch, whom I had knowen well, for he was thempoʳˢ

customer over all things that came vnto Tana; so that, regarding him

more advisedly, me seemed to remembre his face, for he had been many

tymes in my house. I asked him what was his name. He answered, Chebechzi,

which signifieth a bulter of meale. And whan I had well behelde him, I

saied vnto him, doest thoᵘ knowe me? He answered, no. But, as soone as

I mentioned TANA and JUSUPH (for so they called me there), he fell to

thearthe, and wolde haue kissed my feete: saieng vnto me, thoʷ hast saved

my lief twies, and this is thone of them, for being a sklave I rekened

myself deade, and thother was whan Tana was on fyre, thoʷ madest an hole

in the wall, through the which so many creatures escaped, amongest whom

was I and my mʳ both. And it is true, for whan Tana was sett on fyre,

I made an hole in the wall forneagaint a certein grounde wheare many

persons were assembled: through the which there issued aboue xl, and

amongest them this felowe and CAZADAHUCH. I kept these twoo Tartariens

in my house about twoo moonethes, and when the shippes departed towardes

TANA I sent them home. Wherefore, I saie that departeng one from an

other, wᵗʰ opinion never to retoʳne into those ꝑties againe, no man ought

to forgett his amitie as though they shuld never meete, for there may

happen a thousande things that, if they chaunce to meete againe, he that

is most hable shall haue neede of his succoʳ that can do least. Nowe,

to retoʳne vnto the things of Tana. I woll describe it by the west and

northwest, costing the sea of Tabacche to the going fooʳthe on the lefte

hande, and aftre some parte of the sea called MAGGIORE, even to the

Province named Mengleria. Departing than from Tana about the foresaid

coste of the sea, iij joʳneys wᵗhin lande, I founde a region called

Chremuch, the lorde whereof is named Biberdi, which signifieth given to

God; he was sonne vnto Chertibei, that signifieth twelve Lorde. He hath

many villaiges vnder him, which at a neede woll make a thousand horses,

faire champaignes, many good woodes, and ryvers plentie. The principall

men of this region lyve by robbing on those plaines and speciallie on

the roberie of the carouanes that go from place to place. They are well

horsed, valiaunt men, and subtill witted, but not verie gryme of visaige.

They haue corne enough, fleshe, and honye, but no wyne. Beyonde these

are cuntreys of divers languages, though not much different one from an

other; that is to witt, Elipehe, Tatarcosia, Sobai, Cheuerthei,[16] As

Alani, of whom I haue spoken here before. And these renne alongest even

vnto Mengleria[17] for the space of xij ioʳneys. Mengleria confyneth

wᵗʰ Caitacchi, which are neere the mountaigne Caspio, and wᵗʰ parte

of Giorgiana, and wᵗʰ the sea Maggiore, and wᵗʰ the mountaigne that

passeth through Circassia, and hath on thone side a ryver called Phaso

that compasseth it and falleth into the sea Maggiore. The Lorde of this

province, named Bendian, hath two walled townes on the foresaid sea, one

called VATHI and an other SEUASTOPOLI, and besides that divers other

piles and stronge houses. The cuntrey is all stonie and barayn, wᵗhout

any kinde of grayne, saving PANICO. Salte is brought vnto them out of

Capha. They make a litle cloth, but it is both course and naught: and

they arr beastly people. For proof whereof, being in Vathi (where one

Azolin Squarciafigo, a Genowaie, arryved in companie of a PARANDERIA of

Turks that went thither wᵗʰ us from Constantinople), there was a yonge

woman stode in her doore vnto whom this Genowaie saied SURINA PATRO NI

COCON? which is, mistres is the good man wᵗhin? meaneng her husbande.

She answered, Archilimisi, that is to witt, he woll cōme anon. Whereupon

he swapped her on the lippes and shewed her vnto me, saieng, beholde

what faire teethe she hath: and so shewed me her breast and toouched her

teates, which she suffered wᵗhout moving. Afterwardes, we entred into her

house, and sate us downe, and this Azolin fayneng to haue vermyn about

him beckened on her to searche him: which she did verie diligentlie and

chastely. This, meane while, the good man came in, and my companion put

his hande in his purse, and saied PATRON TETARI SICA, which is as much

to saie as, mʳ, hast thoʷ any mooney? Wherevnto he made a countenaunce

that he had none about him: and so he tooke him a fewe aspres, wᵗʰ the

wᶜh he went streight to bye some vittaills. Within a while after, we

went through the towne to sporte vs, and this Genowaie did every wheare

after the maner of that cuntrey what pleased him wᵗhout reproche of any

man, whereby it may appeare weather they be beastly people or no, and

therefore the Genowaies that practise in those ꝑties vse for a proverbe

to saie, Thoʷ art a Mongrello, whan they arr disposed to saie thoᵘ art

a foole. And nowe, bicause I haue saied that TARTARI signifieth mooney,

I haue thought good to declare that TETARI properlie signifieth white,

and by this they understande syluer mooney, which is white, for the

Greeks also call it aspri, wᶜh signifieth white, the Turkes AKCIA, which

signifieth white and in Venice in tyme past, and yet to this present

we haue mooney called BIANCHI, in Spaigne also they haue mooney called

Bianche. Whereby it may appeare howe many nacōns agree in their languaige

to call one thinge by one maner of name.

[Sidenote: Chersonesus.]

Retoʳning backe to the Tana, I do passe the ryver wheare ALAMA was, as I

haue saied before, and so discurre by the sea of Tabacche, on the right

hande, going fooʳthe even to the Isle of Capha, wheare is a straict of

the lande that knitteth the Ile wᵗʰ the mayne lande, liek vnto that of

MOREA, which is called ZUCHALA. There are verie great salt springes, that

of itself being dried woll become ꝓficte salte. Costeng this ilande,

first on the sea Tabacche is the cuntrey named Cumania, of the people

Cumani. After that is the hedde of the isle wheare Capha standeth, in

the same place wheare Gazzaria hath been. And yet to this daie the

PICO, that is to saie, the yarde wherewᵗʰ they measure at Tana, and

in all those ꝑties is called PICO DE GAZZARIA. The champaigne of this

Ile of Capha is vnder the Tartariens domynion, who haue a Lorde called

Vlubi, sonne of AZICHAREI. They are a good nombre of people hable at a

neede to make iij or iiijᵐᵗ horses; they haue twoo places walled, but

not stronge, thone whereof is called Sorgathi, which they also called

INCREMIN, that signifieth a forteresse; and thother Cherchiarde, which

signifieth xl placs. In this ilande, first at the mowthe of the sea

Tabacche, is a place called Cherz, which we call BOSPHORO CIMERIO; next

to that is Capha, Saldaia, Grasui, Cymbalo, Sarsona, and Calamita. All

at this present vnder the great Turke, of the which I neede to saie

no more, bicause they are knowen well enough. And yet me thinketh it

necessarie to declare the losse of Capha, as I learned it of one ANTONY

DA GUASCO, a Genowaie, who was present there, and fledde by sea into

GIORGIANA, and from thense into Persia, the same tyme that I happened to

be there, to thentent it may be knowen aftre what maner this place is

fallen into the Turks hands. In that tyme there was a Tartarien Lorde

in the Champaigne named Emimachbi, who had yerely of them of Capha a

certein tribute as the custome of the cuntrey there is. Betweene him and

them of Capha there happened variaunce, insomuch that the CONSULE of

CAPHA, being a Genowaie, determined to sende vnto thempoʳ of Tartarie

for some one of the bloudde of this Eminachbi, by whose favoʳ he thought

it possible to expell Eminachbi out of his astate. And having therevpon

sent a shippe vnto Tana wᵗʰ an ambassadoʳ, this ambassadoʳ went into

the Lordo and there obteigned of thempoʳ one of the bloudde of this

Eminachby, named Menglieri, promiseng to conduct him to Capha, and that

if the towne wolde not accept this appointement than to sende Menglieri

backe again. Eminachbi, mistrusteng this matter, sent an ambassadoʳ

vnto Ottomanno, promiseng him that if he wolde sende an armie by sea to

assaulte the towne he would assault it by lande, and so shulde Capha

be the Turkes. Ottomanno being desirouse thereof sent his armie, and

in shorte space gate the towne, in the which Menglieri was taken, and

sent to Ottoman̄o, who kept him in prison many yeres. Not longe after

Eminachbi, through the Turks yll conversac̃on, repenting him of giveng

the towne to Ottomanno, prohibited the passaige of all vittailles into

the towne, by reason whereof they had so great skarsetie of corne and

fleshe that they rekened themselfs in maner besieged. Wherevpon the Turke

was ꝓsuaded that if he sent Menglieri to Capha, keeping him wᵗhin the

towne in curteise warde, the towne shulde haue plentie: for Menglieri

was welbeloued of the people wᵗhout. And so Ottomanno did; so that, as

soone as it was knowen that he was arrived, incontinently the towne had

plentie of all things, for he was also beloued of the townesmen. This man

thus remaineng in curteise warde went wheare he wolde wᵗhin the towne;

and one daie amongest other, there happened a game of shooting for a

prise. The maner wheʳof is, they honge on certein polles sett vp like

a galowes, a boll of sylver tied only wᵗʰ a fyne threede. Those nowe

that shall shoote for the prise shoote thereat wᵗʰ forked arrowes and

arr on horsebaike, and first must gallopp vnder the gallowes, so that

being in his full carier passed a certein space, he turneth his bodie

and shooteth backewarde, the horse galoping still awaywarde, and he that

after this sorte cutteth the threede wynneth the game. Menglieri, findeng

occasion vpon this to escape, appointed an c horsemen (wᵗʰ whom he had

intelligence before) to hide themselfs the same daie in a litell valey

not ferre from the towne, and fayneng to renne for the game he made awaie

to his companie; wherevpon the force of all the whole iland folowed him:

by reason whereof, he being waxed stronge, went to Surgathi, a towne

vi miles from Capha, and took it, and so having slayne Eminachbi, made

himself Lorde of all those places. The yere folowing he determined to go

towards Citerchan,[18] a place xvi ioʳneys distant from Capha, vnder the

domynion of one Mordassa[19] Can, who in that tyme was wᵗʰ his Lordo vpon

the ryver of Ledil. He fought wᵗʰ him, tooke him and tooke his people

from him: a great parte whereof he sent into the Ile of Capha, and so

aboade the wynter on that ryver. At which tyme, by chaunce, there was

an other Tartarien Lorde lodged a fewe ioʳneys of, who, hearing that

he wyntered there, whan the ryver was frozen came on him soddainely,

assaulted him, and discompfited him, and so recovered Mordassa that had

been kept prisoner. Menglieri being thus discompfited, retoʳned vnto

Capha in yll ordre. And Mordassa, wᵗʰ his Lordo, came the next springe

even to Capha, and made certein roades to the dammaige of the ilande.

But, seing he coulde not haue the towne yelden vnto him, he toʳned backe.

Nevertheles, I was enformed that he was making of a newe armye to com̄e

againe into the ilande and to chace Menglieri awaie, as it proved after

in dede; but hereof sprange a false rumoʳ, through thignorance of them

that vnderstande not whereof the warre amongest these Lordes proceadeth,

not knowing what difference is betwene the great Can and Mordassa Can.

For they, hearing that Mordassa Can made a newe armie to retoʳne vnto the

ilande, bruted that the great Can shulde come by Capha, awaie against

Ottomanno, purposeng by the waie of Moncastro to entre into Valachia,

into Hungarie; and so, wheareas Ottomanno was behinde the ilande of

Capha, which standeth on the sea Maggiore is Gothia, and aftre that

Alania, which goeth by the ilande towardes Moncastro, as I have saied

before.

[Sidenote: The furlane and florentine differ but in phrase of speeche

from the Venetian.]

The Gothes speake dowche, which I knowe by a dowcheman, my serūnt, that

was wᵗʰ me there: for they vnderstode one an other well enough, as we

vnderstande a furlane[20] or a florentine.

Of this neighboʳhode of the Gothes and Alani, I suppose the name of

Gotitalani to be deryved, for Alani were first in this place. But than

came the Gothes and conquered these cuntreys, myngleng their name wᵗʰ the

Alani, and so being myngled togither called themselfs Gotitalani, who, in

effect, folowe all the Greekish fac̃ons, and so also do the Circassi.

[Sidenote: Mare Caspi’u is nowe called Bachu.]

And bicause we haue spoken of Tumen and Cithercan, thinking good to

write the things there woʳthie of memorie, we saie that going from Tumen

east northeast about vij ioʳneys, is the ryver Ledil, whereon standeth

Cithercan, which at this p’nt is but a litle towne in maner destroied;

albeit, that in tyme passed it hath been great and of great fame. For,

before it was destroied by Tamerlano, the spices and silke that passe

nowe through Soria came to Cithercan, and from thense to Tana, wheare

vj or vij galeys only were wonte to be sent from Venice to fetche

those spices and silkes from Tana; so that, at that tyme, neither the

Venetians nor yet any other nacion on this side of the sea costes, vsed

merchaundise into Soria. The ryver Ledil is great and large, and falleth

into the Sea of Bachu about xxvᵗⁱᵉ myles distant from Cithercan, and as

well in that ryver as in the sea arr innumerable fisshes taken.

[Sidenote: Marchetto is not worthe an Englishe halfepeny.]

[Sidenote: Stufe is an hote-house.]

That sea yeldeth much salte, and yoʷ may saile vp that ryver by ioʳneys

almost as ferre as Musco, a towne of ROSSIA. And they of Musco come

yerely wᵗʰ their boates to Cithercan for salte. There arr many ilandes

and woodes on this ryver, some of which ilandes conteigne xxx myles in

cōpasse. In these woodes arr great trees growing, which, being made

holowe, serue for boates of one peece, so bigge that thei woll carie viij

or x horses at a tyme and as many men. Passing this ryver and going east

northeast towards Musco, keeping the rivers side xv ioʳneys continuallie,

arr innumerable people of the Tartariens, but toʳneng plaine northeast

yoʷ arryve at the confines of Rossia, at a litle towne called RISAN,

which appertaigneth to a brother in lawe of John Duke of Rossia, and

there they be all Christians aftre the ryte of the Greekes. This countrey

is verie fertyle of corne, fleshe, honye, and divers other things: and

their drynke is called BOSSA,[21] which signifieth ale. There arr also

many woodes and villages, and so passing a litle further yoʷ com̄e to a

citie called Colona. The one and other of both which townes arr fortified

wᵗʰ woodde, whereof also they buylde their houses, bicause there is small

quantitie of stone to be founde thereabouts. Three ioʳneys from thense

is the said towne of Musco, wheare the forenamed John Duke of Rossia

dwelleth, throwgh the middest of which towne renneth the most noble ryver

of MUSCO, and hath certein bridge over it: and, as I believe, the towne

tooke his name of the ryver. The castell is on a litell hyll environed

about wᵗʰ woodes. The habundance that they haue of corne and fleshe may

well be cōmprehended by this, that they sell not their fleshe by weight,

but by the eye; and surely they have iiijˡ for a marchetto. Yoʷ shall

haue lxx hennes for a ducat, and a goose for iij MARCHETTI. But the colde

is so fervent in that cuntrey that the ryvers are frozen. In the wynter

arr brought thither hogges, oxen, and other beastes, readie flayne, and

sett vpright on foote as harde as stones, and in such nombre that he

who wolde bye twoo hundred in a daie may haue them there. But they woll

not be cutt, for they arr harde as marble till they be brought into the

stufes. As for fruictes, they haue none, saving a fewe apples and nuttes

and litle wylde nuttes.

[Sidenote: Sani arr sleddes.]

Whan thay be disposed to travaile, specially any longe ioʳneys, they go

in the wynter, for than is it frozen over all: and by reason thereof good

travaileng, saving that it is colde, and than do they carie what they

lyst with great ease vpon those sani which serue them as cartes serue vs

and oʳ parties, we call them TRANOLI. But in the som̄er they darr not

in maner go fooʳthe of their doores, for the vnreasonable mooyre and

moltitude of stingeng flies which com̄e fooʳthe of so many great woodes

as they haue about them: the greatest parte whereof is vnhabitable. They

haue no grapes, but make them wyne of honye, and some make ale of miglio,

in thone and other whereof they putt hoppes, which giveth a taste that

maketh a man as doonye[22] or dronken as the wyne.

Furthermore, me seemeth it not convenient to forgett the provisions that

their foresaid duke made to brydle such dronkardes, as throʷgh their

dronkenesse neglected the woʳking and doing of many things which shulde

haue been proffitable for them. He made a crye that they shulde make

neither ale nor wyne of honye, nor use hoppes in any thinge, and by this

meane hath reduced them to good lyving, which hath contynued nowe for

the space of xxvᵗⁱᵉ yeres. In tyme passed[23] the Rossians paied trybute

to Themꝓoʳ of Tartarie, but nowe they haue subdued a towne called Cassan

(which, in oʳ tonge, signifieth a cawldron[24]), that standeth on the

ryver Ledil, on the lefte hande as yoʷ go towards the Sea of Bachu, v

ioʳneys from Musco. This is a towne of great merchaundise. From whense

cometh the most parte of the furres that are caried to Musco and into

Polonia, Prusia, and Flandres, which furres come out of the Northe and

Northeast, from the regions of Zagatai and Moxia, northerne cuntreys

enhabited by Tartariens, that for the most parte arr idolatrers; and so

also be the Moxii. And bicause I haue had some experience of the things

of the Moxii, therefore I entende to speake somewhat of their faith and

maners, as I haue learned.

At a certein tyme of the yere they vse to take a horse: which they laie

alonge on the plaine. His iiij feete bounden to iiij stakes, and his

heade to an other. This doon, cometh one wᵗʰ bowe and arrowes; and,

standing a convenient distance of, shooteth towardes the hert so often,

till he haue killed him. And whan the horse is thus deade they flaye him

and make a bottell of his hide, vsing with the fleshe certein ceremonies:

which, nevertheles, they eate at leingth. Than they stufe the hyde so

full of strawe, that it seemeth hole again; and in every of his legges

putt a pece of woodde; and so sett him afoote againe, as though he were

on lyve. Finally, they go to a great tree and thereof cutt such a boowe

as they thinke best, and thereof make a skaffolde whereon they sett

this horse standing, and so woʳship him. Offering sables, armelynes,[25]

menyver,[26] martrons, and foxes, which they hange on the same tree, even

as we offer up candells. By reason whereof the trees there are full of

such furres. This people, for the more parte, lyve of fleshe, and the

greatest parte thereof wilde fleshe: and fishe they haue also in those

ryvers. Nowe that I haue spoken of the Moxij I haue no more to saie of

the Tartariens, saving that those which be Idolatrers worship Images

that they carie on their cartes, though some there be that vse daylie to

woʳship that beast that they happen first to meete whan they go fooʳthe

of their doores. The duke also hath subdued Novgroth, which in oʳ tonge

signifieth ix[27] castells, and is a verie great towne, eight ioʳneys

distāt from Musco, northweast: which before tyme, was governed by the

people; being men wᵗhout reason and full of heresies. Nevertheles, by

litle and litle they arr nowe brought to the Catholike faith. For some

belieue in dede, and some belieue not; but they lyve nowe wᵗʰ reason and

haue justice mynistred amongst them.

[Sidenote: Mostacchi is the berde of the vpper lyppe.]

Departing from Musco yoʷ haue xxij daies ioʳney into Polonia, the first

place whereof is a castell called Trochi:[28] the comyng wherevnto from

Musco is through woodes and litle hilles which be in maner deserte. It

is true that travaileng from place to place, whereas[29] other haue

lodged before yoʷ shall finde wheare fyre hath been made, and there the

way faring ꝓsons may rest and make fyre if they woll: and sometimes a

litle out of the waie yoʷ shall finde some small villaige: but that is

seldome. Likewise, departing from Trochi, yoʷ finde woodes and hilles,

but sometimes houses amonge. And at thende of ix ioʳneys from Trochi yoʷ

finde a walled towne called Lonici, and than do yoʷ enter the region of

LITTUANIA, wheare there is a towne called Varsovich,[30] apꝓteyneng to

certein gentlemen, subiects of CAZIMIR, King of POLONIA. The cuntrey

is fertile and hath many townes and villaiges, but not of any great

accompte. From Trocchi into POLONIA arr vij ioʳneys, and the region is

good and faire, and than finde yoʷ Mersaga, a verie good citie, wheare

Polonia endeth: of whose townes and castells, bicause I knowe them not,

I woll saie no more. But that the king, wᵗʰ his children and all his

famylie, arr very Christian; and that his eldest sonne is nowe King

of Boemia. Being departed out of Polonia wᵗhin iiij ioʳneys, we finde

Frankforth, a citie of the Marquis of Brandenburgh, and so we enter into

Allemaigne: whereof I neede not to speake, bicause it is a cuntrey in

maner at home and knowen well enough. So that nowe there resteth somewhat

to be saied of GIORGIANA, which is forneagainst the place, here before

spoken, and confyneth wᵗʰ Mengrelia. The king of this province is called

PANCRATIO, who hath a faire cuntrey, plentyfull of breade, wyne, fleshe,

graine, and many other fruictes; the most parte of which wynes growe on

trees, as that doth in Trabisonda, and the men arr faire and bigge, but

they have very fylthie apparill and most vile customes. They go with

their heades rounded and shaven, leaving only a litle heare, aftre the

maner of our abbotts, that haue great revenewes, and they suffer their

mostacchi to growe a quarter of a yarde longer than their beardes.[31]

On their heades they were a litell cappe, of divers coloʳˢ, wᵗʰ a creste

on the toppe. On their backes they were certein garments[32] meetely

lenge, but they be straite and open behinde downe to the buttocks; for,

otherwise they coulde not gett to horsebacke; wherein I do not blame

them, for I see the Frenchmen vse the like. On their feete and leggs they

were bootes or busgynes, made wᵗʰ their soles of such a sorte, that whan

they stande, the heele and the too tooʷche the grounde, but the plante

of the foote standeth so high that yoʷ may easelie thrust yoʳ fyst

vndernethe wᵗhout hurting of it, whereof it foloweth that whan they go

afoote they go wᵗʰ paine. I wolde in this parte blame them, if it were

not that I knowe the Persians vse the same. In their feeding (as I haue

seene thexperience in the house of one of the principall of them) they

vse this maner. They haue certein square tables of halfe a yarde brode,

wᵗʰ a ledge rounde about: in the myddest whereof they putt a quantitie of

panico sodden, wᵗhout salte or other fatt; and this they vse in steade

of podaige. On an other like table they putt the fleshe of a wilde bore,

so little brooyled that whan they cutt it the bloudde cōmeth out, which

they eate very willingely. I coulde not awaie[33] wᵗhall, and therefore

drave fooʳthe the tyme wᵗʰ that podaige. Wyne we had plentie, and that

trugged[34] about lustilie: but other kinde of vittailes we had none.

There be in this province great mountaignes and many woodes. It hath a

citie called Zifilis,[35] by the which passeth the ryver Tigris, and that

is a good towne, well inhabited. There is also a towne called Gori, which

confineth wᵗʰ the Sea Maggiore, and this is as much as I haue to saie

toocheng my voyage vnto Tana and those regions, togither wᵗʰ the things

woʳthie of memorie in those ꝑties. And nowe it behoveth me, taking an

other beginneng, to describe the seconde parte: wherein I shall declare

the things apꝓtaigneng to my voiage into Persia.

[Here beginneth the Seconde Parte which concerneth the voiage that I,

Josaphat Barbaro, made, as Ambassadoʳ into Persia.]

[Sidenote: Signoria signifieth the Venetian astate.]

During the warres between our most excellent Signoria and Ottomano, the

yere 1471, I, being a man, vsed to travaile, and of experience amongst

barbarouse people, and willing also to serue oʳ foresaid most excellent

Signoria, was sent awaie wᵗʰ thambassadoʳ of Assambei, King of Persia:

who was come to Venice to compfort the Signoria to folowe the warres

against the said OTTOMANNO.

[Sidenote: Caramano was lorde of Cilicia.]

We departed from Venice wᵗʰ ij light galeys, and aftre vs came ij great

galeys, well furnished wᵗʰ men and municōns, besides other presents that

the forsaid most excellent Signoria sent to Assambei: wᵗʰ comission that

I shulde arrive in the cuntrey of Caramano or on those sea costes wheare,

if the said Assambei shulde come or sende, I shulde give all these

things vnto him. The proporcōn was of artillerie, certein bombardes,

springards, and hangonnes,[36] wᵗʰ powder, shott,[37] waggens, and other

yrons, of divers sortes, to the value of iiijᵐ ducates. The souldeoʳˢ

were crossbowes and handgones: cc vnder the leading of iiij conestables

and one governoʳ, named Thomas of Imola, who had x men sufficiently

provided for every governaunce. Than were there presentes of vessell of

syluer to the value of three thousande ducates; cloth of golde and sylke

to the value of ijᵐˡ vᶜ ducates. Scarletts and other fyne wollen clothes

to the value of iijᵐ ducates. And so being arryved in the Ile of Cyprus

we entered into Famagosta, and there togither came before the king,

the Busshop of Romes[38] ambassadoʳ, King Ferdinandos ambassadoʳ, and

we twoo, that is to weete Assambeis ambassadoʳ and I, wheare enquireng

wheather we might go sauf through the cuntrey of Caramano into Persia, we

founde that Ottomanno had gotten all the townes both on the sea costes

and wᵗhin lande. By reason whereof we were constreyned to tarie a certein

tyme in Famagosta. In which tyme (being desirouse to folowe on my ioʳney)

I divers tymes, in companie of thambassadoʳ of CARAMANO (whom I founde

in Cyprus) went wᵗʰ a light galey vpon the costes of CARAMANO: leaving

thother ambassadoʳ behinde me. And on one tyme amongst other, I arryved

in an haven, whereas standeth a certein castell called Sigi, and there we

spake wᵗʰ the Lorde of that place:[39] who, notwᵗhstanding that he had

lost all his fortresses, had yet about a cᵗʰ horses and some people that

went as vagabonds about the cuntrey, which did all folowe him.

[Sidenote: Stradiottes are light horsemen, Greekes.]

This lordes elder brother[40] was goon to Assembei for succoʳ against

Ottomanno, so that we, finding him of oʳ affection, talked wᵗʰ him; and

in cōicacōn amongest other things reioiseng he saied vnto vs, that he

had waited for vs and shewed lʳᵉˢ from Assambei, willeng him to be of

good compforte, for the Venetian armie shulde shortlie come vnto him; by

whose helpe he trusted to recover his astate, specially the places on the

sea costes. Whereupon, I hearing that oʳ armie shulde come into those

ꝑties, tooke order that our galeys which remayned of Famagosta, should

come to Sigi. This meane while I hearde that our generall capitaigne

Mʳ. Pietro Mocenico, together with the Proveditoʳ Mʳ. Vettorio Soranzo,

and Mʳ. Stephano Malipiero, with the other galeys and capitaignes were

arryved in the haven of Curcho;[41] wheare as is a faire castell of the

same name. Wherefore incontinently I sent Augustino Contarini, the

sopracomito vnto him; adviseng him that if he went about any enterprise

I thought he shulde do well to come to Sigi, wheare I was, for that waye

might he soonest obteigne victorie; howbeit, if he thought it not good,

I was readie to folowe his comaundement. Sigi is but xx myles distant

from Curcho; so that the generall capitaigne having herde my opinion

(notwᵗʰstanding he had alreadie begonne his batterie there) lefte of

and came wᵗʰ the armie vnto Sigi. In which armie were lvᵗⁱᵉ[42] galeys

besides the twoo light and twoo great ones that I had brought that

made up lx, all of oʳ most excellent signoria, xvj galeys of the King

FERDINANDOS, v galeys of the King of Cyprus, ij galeys of the great Mʳ of

Rodes, and xvj galeys of the Busshopp of Romes,[43] which at that time

remained at Modone. So that in all they were nynetie and nyne galeys. On

the which there were ccccxl horses of ours wᵗʰ their stradiotte,[44] that

is to wete, viij in every galey, v galeys excepted, which in dede had no

horse. As soone as they arryved in the haven they landed their horses

and a good ꝓᵗᵉ of the people, who made themselfs readie. The next daie

folowing the capⁿᵉ sent for me, and told me that the castell seemed vnto

him verie stronge, and by reason of the site in maner not expugnable,

because it standeth on the height of an hyll, and therefore asked myne

opinion. I answered it was vndoubtedly very stronge, but that, on thother

side again, there passed not xxv good men in it to garde and defende it,

being a myle in compasse; wherefore I made my rekenyng that folowing

thentreprise we shulde soone obteigne it, he pawsed a great while and

answered nothing, but wᵗhin two howres after he sent his admirall vnto

me, saying that he was determyned to go through with thentreprise,

bidding me to be of good compforthe. Whereupon I went streight to warne

THEMINGA, a capⁿᵉ of the caramano, who likewise reioysed much, and

made me to declare it vnto his lord, which I did; and so retorneng by

THEMINGA came to oʳ capitaigne that than travailed for the preparacon

of thassaulte. The next morning about iiij houres of the day, Theminga

tolde me there came one out of the castell to him, offering to yelde the

castell if we wolde save their persons and their goodes, which I declared

to oʳ capitaigne; and so was commanded by him to promise, by means of

Theminga, that they and all theirs, wᵗʰ their goodes, shulde be saufe,

and that in case they were not disposed to contynewe there they shulde be

saufely conducted whither they wolde. Having declared this to Theminga,

he wolde I shulde go speke wᵗʰ the lorde of the castell; and so went to

the gate, wheare, through a little square wyndowe, I spake wᵗʰ him, and,

aftre many woordes, he concluded that vpon this condicion rehearsed he

wolde deliver the castell. Whereupon, the promise being made, he opened

the gates and suffered me wᵗʰ oʳ Admyrall and three of oʳ galeymen, wᵗʰ

oʳ interpretoʳ to enter. I asked him wheare he wolde be, he answered that

he desired to go into Soria; and for his more suretie to be conducted wᵗʰ

his wife, children and goods by one of oʳ galeys, which I promised him.

And so incontinently he caused his goodes to be packed, whereof a great

deal was made readie before, and he issued out of the gate wᵗhall, and

the rest of those that were in the castell aftre him, which were to the

nombre of clⁱᵉ ꝑsons in all, and descending downe the hyll mett wᵗʰ oʳ

capitaigne that was comyng up wᵗʰ a good nombre of galeymen to receaue

the castell, which galeymen, neither for the capⁿᵉˢ commandement nor yet

for thretenyng, wolde forbeare the spoyle of those goodes and persons,

being not a litle grief to the capitaigne and proveditoʳ, and to all

them that had vnderstanding, considering the faithful promise that had

been made in their name. Thus having receaued the castell I retoʳned

to the galey, and that evenyng late the capⁿᵉ sent for me, lamenting

wonderfully the chaunce that was happened, willing me to go to the

capitaine of the Caramano to excuse him, and to declare what I thought

convenient touching the disobedience and rage of the galeymen; and what

he further mynded to do, as well in their favoʳ that had been robbed as

against them that had com̄itted the roberie. Thus being retoʳned to the

seaside, I founde myne interpretoʳ wᵗʰ an asse laden wᵗʰ these goods,

which I not only caused incontinently to be taken from him, but also

made him to be well beaten. Than went I to Theminga, capⁿᵉ to caramano,

and whan I had excused the matter as I was appointed, in conclusion I

promised him the next daye following all thinges shulde be restored. He

receaued me thankfully, saieing that it greved him that the lorde of

Sigi wᵗʰ all his (being rebells vnto his lorde) had not been slayne,

wherefore seing he passed so litle vpon that which was happened, I salued

the matter, saieng it was convenient we shulde observe oʳ promise made

vnto them, and that the thing so chaunced proceaded of the galeymennes

furie sore against the captaignes, proveditors, and all the sopracomitos

willes. Whan I was retoʳned vnto oʳ capitaigne, he commanded Mʳ. Vettor

Soranzo, wᵗʰ certein sopracomiti, to see the persons and goods taken

contrarie to thappoinctmᵗ recovered. Whearevpon, early in the moʳneng,

cries were made vpon great penaltie that everie man shulde bringe on

lande as well the persons as the goods so taken, and besides this the

galeys were dilygently searched. The persons were all founde, and a

great ꝑte of the goodes, whereof those of smallest valewe were cast on

a great heape, and such parte of it taken out as apꝑertaigned to the

Lorde, and likewise out of the sackes or elswheare all that was his was

had out, and all togither brought into the galley of Mʳ Vettor Soranzo,

the proveditoʳ, because the Lorde wᵗʰ his wief were entered into that

galey, vnto whom all the things that coulde be founde were presented.

And for the rest of the peoples goodes they were all assigned to their

own captaigne, who made a crye that every one shulde come fooʳthe and

take his owne, and so they did. It was thought this lorde shulde have

no small treasure lefte him by his father, and, as it appeared, what of

preciouse stones, perles, golde, sylver, and clothe, there were doseins

of thousande ducates. For proof whereof one SOPRACOMITO, a Candiot, which

had twoo sackes of the said goodes thone whereof be restored, and caried

thother wᵗʰ him vnto Rodes: wheare he died; bequethed vnto the said lorde

in recompense of that which he had of his viijᶜ ducates. This doon, twoo

of the same lordes bretherne came to hym into the galey, and wᵗʰ divers

reasons so ꝑsuaded him, that he consented to retoʳne to lande againe wᵗʰ

all his; wheare, shortly after, the galeys being departed, they caused

him to die; and, as though that had been but a small matter, thone of

them also maried his brothers wief.

[Sidenote: Archipelago was sometime Mare Egeū.]

Tharmye retoʳned to Curcho, before named: and whan the men were landed

the bombards were bestowed in their place to batter likewise that

castell: in the which was a garryson of Ottomanos men, and there also

was the Lorde CARAMANO arrived wᵗʰ his men: and having taken the first

wall they yelded, bodie and goods saved: so that we tooke the castell and

restored it vnto CARAMANO. Aftre this I, wᵗʰ certein of CARAMANOS company

went to Silephica, a famoᵘse towne[45] likewise gotten by Ottomano, and

thretened them wᵗhin; but if they wolde not yelde the towne (for the wᶜʰ

their bodies and goodes shulde be saved) they shulde be assaulted, and

ꝓchaunce whan they wolde yelde they shulde not be accepted, but be hewen

to peeces: wherevnto I was answered that I shulde departe for that tyme

in Godds name; and the next mornyng they wolde signifie vnto CARAMANO

what their entent was: which in effect proved so, for they hadde him come

to receave it, and they accordingly yelded. Vpon this our capitaigne, wᵗʰ

all tharmie, retoʳned into Cyprus, disposing themselfs to abide neere

vnto Famagosta, to take ordre for the rule and governance of that Ilande,

bicause King James[46] happened to dye while we were in Caramanos lande.

And having establisshed all things well there, wᵗhin a fewe daies they

went towardes the Archipelago, and I remaigned in the haven of FAMAGOSTA

with three light galeys and twoo great: togither wᵗʰ the conestable and

souldeoʳˢ that were comitted vnto me by the most excellent SIGNORIA,

wheare I taried a certein space. This, meane while, there arryved two

galeys of King Ferdinandos, in the which was the Archebusshop of Nicosia,

a Catelaine borne, and wᵗʰ him a messynger of the kings to treate of the

mariage of a bastarde doughter of King James.[47] Amongst which practises

there happened one night a great alarme, wᵗʰ ryngeng of belles: insomuch

that the busshop, wᵗʰ those that folowed him gate the markett place and

consequently the towne: and aftre that had Cirenes[48] wᵗʰ the rest in

maner of all the Ilande at his cōmaundement. But oʳ capitaigne-generall

hearing of the passaige of these twoo galeys, wᵗʰ the busshop eastwardes,

suspected they went into Cyprus: and therefore sent Mʳ. Vettor Loranzo,

the Proveditor, wᵗʰ x light galeys aftre him: who arryved at Famagosta,

and founde one of the said galeys in the haven there, and aftre longe

reasonyng the said busshop wᵗʰ his complices agreed to restore the

towne and all that they had taken, and so to departe. Which doon, King

Ferdinandos ambassadoʳ retuʳned to Naples, and the Busshop of Romes

remaigned still in Famagosta. I, wᵗʰ Assambeis ambassador, desirouse to

furnishe my ioʳney (having first sent backe into Candia the twoo great

galeys, wᵗʰ thartillerie and presents before named, by appoinctement of

the Signoria, who caused ꝑte of it to remaigne there, and parte to be had

againe to Venice), caused the souldeoʳˢ to remaigne for the garryson

of Cyprus, and wᵗʰ a light galey retoʳned to Curco, the site whereof

I shall nowe describe, bicause I haue not spoken of it before. This

Curco standeth on the sea, and hath forneagainst it westwarde a rocke,

the thierde parte of a myle in compasse,[49] on the which heretofore

hath been a castell both stronge and faire and well wrought, though at

this present it be greatly decaied. On the principall gates were graven

certein lᵗʳᵉˢ, which seemed verie faire and lyke to the Armenians, but in

an other kinde than those which the Armenians vse at this present: for I

had certein Armenians there wᵗʰ me which coulde not reade them.[50] This

broken castell is distant from Curco towardes the mowthe of the haven,

the shoote of a crosbowe, and Curco is partely edified on a rocke, and

partely it hangeth downe hill towards the sea. Out of the rocke is hewen

a great dyche on theaste side, and on the sande towardes the hyll side

is an exceading stronge wall, scarfelled, that it can not be annoyed wᵗʰ

artyllerie. Such an other place is likewise in the castell wᵗʰ exceading

great walles and most stronge, towards which in all may compasse twoo

thirde partes of a myle, and the same hath also vpon the gates (which

arr twoo) certein Armenian lᵗʳᵉˢ graven. Everie habitac̃on of this towne

hath his cisterne of freshe water, and in the open streates arr iiij very

great cisternes of exceading pure water, sofficient to furnishe a verie

great citie. In the high waie, a boweshoote out of the towne eastewardes,

arr certein arches of marble, of one peece (for the most parte broken),

wᶜʰ contynewe on both sides the waie to a certein churche halfe a myle

distant: seemyng to haue been a verie great thinge and all wrought wᵗʰ

very great pillers of marble and other excellent things.

The grounde about the towne is hyllie and stonye, liek vnto that of

Istria, and hath been inhabited by the subiects of the Lorde Caramano.

There groweth much wheat, cotton, and cattaill, and specially they breed

many oxen and horses, and haue excellent fruictes of divers sortes: the

ayre being as ferre as I coulde ꝑceaue very temꝓate, but what cace the

country is in at this present I wot not; for I heare saie it hath been

destroied by Ottomano. Neere to the seaside arr ij castells, one of Sigi,

before named, buylded on an hyll, and an other very stronge. The first

whereof is wᵗhin a bowe shoote of the sea and thother vj myles distant

from that.

Likewise on the sea-side, departing from Curco, ten myles northwest is

Seleucha,[51] on the top of an hyll; under the which reñeth a ryver[52]

that falleth into the sea beside Curco, about the bignesse of Brenta: and

neere vnto this hill is a theatre liek vnto that of Verona, verie great,

and environed wᵗʰ pillers of one peece, and gryses[53] about. Clymbeng

the hyll, to enter the towne on the lefte hande, arr seene many arches,

parte of one peece (as it is said before) separate from the hill, and

partely digged out of the same hill. And clymbing a little higher, ye

enter the gates of the first circuite to the towne, which stande in maner

on the height of the hill, wᵗʰ a great towne on either side, and arr of

yron, wᵗhout any tymber, about lᵗⁱᵉ[54] foote high and half as broad,

wrought no lesse finely than as if they were sylver, exceding thicke and

stronge. The wall is verie great, full wᵗhinfooʳthe wᵗʰ his garde before

which is so well laden and covered wᵗhout fooʳth wᵗʰ verie harde earth,

and so well cowched[55] that by it ye can not clymbe to the walles; and

this earthe environneth them and defendeth so much from the walles that

the circuite thereof bylowe is iij myles, wheare the wall itself is not

pas a myle about, so that it is made like a suger loofe. Within this

circle is the castell of Seleucha, wᵗʰ the walles full of towres, between

which wall and the vtter wall there is so much voide grounde as for neede

wolde beare ccc busshells of wheate, and leave aboue xxx paces space

between it and the inner warde. Within this castell is an holowe quadrant

digged out of the rocke, v paces deepe, xxx paces longe, and about vij

paces broade; wherein was much tymber for munic̃ion, and, besides that, a

great cisterne that can never lacke water.

[Sidenote: At this time there was a Soldan in Egipt.]

This towne is in the Lesse Arminie,[56] stretching towards the mountaigne

TAURUS, called in their tonge Corthestan. I aboade awhile in this place,

and afterwardes took my ioʳney towards Persia. And notwᵗʰstanding that

there was an other waie, yet went I by the sea costes, and the first day

wᵗʰout longe ioʳney, passeng fooʳthe of Caramanos domynion, I arryved

at a good citie called Tarsus, the lord whereof is named DULGADAR,

brother to SESSUAR. This countrey, though it be in the Greater Armenie,

is nevertheles vnder the souldanes subiection. The citie is iij miles

of compasse, and hath a ryver besides it,[57] whereon standeth a stone

bridge vaulted, by the which they passed out of the towne, and the ryver

doth almost environe the towne. In this citie also is a stronge castell

embatailed on both sides wᵗʰ walles of xv paces high of stone, all

wrought with the ham̄er;[58] before the wᶜʰ is an excellent voide place,

square and plaine, that leadeth to a staier entering to the castell,

and is so longe and large as woll easily conteigne an c[59] men; and

this towne standeth on a litle hill not verie high. A daies ioʳney from

thense is Adena, a verie great towne with a mightie ryver rennyng by

it,[60] over the which is a stone bridge of xlᵗⁱᵉ paces longe, on which

bridge (being in company of certein suffi, as who wolde saie pilgrymes)

we being also clothed after their maner, these suffi beganne to daunce in

spirite, one of them syngeng celestiall things of the ioyes of Macomett,

beginneng meeryly and softely,[61] and aftrewards, by litle and litle,

strayneng the measure faster, according to the tewnes, whereof they that

daunced amended their paces and their leapinges so that divers of them

fell to the grounde and laye as in a traunce, which caused much people

to assemble wondring at them, till the felowes of them that fell tooke

them vp and caried them to their lodgings. And thus did they at everie

lodging, and many tymes also by the waie as though they were forced to do

it. The towne of Adena, and likewise the region, maketh many fustians,

and is under the soldanes domynion, standing likewise in Armenie the

Lesse. I forbeare to speak of the rewynowse townes and castells that

arr betwene that and EUPHRATES, because there is nothing notable. Thus

being arryved at Euphrates, we founde there a boate of the soldanes

hable to transporte xvj horses, and this boate was verie straunge in the

which we passed the ryver. Neere vnto this ryver are certein caves in

the rockes, to the which they that passe make their refuge whan tempest

or yll wheather happeneth. On thother side arr certein villaiges of

Armenie, wheare we laie one night, and so being passed the ryver we

arrived at a towne called Orphe,[62] apꝓteineng to the King Assambei,

and governed by Valibech, brother to the same king. This has sometime

been a great towne, but it was in maner vtterly destroyed by the soldane

when the King Assambei went to the siege of Bir.[63] It hath a castell

vpon the hyll indifferent stronge. And at this place the lorde thereof

vnderstode what I was, and seemed to see me gladly; insomuch that I

deliuered him my l’res, which he caused to be well conveighed. Of this

towne I can saie no more, bicause it was defaced, for the lorde himself

dwelled there but fearefully. After this, we came to the foote of one

hyll that stoode vpon another hyll, and hath a citie called Merdin,

wherevnto there is but one waie being a staier enforced the grises[64]

whereof arr of free stone of iiij paces brode a peece and so endureth

a myle longe. At the toppe of this staier is a gate, and wᵗhin that a

waie that leadeth to the towne, and within the towne is an other hill,

in maner hewen rounde about, on the which standeth a castell of l paces

high, to whose entrey is made such an other staier as the first. This

towne hath none other walles but those of the houses, and is of leingth

the iijᵈᵉ parte of a myle, conteyneng about ccc houses wᵗhin it, well

peopled. They make very many silkes and fustians, and it belongeth also

to the King ASSAMBEI. The Turkes and Moores arr wont to saie that it is

so high that they which dwell in it do never see birdes flee over them.

Here I was lodged in an hospitall founded by Ziangirbei, brother of the

King Assambei, in the which they that reasorte thither arr fedde, and if

they seeme ꝑsons of any estimac̃on they haue carpetts layed vnder their

feete better woʳthe than an hundreth ducates a peece. In which place

there happened me a straunge cace: and verie rare in oʳ ꝓties. Sitteng

one daye alone in the hospitall, there came vnto me a Carandolo; that is

to saie, a naked man shaven, wᵗʰ a goate skynne about him, browne, about

xxx yeres of age, and sate downe by me, takeng out of his sachell a litle

booke, whereon he beganne to reade devowtely, wᵗʰ good maner, as we use

to saie oʳ praiers: wᵗhin a while aftre he ytched neere me, and asked

what I was: wherevnto answering him that I was a straungier, he saied,

and I also am a straungier to this worlde, and so be we all: wherefore

I haue lefte it and entende to folowe this trade[65] vnto myne ende:

wᵗʰ so many good and eloquent wordes, that to lyve well and modestly

he wondrefully compforted me to despise the world: saieng, thoʷ seest

howe I go naked through the worlde, whereof I haue seene parte[66] and

yet haue founde nothing that pleaseth me: and therefore haue determyned

vtterly to habandon it. Being departed from MERDINO, we rode sixe

ioʳneys, and came to a towne of the King Assambeis called ASANCHEPH.

On the right hande whereof before ye come to it in the syde of a litle

hill, there be a nombre of habitations digged out of the verie hill,

and on the lyfte hande is anoʳ hyll whereon the towne is buylded, vnder

the foote of which hyll arr many caves enhabited, those caves on thone

side of the hill being innumerable and all high enough from thearthe,

wᵗʰ their streates or waies that leade to those habitations, whereof

some arr xxx paces high; insomuch that as the people and cattaill passe

by those streates or waies it seemeth they walk in thayre they arr so

high. Following this waie and toʳneng on the lyfte hande ye enter the

towne, wherein arr fustian merchaunts and other occupiers, the towne

being a great throwefare. It is a myle and an halfe of circuite wᵗʰ the

suburbes, with many faire howses and some MOSCHEES in it. Out of it ye

passe a faire deepe ryver[67] of xxx paces brode, over a bridge of huge

tymber, which by force of the only weight standeth vpon the heades of

other peeces of tymber that arr dryven into the earth, for the ryver

is so deepe that no one peece can reache it. Aftre we had passed this

mountaigne we went through champaignes and hylly cuntreys, not high nor

trowblouse, from whense about twoo daies ioʳney eastwarde we came to a

towne called SAIRT,[68] which is made Trianglewise, and on thone ꝓte hath

an indifferent stronge castell, wᵗʰ many great towres, on which side

the walles arr somewhat decaied: showing the towne nevertheles to have

been very faire, being three myles of compasse, very well enhabited, and

furnished indifferently wᵗʰ howses, moschees, and faire fountaignes.

At thentree whereof we passed two ryvers over ij bridges of stone of

one arche apeece, vnder the which one of oʳ great barges might passe

wᵗʰ his mast vpright: for they be both great ryvers, and swifte, thone

called BETTALIS, and thother ISAN; and to this place stretcheth the

lesse Armenia, wheare arr no great hilles, nor great woods, nor yet any

buyldings different from the accustomed. And throughout that region arr

many villaiges, the people whereof live by tillaige, as they do here.

They have corne, frutes, and many fustians, oxen, horses, and other

beastes enough; besides this, they have goates, wᶜh they sheare yerely,

and of their heare make chamletts, wherfore they governe them very

diligently, keeping them wasshed and neate.

Nowe shall we beginne to entre into the mountaigne Taurus, whose ende

is towards the sea MAGGIORE, in the ꝓties of Trabisonda, and streccheth

east-sowtheast towardes the golfe called Sinus Persicus, at thentree of

which mountaigne arr exceeding high, and stype hilles enhabited wᵗʰ a

certain people called CORBI,[69] different in languaige from all their

neighboʳˢ, exceading crewell, and not so much theevishe as openly given

to roberie. They have many townes, buylded vpon bankes and high places,

to discover all passaiges that they may robbe them that passe. Wherfore

many of those townes have been destroied by the Lordes of the cuntrey for

the damaige they have doon to the CAROUANES passeng by them. As I for my

ꝓte have had some exꝑience of their condicioñs.

[Sidenote: Scimetarra is like that we call a fawchon.]

[Sidenote: Musaico is an excellent kinde of paincteng wᵗʰ golde.]

The iiijᵗʰ day of Aprile, the yere 1474, being departed from a towne

called CHESAN, apꝓteyneng to a Lorde that is subiect to Assambei, about

halfe a daies ioʳney from the towne; having in my companie an Ambassadoʳ

of the said ASSAMBEI, vpon an high hill we were assaulted by these Corbi,

who slewe the said Ambassadoʳ and my Secretaire wᵗʰ ij other, and having

hurte me and the rest, they tooke our sompters and all that they founde.

I being on horsebacke fledde out of the waie all alone, and aftre me

came they that were hurte; insomuch that at length we gate us into the

company of a Califfo, that is as much to say, as an heade pylgryme, wᵗʰ

whom we travailed as well as we coulde. The iijᵈᵉ day folowing we came

to Vastan,[70] a citie decaied and yll enhabited, for it hath not above

ccc houses. Twoo daies ioʳney thense we founde a towne called Choy,[71]

which is also decaied, having about cccc houses, and thinhabitants

lyve of handicrafte and tillaige. Being come in maner to thende of the

mountaigne Taurus, I determyned to departe from this Califfo; and taking

one of his companions for my guyde, wᵗhin three daies ioʳney we came

neere to the famouse citie of THAURIS, and being in the brode champaigne,

we mett wᵗʰ certain TURCOMANNI, who, wᵗʰ certein Corbi in their companie,

came towardes vs, askeng vs whither we went. I answered that I was going

towardes the King Assambei wᵗʰ l’res directed vnto him. Than one of them

praied me to lett him see them: and because I told him curteyslie it was

not convenient, I shulde putt them in his handes, he lyfte vp his fist

and strake me such a blowe on the face that the paine thereof lasted me

iiij moonethes after; besides that they beate my trowchman unhappely, and

so lefte vs yll content, as all men may think. Being come to Thauris, we

went into a CANOSTRA, that is to weete (after oʳ maner) an Inne, from

whense I signified to the King Assambei (being than there present) that

I was come, desireng to be brought to his presence. And incontinently

the next morneng being sent for, I presented myself vnto him, so yll

apparailed that I darr assure yoᵘ all that I had about me was not woʳthe

ij ducates. He receaved me curteslie, and than badde me welcome, saieng

that he had beene well advertised of the death of his ambassadoʳ and of

the other twoo, and also of my roberie, promiseng me to see all redressed

in such sorte as we shulde susteigne no losse. Than I presented vnto

him my l’res of credence, which I had alwaies carried in my boosome;

and bicause there was none about him that coulde reade it, he made me

reade it myself, and so to be declared vnto him by an interpretoʳ. And

whan he vnderstode the contents of it, he badde me (aftre oʳ own maner)

repaire to his counsaill, and to deliver them in writeng what had been

taken from me, and further to declare what I had to saie, and so to

retoʳne to my lodging till he shulde see tyme to send for me. The place

wheare I had this accesse to the King was on this maner. First, it had

a gate wᵗhin the which was a quadrant of iiij or v paces square, wheare

sate his chief astates that passed not eight or ten in nombre. Than was

there an other gate neere to the first, in the which stoode a porter

wᵗʰ a little staffe in his hande. Whan I was entered that gate I passed

through a grene garden like a meadowe full of trufles, wᵗʰ mudde walles,

in the which on the right syde was a pavement. About xxx paces further

was there a lodge, volte wise, aftre oʳ maner, iiij or v steppes higher

than the foresaid pavement. In the middest of this lodge was a fountaigne

like vnto a little gutter, alwaies full of water, and in thentrie of it

the king himself sate on a cusshion of cloth of gold, wᵗʰ another at

his backe, and besides him was his buckler of the Moresco fac̃on with

his scimitarra, and all the lodge was laied wᵗʰ carpettes, his chiefest

Princes sitteng round about. The lodge was all wrought of Musaico, not so

small as we vse, but great and verie faire of divers coloʳˢ.

The first day I came to hym he had divers syngers and plaiers, wᵗʰ harpes

of a yarde longe, which they holde wᵗʰ the sharpe ende vpwardes; and

besides that lutes, rebickes, cymbales, and baggepipes, all which plaied

agreablie. The next daie he sent me twoo garmentes of sylke, that is, to

witt, a straict gowne furred wᵗʰ barco and a jackett, a towell of sylke

to girde me, a fyne peece of lynen called bumbasie to putt on my hedde,

and xx ducats, sending me worde wᵗhall that I shulde go to Maidan, that

is, to witt, to the markett place to see the TARAFUCCIO,[72] that is, to

weete, the plaie. Thither I went on horsebacke, wheare in the markett

place I founde about iij horsemen and more than twies as many on foote,

besides the King’s children, which were looking out at certein wyndowes.

To this place certein wylde wolves were brought, ledde wᵗʰ cordes tied

to eche one of their hynder feete, and those wolves were by one and one

lett go in the middest of the place. And to the first there came a man

appointed vnto it, offering to stryke him. The wolfe flewe streighte

towards his throte; but the man, which was nymble, shifted him of in such

wise as the wolfe tooke no holde but on his arme, which coulde take no

hurte by reason of his sleeves that were prepared for it. The horses fled

for feare amongst the prease, and many fell, some in the place and some

into the water which renneth through the citie. And whan they had weeried

one wolfe than they lett slyppe an other, which kinde of plaie they use

every frydaie.

This pastyme being ended, I was brought to the King’s presence into the

place before mencioned; and was caused to sit honorably, and likewise

others being sett in their places as many as coulde conveniently sytt

wᵗhin that lodge, and the rest according to their degrees sitteng vpon

carpetts aftre the Morisco maner, table clothes were spredde vpon the

carpetts, and every man had sett before hym a sylver basen wᵗʰ a pott

of wyne, an ewer of water, and a little dishe all of silver. This meane

while there came in certein men sent from a Prince of INDIA, wᵗʰ certein

strange beastes; the first whereof was a leonza[73] ledde in a chayne by

one that had skyll, which they call in their languaige Babureth. She is

like vnto a lyonesse: but she is redde coloured, streaked over all wᵗʰ

blacke strykes; her face is redde wᵗʰ certein white and blacke spottes,

the bealy white, and tayled like the lyon: seemyng to be a marvailouse

fiers beast. Than was there a lyon brought fooʳthe and shewed to the

leonza somewhat of. At the sight whereof the leonza soddainely squatted,

as it had been a catte, and as though she wolde have leaped on the lyon,

if the keeper had not drawen her backe. Aftre this were twoo elephantes

brought, which, whan they came forneagainst the kinge aftre certein

woordes spoken to them by their leader, looked vp to the kinge and than

enclyned their heades wᵗʰ a certein gravitie, as though they did him

reverence. The greater of them was brought to a tree in the gardein as

bigge as a mannes myddell, which (aftre certein woordes spoken by his

keeper) he shaked on thone side wᵗʰ his heade, and then toʳned and did as

much on thother side: so that he plucked it vp.

[Sidenote: Zibetto is muske.]

Aftre this was brought fooʳthe a GIRAFFA, which they call GIRNAFFA, a

beast as longe legged as a great horse, or rather more; but the hynder

legges are halfe a foote shorter than the former, and is cloven footed as

an oxe, in maner of a violett coloʳ myngled all over wᵗʰ blacke spottes,

great and small according to their places: the bealy white somewhat

longe heared, thynne heared on the tayle as an asse, litle hornes like

a goate, and the necke more than a pace longe: the tonge a yarde longe,

violett and rounde as an eele, wᵗʰ the which he graseth or eateth the

leaves from the trees so swiftely that it is skarsely to be ꝓceaved. He

is headed like a harte, but more fynely, wᵗʰ the which standing on the

grounde he woll reache xv foote high. His brest is broder than the horse,

but the croope narowe like an asse; he seemath to be a mervaillouse

faire beast, but not like to beare any burden. Aftre these were brought

fooʳthe in three cages three paire of doves, white and blacke like vnto

ours, saving they were longe necked like a goose: being (as I believe)

rare byrdes in those parties, ells they wolde never have brought them

fooʳthe. Finally aftre all these there were three popingaies of divers

coloʳˢ brought fooʳthe, and twoo of those cattes that make ZIBETTO. Than

was I taken vp and brought into a chamber, wheare I dyned, and whan I

had doon he that attended on Ambassadoʳˢ badde me farewell and willed me

to departe. Nevertheles, immediately aftre I came to my lodging I was

sente for againe, and being come to the kinge he asked me why I departed?

wherevnto I answered that my governoʳ gave me leave; for the which the

king being offended, caused him incontinently to be called, layed flatt,

and beaten in his presence. Howbeit, viij daies aftre at my request he

was restored into favoʳ. The morowe aftre this man was beaten the King

sent for me early: who, being in the place aforesaid, caused me to sytt

as I did the other tyme.

[Sidenote: Sandalo is the tree that the spice called Saunders is made of.]

This daie being holydaie, and for the com̄yng of the Ambassadoʳˢ of

India, there were verie great tryomphs made. First his coʳtiers were

apparailed in cloth of golde, sylkes and chamlettes of divers coloʳˢ.

In the lodge were sett about xlᵗⁱᵉ of the most honourable, and in the

entries about an c, wᵗhout thentry about cc, betwene the two gates about

Lᵗⁱᵉ, and in the streete wᵗhout about xxᵐ, all readie sett, looking for

meate, in the myddest of whom there were about iiijᵐ horses. And standing

in this order the twoo Ambassadoʳˢ of India came in, who were made to

sytt forneagainst the kinge, and than incontinently were the presents

brought fooʳthe, which passed before the king and his companie on this

wise. First, the beastes rehersed before. Next, about an c men, one aftre

an other, everie man having on his arme v TOLPANI,[74] that is to saie, v

peeces of verie fyne bombasses lynen cloth wᵗʰ the which they make those

rolles that they were on their heades being woʳthe v or vij ducates a

peece. Than came there vi men, every man wᵗʰ vi peeces of sylke on his

arme. Than came there ix, every one of them wᵗʰ a little dishe of sylver

full of such pretiouse stones as I shall declare vnto yoʷ hereafter.

After them came certein wᵗʰ vessells and disshes of PORCELLANA. Than

some wᵗʰ woodde of ALOES and great large peeces of SANDALI. Than came

there xxv fardells of spices, caried wᵗʰ _cowle_ stakes[75] by iiij men

at every fardell. These things being passed, meate was brought fooʳthe,

and every man serued. Aftre dyner the king asked thambassadoʳˢ wheather

there were any other king than theirs that was MOSSULMAN (that is to

saie, Macomettane), who answered that there were two others, but all the

rest were Christians. The morowe aftre the king sent for me, and tolde

me that he wolde make me a litle passetyme in shewing me the jewells

that were sent him out of India, and first caused to be deliuered vnto

me a rynge (that serveth to drawe their bowe) of golde wᵗʰ a rubie in

the myddest of twoo carretts, and some dyamands about it. Also ij ringes

of golde, wᵗʰ twoo rubies waieng iiij carretts. Three skore threades of

perles of v carretts a peece, white, but not rounde. A pointed dyamant

of xxᵗⁱᵉ carretts, not verie cleane, but of a good water. Twoo heades of

deade byrdes[76] in a camewe,[77] which seemed verie straunge in respect

of the fowle of our regions. And having shewed me these jewells, he asked

me howe I lyked that present, addeng that a king sent them vnto him from

beyonde the seas: that is, to witt, from beyonde the Golfe of Persia.

I answered that the present was verie faire and of great value, though

not so great but that I esteemed him wooʳthie of a much greater. Well,

than, said he, thoʷ shalt also see my jewells. Wherevpon, he com̄aunded a

chyldes coyfe of silke to be deliuered vnto me. But I incontinently tooke

myne handekerchief to receave it wᵗhall to thentent I wolde not tooʷche

it wᵗʰ myne hande: wherewᵗʰ he behelde me, and tornyng to his owne

folkes, smylingly said, See the Italian, as though he com̄ended my maner

in receaving the coyfe. On the toppe of this coyfe there was a balasse

bored through and fac̃oned lyke a date, clene, and of a good coloʳ,

waieng an cᵗ carretts, about the which were certein great turcasses, but

they were olde, and likewise certein perles also olde. Besides this, he

caused me to see certein vessells of PORCELLANA and DIASPRO,[78] very

faire.

[Sidenote: Cowpe is an whole volted roofe.]

[Sidenote: Bucasin is a verie fine lynen cloth made of cotton.]

An other tyme, com̄yng to him, I founde hym in a chambre vnder a

pavylion: and than he asked me howe I lyked it. And wheather they vsed

any such in oʳ cuntreyes, I answered him that I lyked it excellently

well; and that there was no comparyson to be made of oʳ places vnto his;

both bicause his power ferre exceeded ours, and also for that we vsed no

such chambers; and truly it was exceading faire. For the tymbre was well

wrought aftre the fac̃on of a cowpe:[79] and hanged about wᵗʰ clothes of

sylke, embrowderie, and golde and all the floore covered wᵗʰ excellent

good carpetts, being about xiiij paces over. Beyonde this chamber was

a great square tent embroʷdered, pitched, as it had been, betweene

foure trees sett to shadowe it, betweene which and the cowpe there was

a pavylion of BUCASIN, all wrought and embrowdered wᵗhinfooʳthe. The

chambre doore was of the woodde of SANDALI entrelaced wᵗʰ threedde of

golde and nettes of perle wrought and embrowdered wᵗhinfooʳthe. I founde

the king sytteng there with his greatest ꝓsonaiges about him, having

before hym a towell folded vp: which he vnfolded, and tooke out of it

a threade of twelue balasses, lyke vnto olyves, of very clene coloʳ,

betweene L and lxxx carratts a peece. Than tooke he out one sable balasse

of twoo ounces and an halfe of a goodley fac̃on, bigge as a fynger,

wᵗhout any hole and of excellent coloʳ, in thone corner whereof were

certein moresco l’res graven, wᶜʰ moved me to aske what l’res they

were, and he answered me that a certein king had caused them there to be

graven, syns whose tyme neither his predecessoʳ nor he wolde grave any

moore, bicause it shulde deface the whole. Than he asked me what that

rubie might be woʳthe. I looked on him and smyled; wherevpon he asked

me again, How I lyked it? I tolde him I had never seene the lyke, nor I

thought never to finde any that might be a paragone vnto it. And if I

shulde valewe it, the balassi, if he had a tongue might aske me wheather

ever I had seene the lyke: to the which I shulde be dryven to saye no.

So that I belieue he is not to be valewed wᵗʰ golde, but ꝑadventure,

some citie might answere him. He looked earnestly on me, and saied PRAN

CATAINI CATAINI. The worlde hath iij eyes, whereof the Cataines haue

two and the FRANCHI one. In dede thoʷ hast said truly. And toʳneng him

towardes them that were about him he tolde them howe he had asked me what

that balassi might be woʳthe and what answere I had made, rehearsing my

woʳds vnto them.

I had before hearde this woʳde Cataini of an ambassadoʳ of Tartarie in

his retoʳne from Cataio the yere 1436, who, passeng throwgh Tana wᵗʰ all

his trayne, was lodged in my house: I hoping to get some jewell of him.

At which time, talking of Cataio, he tolde me howe the chief of that

Princes coʳte knewe well what the FRANCHI were. And vpon my demaunding

of him howe it was possible they shulde haue knowledge of the Franchi,

he asked me, why shulde they not knowe us? Thoʷ knowest, said he, howe

neere we be vnto Capha, and that we practise thither continually; liek

as also they reasorte into oʳ Lordo: addeng this further, we Cataini

have twoo eyes and yoʷ FRANCHI one, whereas yoʷ (toʳneng him towards the

Tartares that were wiᵗʰ him) haue never a one, which he spake merrylie.

So that at this tyme I did the better vnderstande the proverbe, whan

the king vsed these woordes vnto me. This doon, he shewed me a rubie,

of an once and an halfe, of the fac̃on of a chest nutte, rounde, faire

coloʷred, and clene: not bored throwgh and bounde in a cercle of golde,

which seemed to me a mervailouse thinge, being so great: he shewed me

aftre many balasses, both jewelled and vnjewelled, amongest the which

there was one in a square table made aftre the fac̃on of a litle nayle,

rounde about the which were v other table balasses, the great one in the

middest weying xxx carretts or thereabouts, and the next twenty carrets

or thereabouts, betwene the which there were certein great perles and

turcasses set not of any great estimac̃on, for they were olde.

[Sidenote: These Cassacks are longe and strait, and but half sleeved.]

After this he caused certein CASSACKS[80] to be brought fooʳthe of clothe

of golde, of sylke, and of damaskyne chamlette, lyned wᵗʰ sylke or furred

wᵗʰ exceading faire armelynes and sables: telling me these be of the

clothes of a towne of Ies.[81] Our apparaill, qd he, is faire; but it

waieth a litle to much. Finally, he caused certein sylke carpetts to be

brought fooʳthe, which were mervailouse faire.

The morowe aftre, I came to hym againe, and calling me neere, he said

vnto me, Thoʷ shalt haue a litle more passetime. And so deliuered me

a camewe[82] of the breadeth of a grote, wherein was a womans heade

graven; her heare backwarde, and a garlande about her heade. He badde me

looke, is not this Mary? I answered, no. Why, who is it than (qᵈ he)?

I answered, it was the figure of some of thauncient goddesses that the

BURPARES[83] woʳshipped, that is, to witt, the Idolaters. He asked me

howe I knewe it? I tolde him I knewe it; for these kinde of woʳkes were

made before the com̄yng of Jesu Christ. He shaked his heade a litle, and

saied no more. Than he shewed me three poincted diamants, one of xxx

carretts, very clene both aboue and benethe; and the other betwene x and

xij carretts, askeng me wheather there were any such jewells wᵗʰ vs. I

tolde him no; wherevpon he tooke vp a masse of perles of xl threades,

vpon every one whereof were xxx perles of betwene v and vj carretts a

peece: halfe of them rounde, and the rest not unfitt to be iewelled.[84]

Than he caused to be putt into a sylver basen about xl perles, like vnto

peares and gourdes, of betwene viij and xij carretts a peece, vnbored

through and of very faire coloʳ, saieng to me wᵗʰ a smyleng cheere: I

coulde shewe the an hoʳse loade of these. This was doon at a bankett by

night aftre their maner, at the circumcision of his twoo sonnes.

The daye folowing I repaired to him into a great feelde wᵗhin the towne,

wheare wheate had been sowen, the grasse whereof was mowed to make place

for the tryomphe and the owners of the grounde satisfied for it. In this

place were many pavilions pight,[85] and as sone as he ꝑceaued me he

com̄aunded certein of his to go wᵗʰ me, and to shewe me those pavilions,

being in nombre about an cᵗʰ, of the which I ꝑvsed xl of the fairest.

They all had their chambres wᵗhinfooʳthe, and the roofes all cutt of

divers coloʳˢ, the grounde being covered wᵗʰ most beautiful carpetts,

betwene which carpetts and those of CAIRO and of Borsa[86] (in my

iudgement), there is as much difference as betweene the clothes made of

Englishe woolles and those of Saint Mathewes. Aftrewardes they caused me

to entre into twoo pavylions, which were full of sylke apparaill aftre

their fac̃on, and of other sortes of clothes laied on a great heape: on

thone side of the which I ꝑceaved to the nombre of xl sadles, trymed wᵗʰ

sylver. All which apparaile and sadells they tolde me shulde be given

awaie by the king at the tryomphe. They also shewed me twoo great doores

of the woodde of SANDALI, of vj foote high, a peece sett wᵗʰ golde and

moother of perle aftre the woʳke of THARSIA.[87] Than I retoʳned to the

king, and took my leafe for that tyme.

The morowe folowing I founde him sitteng in his accustomed place, vnto

whom there were brought eight great dishes of woodde: in every of the

which was a white sugar loofe made of divers fac̃ons, weying viijˡᵇ a

peece, and rounde about it were certein litle disshes wᵗʰ confections of

divers coloʳˢ, but for the most parte comfettes. There were also many

other disshes brought fooʳthe wᵗʰ other confecc̃ons and frutes. The first

eight he appoincted himself to whom they shulde be given: I being the

first that was presented wᵗhall, and it was woʳthe betwene iiij and v

ducates a peece: the rest was distributed amongest others, according to

their degrees.

[Sidenote: Camocato is fine Calicut cloth.]

The next daie I founde him sett amongest xv ꝓsons, the principall

whereof had canopies over their heades, and v or vj stoode before the

prince, whom he comaunded to go and apparaill such and such by name.

They therevpon went to those that were named, and taking them vp, ledde

them to the pavilion, wheare the garmentes were, and aftre their degrees

apparalled them, and to some they gave sadells, and to some other they

gave horses, to the nombre of xl, in my iudgement: but they that were

so apparailed were aboue ccl, amongest whom I was one. This doon, there

came certein women that beganne to daunce and to synge wᵗʰ certein that

plaied. And than was there sett on a carpett an hatt fac̃oned like a

sugar looofe, having on the toppe cuttes and tassells aftre the maner

of the hattes of ZUBIARI,[88] and a litle from it stoode one waiteng

the kinges comaundement, who poincted him on whose heade he shulde sett

that hatt. Wherevpon he took it vp and went to the person appoincted:

which arose, and putteng of his rolle, putt the hatt on his heade; being

so unseemely as suffised to haue disgraced a right goodly man. But he

hauing it on, passed fooʳthe, daunceng before the king, as he knewe the

guyse. And the king gave a signe to him that wayted, com̄aunding him

to give to the dauncer a peece of CAMOCATO. And he taking this peece

threwe it about the heade of the dauncer and of other men and women:

and useing certein woordes in praiseng the king, threwe it before the

mynstrells. This daunceng and throwing of peeces lasted till an howre

before sonnesett: in the which, by my rekenyng, what of damaske woʳkes,

lynenclothe, chamletts, and other like, there were given awaie aboue

ccc peeces and aboue lᵗⁱᵉ horses. This doon, they fell to wrasteling on

this wise. Two naked men, wᵗʰ breeches and hoses of leather downe to

the ankleys, presented themselfs before the king, and they clasped not

acrosse, but sought to take eche other by the nape of the necke, which

either of them did his best to defende. But whan thone had goten holde on

thothers necke, than he that was so taken having none other shifte wolde

stoowpe as lowe as he might, and take the other by the backe, lifteng

him vp and seeking to throwe him flatt on his backe; for otherwise it

was reckened no fall, howbeit divers of them wolde suffer himself to be

almost so throwen, and whan it came to the point wolde nevertheles shifte

the others to the fall, and so wynne the price. At leingth there came one

of these naked wrestlers before the king, so huge a man that he seemed

a gyaunte, being yonge and well proporc̃oned, of xxx yeres of age or

thereaboutes: whom the king com̄aunded to wrastle: willeng him to seeke a

companion. But he, kneeling, spake certein woordes againe, which I being

desirouse to vnderstande, it was tolde me that he had besought the king

he might not plaie, bicause in plaieng before he had killed some wᵗʰ

strayneng of them; wherefore the king was contented to spare him. Vnto

these wrastelers there were divers horses given, and the plaie, aftre I

was goon, endured till it was twoo houres wᵗhin night; so that there were

many other things given. In this, meane whele, the towne was well decked,

and spetially the shoppes; for every man sett fooʳthe his best stuf. And

there was also a price apoincted to the kings footemen, whose coʳse

to renne was a myle and an halfe, not wᵗhall their power, but a good

trotting pace, they being spoyled, naked, and anoynted over wᵗʰ larde for

the preservac̃on of their synowes, wᵗʰ a breeche of leather for everie of

them. And beginneng at the one ende of the race, whan they came trotting

to thother, they receaued (of such as were appoincted) an arrowe for a

witnesse to them that were ferre of, and coulde not discerne wheather

they arrived at the marke or not, liek as whan he retoʳned againe to

thother ende, he receaued there also an other arrowe; and so from the

one ende to the other as longe as his legges wolde serue him; so that he

which shuld most tymes trye that race shulde haue the price. These for

whom this price was prepared were all of the kings footemen; which go

barelegged and in maner naked, not styckeng to trotte sometymes x daies

ioʳney togither.

These triomphes fynisshed, the king, wᵗʰ all his trayne, determyned,

according to their custome, to go into the champaigne; wherefore he

asked me wheather I wolde go wᵗʰ him and travaill or tarie behinde and

make meery. I answered that I had rather wayte on him wᵗʰ much sorowe

and trouble than to be from him wᵗʰ great rest and pleasʳ, which answer

me seemed he tooke verie thankefully, and so incontinently sent me an

horse, a tente, and mooney. Being thus departed from the citie, he wᵗʰ

all his trayne tooke that waie which they knewe fittest to furnishe them

of pasture and water: travailing at the beginneng betwene x and xv myles

a daye: and wᵗʰ him there went iij of his sonnes.

He that wolde here note all the things woʳthie to be noted, shulde take

a diffuse entreprise vpon him and shulde sometimes treate of things

almost incredible. Wherefore I shall declare so much only as I thinke

convenient, leaving the rest to those writers that shall vse more

diligence in it than I haue doon.

Thus being in the champaigne there came to visit the king a sonne of

his that soggioʳned in the ꝑties of BAGDATH, that is to saie, BABILONE,

and his mother wᵗʰ him, who presented his father wᵗʰ xx goodly horses,

c camells, and certein peeces of sylke. Than were there also presented

vnto the king by the barons attending on his sonne a nombre of camells

and horses, which in my sight at the verie instant were distributed and

given awaie by the king to such as pleased him and than went to dyner.

But not long after being in the champaigne newes came that an other sonne

of his, called ORGALU MAHUMETH had taken Syras, a notable great citie of

his father’s domynion; which he had doone vpon wooʳde that was brought

him of his father’s death, wherevpon he determyned to have that towne

for himself. These newes being hearde, the king forthwᵗʰ aroase, and wᵗʰ

all his people tooke his waie towards Syras, which from that place was

distant cxx miles, and travailed wᵗʰ so much speede that between mydnight

and the evenyng of the next daie they went xl myles, so that in iij daies

he might have been there. Who coulde believe that so great a nombre of

people, men, women, and children, and some in the cradell, shulde make so

great a speedie voiage, carieng wᵗʰ them all their baggaige and so good

ordre, wᵗʰ so much dignitie and pompe, never wanteng breade and seldome

wyne (which they needed not to lacke weare it not that a great nombre

of them drynke none), and than such plentie of fleshe and fruictes, and

all other thinges necessarie? I that have seen it do not only believe,

but also knowe it; and to thende that they which hereaftre may happen to

travaill thither (if any happen at all) may iudge whether I write trewe

or not, and that they which never mynde to see it may also believe it if

it shall please them, I shall heare make a special declaration of it.

The noble and principall men which be wᵗʰ the king, and that carie wᵗʰ

them their wiefs and children, men and women servants, and their goodes,

arr wonte to have many camells and mooyles, the nombre whereof I shall

rehearse hereaftre. These carie the sucking children in their cradells

at the pomell of the sadell, so that the moother or the nurse ryding may

give them sucke, which cradells arr some fairer than other, according

to the qualities of the owners, wᵗʰ their sylkes over them, wrought

wᵗʰ golde or sylke. Wᵗʰ the lyfte hand they holde the cradell and the

brydell both, and wᵗʰ the right hande they drive the horse, beating him

wᵗʰ a whippe bounde to their litle fynger. The other children arr also

caried on horsebacke vpon certein cages, covered on both sides, and

wrowght according to their degrees. The women also ryde on horsebacke in

company togither wᵗʰ their maydens and seruants before them according to

their astate. The hable men attende on the King’s ꝓson, and reckenyng

all togither, they arr so many in nombre that it is a good halfe daies

ioʳney from the one ende of them to the other. The women ryde their faces

covered wᵗʰ muflers made of horse heare[89] to defende them from sonne

burneng in the cleere weather. At this tyme were the musters taken as

well of the people as of the cattell on this wise. There was a verie

great champaigne environned wᵗʰ horses, so ordered that eche of them

tooᵘched the other’s heade, and the men vpon them were partely armed and

partely vnarmed, comprehending about xxx myles in circuite, wᵗhin which

ordre they all stoode from the morneng vntill sonnesett. Than passed one

surveieng and making a reckenyng of them, not taking any mannes name or

the markes of the horses in writeng as we vse in these ꝓties, but only

called for the capⁿᵉˢ names, and considered the nombre wheather it were

in order, and than passed on, wherefore I tooke my seruʷnt wᵗʰ me, and

passed through them apace, rekenyng wᵗʰ beanes what nombres I founde,

vseng for every Lᵗⁱᵉ to lett a beane fall into my pockett. And whan the

musters were past, I made my reckenyng, and founde the nombres and

qualities of those things to be, aftre thordre that I shall describe vnto

yoᵘ:

Of pavylions, vjᵐˡ;

Of camells, xxxᵐˡ;

Of cariage mooyles, vᵐˡ;

Of cariage horses, vᵐˡ;

Of asses, ijᵐˡ;

And horses of service, xxᵐˡ;

Of the which there were ijᵐˡ covered wᵗʰ certein armure of yron, made

in litle squares and wrought wᵗʰ gold and syluer, tacked togither wᵗʰ

small mayle, which hanged downe in maner to the grounde, and vnder the

golde it had a frynge. The rest were covered, some wᵗʰ leather aftre

oʳ maner, some wᵗʰ silke, and some wᵗʰ quilted woʳke so thicke that an

arrowe coulde not haue passed throwgh it. The horsemens armoʳ is of

the same sorte before rehearsed. Those armures of yron that I first

menc̃oned arr made in Besthene,[90] which in oʳ tonge signifieth the v

townes, being of twoo miles compasse, and standeth on an hill wheare no

man dwelleth but the craftesmen of that science. And if any straunger

be desirouse to lerne it, he is accepted wᵗʰ putting in sureties never

to departe thense: but to dwell there wᵗʰ the rest, and to applie that

occupation. It is trewe that in other places like woʳks arr made, but no

wheare so excellent. Aftre this I nombred ijᵐˡ good mooyles, in heardes

of small cattaill xxᵐˡ, and of great ijᵐˡ, leopardes to hunte wᵗʰall

an c; fawcons gentle and bastarde, cc, grehounds, iijᵐˡ, houndes, a

thousande, goshawkes, Lᵗⁱᵉ, souldeoʳˢ for the swearde, xvᵐˡ sclaves,

heardmen, cariers, and other like, with sweardes ij, and archers a mˡ,

so that in all there myght be about xxvᵐˡ good horsemen, footemen of

villaines and bowes, iijᵐˡ, women of the best and myddell sorte, xᵐˡ,

women serūnts, vᵐˡ, children of both kindes, of xij yeres and vnder, vjᵐˡ

and other children[91] about that age vᵐˡ. Amongst the horsemen there

were about one thowsande speares, targettes vᵐˡ, archers about xᵐˡ. The

rest, some wᵗʰ one weapon, and some wᵗʰ an other. Amongst the baggaige

arr these things folowing, wᵗʰ their prices and owners. First, tayloʳˢ,

showmakers, smythes, sadlers, and fletchers in great nombre, wᵗʰ all

things necessarie for the campe. Than arr there victuallers that sell

breade, fleshe, fruite, wyne, and other things in exceading good order,

which is obserued throwghowtlie, and there be many poticaries also wᵗʰ

spices. Their breade costeth litle more than oʳˢ doth in Venice. Their

wyne costeth aftre the rate of iiij ducates oʳ hoggesheade, not bicause

there is any wante of it in the cuntrey, but bicause for the more parte

they vse it not. Fleshe aftre the rate of a peny or three halfe pence the

pounde; cheese, 1¼ᵈ; rise, 1¼ᵈ; fruicte of all sortes, 1¼ᵈ; and likewise

mellones, of the which some waied betwene xxiiij and xxxˡᵇ a peece.

Horsemeate aftre iijᵈ the daie, and showing aftre xiiᵈ an horse mary;[92]

for gyrthers, leather sadells, and other horse harneys, there was great

skarsetie. As for horses to be solde, there be none but those nagges

that arr woʳthe betwene viij and x ducates a peece, and that come out

of Tartarie wᵗʰ the merchauntes (as I have saied before), iiij or v

thousande at a clappe:[93] which arr solde for iiij, v, or vj ducates a

peece: being litell, and serving onlie for cariaige. Amongst the nombre

of camells aboue rehearsed, there be viijᵐˡ, of twoo bunches a peece,

which haue their coveringes faire wrought, wᵗʰ belles, dyngles, and

beadestones of divers sortes hanging at them. Everie man aftre his degree

having some x, some xx, and some xxx, tied one to an others tayle, and

be ledde every mannes by themselfs for a pompe, wᵗhout any bodie suffred

to ryde vpon them. The other camells, of one bunche, carie the pavylions

and their masters apparaill in chests, sackes, and fardelles. In like

maner, amongest the mooyles there be about ijᵐˡ that carie nothing, but

arr ledde for pompe, trapped wᵗʰ goodly coveringes better wrought than

those of the camelles be. And of the same sorte, amongest the horses

abouemenc̃oned there be about a thousande thus decked. When they travaill

by night wᵗʰ the people those that be of reputac̃on, both men and women,

haue lightes borne before them, as we vse, which their men and women

serunts do carie. Wheare the Prince rydeth there go before him vᶜ horses

and more: which haue also their skowtes before them wᵗʰ certein square

enseignes, which, cryeng make roome, make roome! to whom all men give

waie. This is one parte of that which I haue seene concerneng the maner,

order, dignitie, and pompe that this peeple (whilst they be in the

champaigne) vse in attending on their king: being yet much lesse than I

coulde saie of them.

At this tyme, bicause I felte myself not well at ease, I departed from

the campe, and went out of the waie about halfe a daies ioʳney to

Soltania, which in oʳ tonge signifieth Imperiall. This is a citie of the

forsaid kinge, which sheweth itself to haue been excellent faire. It

is not walled, but it hath a castell walled, though it be decaied, by

reason that about iiij years passed it was overthrowen by a lorde called

Giusa. The castell is a myle about, and hath wᵗhin it an high churche of

iiij iles, and of iiij vaultes high: the great cowpe whereof is bigger

than that of SAN JOANNI PAULO in Venice. At thone ende it hath a gate

of brasse of iij paces high, wrought letties[94] wise; wᵗhin the which

arr divers sepultures of the kings that were in time past. Over against

that gate there is an other like vnto it: and on the sides twoo other

lesse, one of eche side crosses, so that the great cowpe hath iiij gates,

ij great and ij small, the quarters or sydes whereof arr of brasse, iij

quarters of a yarde brode and half a yarde thicke, excellently well

kerved wᵗʰ leaves and devises aftre their maner; so wrought in wᵗʰ beaten

golde and sylver that it is both mervailousle and riche. The letties

of those gates haue certein great balles as bigge as loofes, and than

certein litell ones like orenges, wᵗʰ branches that knytt loofe to loofe,

as I remembre I haue seene it ones graven in woodde in a certein place.

The workemanship of the golde and syluer is so excellent that there is

no man in oʳ ꝑties that durst take the like in hande wᵗʰout very great

tyme. The citie is great enough, conteineng iiij myles in circuite, and

is well furnisshed of water. And if it were by none other but by the name

only, it appeareth that it hath been very notable. Indede, it is nowe but

evill enhabited, having betwene vij and viijᵐˡ people in it; ꝓadventure

more.[95]

Whilest I laie in this citie, I had worde that the king, being

aduertised, as is aforesaid, that his sonne had taken Syras, removed

wᵗʰ all his people on his waie thitherwardes. Wherefore, immediately I

departed from Soltania, and went to CHULPERCHEAN, which signifieth in

oʳ tonge the lordes sklave, a litle towne, though by the rewynes of it,

it seemeth to haue had goodly buyldengs, being of ij miles circuite,

and conteyneng about vᶜ houses; in which place myne interpretoʳ died.

So that, from thensfooʳthe, as longe as I remayned in those ꝓties (for

the space of v yeres aftre), I coulde never finde any that vndrestode my

langaige. Wherefore I was driven to take the office of interpretoʳ vpon

me, contrary to the maner of all other ambassadoʳˢ. Departeng thense I

repaired towardes the king, who hasted his ioʳney towardes SYRAS, in

which ioʳney I noted in him one mervailouse poinct of severitie. Amongest

others about him there was one Coscadam, an aged man, of lxxx (and yet

a lustie man of his person), who had either v or vj sonnes, and all

in good reputac̃on wᵗʰ the king. This man being of honoʳ was, by the

king, com̄aunded to be taken: bicause he was aduertised that his sonne

OGURLU Mahumeth (who had wonne Syras) had writen certein l’res vnto this

Cascadam that were not showed to the king.[96] Wherefore, he caused first

his bearde to be shaven, and then made him to be had to the shambles,

wheare he was strypped, and had twoo of those hookes, whereon the

bocheoʳˢ vse to hange fleshe, driven in behinde his shouldres, on either

side one: by the which he was hanged by lowe, wheare the fleshe is wonte

to hange, and lyved twoo howres aftre. Nowe, by that I coulde learne, the

said Ogurlu Mahumeth, hearing of his fathers coming to Syras, departed

thense, and kept himself abroade; writeng vnto an vncle of his to be

meane vnto his father for him. Offering to submytt himself and to be in

any place wheare it shulde please his father to appoinct him: so that he

might haue wherewᵗhall to lyve.[97]

All this region of Persia hitherto, by the waie that we came was verie

barayn, drie, sandie, and stonye, having fewe waters, so that wheare

water is there be some townes: though for the more parte destroied:

every of which townes hath a castell fortified of earthe. Their cornes,

vines, and fruictes encrease by force of their water; for wheare water

is skarse there is harde dwelling; nevertheles, they vse to conveigh

their water vnder earthe iiij and v daies ioʳney from the ryvers, whense

they fetche them, and that in this maner. Neere to the ryver they make

a pitt like vnto a well, from whense they folowe, diggeng by lyvells

towardes the place they meane to bringe it to; so that it may evermore

distende chanell wise: which chanell is deeper than the botome of the

foresaid pytt, and whan they haue digged about xx paces of this chanell,

than digge they an other pitt like to the first,[98] and so from pitt to

pitt they conveigh the water alongest these chanells whither they woll.

And whan they haue finisshed this worke than open they the skluse of

the pitt towardes the ryver, and so letting in the water, convey it to

their townes, and whither they woll, fetching that through the botome of

mountaignes that is had out of the deepe of the ryvers. For if they did

not thus there coulde be no dwelling there; considering that it rayneth

very seldome, insomuch that I saied to those of tharmie their cuntrey was

very barayne. Whearevnto I was answered that I needed not to mervaile,

bicause the waie they tooke was freshe, so that they founde the better

pasture and the cuntrey the holsōmer. In those ꝑties arr no woodes nor

yet trees, no not so much as one, except it be fruite trees, which they

plante, whereas they may water them; for otherwise they wolde not take.

The tymber wherewᵗh they buylde arr trees which they sett in watrie

places, in such nombre as suffiseth for their necessitie. The rather for

that they haue excellent carpenters, who, being constreyned of necessitie

to spare woll of one peece of tymber of two spannes in compasse sawed

into boordes, make an handesome doore of two paces longe, so well wrought

outwardes and so well ioyned, that it is a wonder, aftre which maner they

also make their wyndowes and other things meete for their householde. In

dede, wᵗhinfooʳthe the peeces of their ioynengs may well be discerned.

Of this they also make chestes; and for proofe that there be none other

trees, great nor small, neither on hill nor plaine, I have sometimes

founde a shrubbe of thorne, on the which, as it were for a myracle, I

haue seene certein peeces of cloth and ragges hanging, in token that the

feaver and other infirmities arr healed there. And, notwᵗhstanding the

great moltitude of people that is in their campe, yet shall yoʷ not heare

any one mourning or lamenting; for they arr all meerie: synge, plaie, and

laugh.

Folowing on oʳ ioʳney we came to a towne called SPAHAM,[99] which hath

been a notable toune till of late, walled wᵗʰ mudde and diched, hauing

about iiij myles in circuyte, and, rekenyng the subvrbes, aboue x myles:

in which subvrbes arr no less goodly houses than wᵗhin the walles. I

vndrestode that, by reason of the moltytude of the people amongest

the which were nombres of good men, being also ryche, sometimes they

disobeyed their king. And, about xx yeres passed, one GIANSA being King

of Persia, came to this towne to reduce the same to obedience, and

hauing taken ordre wᵗʰ them, deꝓted. But shortely aftre they rebelled

againe; wherevpon he sent an armye thither wᵗʰ com̄aundement, that whan

they had sacked and burned the towne, every man at his retoʳne shulde

bringe one of thinhabitaunts heades wᵗʰ him: which they fulfilled so

exactely that (as I haue hearde some of them reporte which were in that

armie) they that coulde not gett mennes heades cutt off womens heades

and shaved them, to fulfill the kings comaundement. By reason whereof,

they overthrewe and destroied the whole towne; nevertheles, the vjᵗʰ

parte of it is nowe enhabited again. It hath many great and notable

antiquities, amongest the which the chiefest is a square cisterne, wᵗʰ

cleere and sweete water, verie good to drynke, rounde about the which

is a goodly wharfe sett wᵗʰ pyllars and vowltes: wheare arr innumerable

roomethes[100] and places for merchaunts to bestowe their merchaundizes:

which place is alwaies locked in the night for savegarde of the

merchaundize. Divers other things and goodly monuments arr in this citie:

whereof I woll forbeare to speak, saving that in the tyme rehearsed (as

it was saied) there dwelled aboue Lᵐˡ persons. Aftre this, we founde a

well enhabited citie called Cassan,[101] wheare for the more parte they

make sylkes and fustians in so great quantitie that he who wolde bestowe

xᵐˡ ducates in a daie may finde enough of that merchaundise to bestowe

it on. It is about iij myles in compasse, walled, and wᵗhoutfooʳthe hath

faire and large subvrbes. Than came we to a walled citie called COM,

very rudely buylded. It is no towne of craftesmen; for they lyve of

tyllaige, having many vineyardes and gardens and excellent good mellons;

so great, that some one sholl waie xxxˡᵇ, grene wᵗhout, white wᵗhin, and

as sweete as suger; and the towne conteigneth about xxᵐˡ houses.

[Sidenote: A resorting place for merchauntes to trafficke in.]

From thense, folowinge on oʳ waie we came to Jex,[102] a towne of

artificers, as makers of sylkes, fustians, chamletts, and other like.

Some may thinke I tell more than trowthe in many things; nevertheles, it

is most trewe, as they knowe that have seene it. This towne is walled,

of v myles in circuite, wᵗʰ very great subvrbes, and yet in maner they

all arr wevers and makers of divers kindes of sylkes which came from

STRAUA,[103] from AZZI, and from the ꝓties towardes ZAGATAI: towards the

sea of Bachu, the best whereof come from Jex, wᶜʰ, wᵗʰ their woʳkes, do

aftrewards furnishe a great parte of INDIA, PERSIA, ZAGATAI, CIM, and

MACIM,[104] parte of CATAY, of Bursia, and of Turchie; wherefore lett

him that woll bie good silkes of SORIA, faire and well wrought, take of

these. And whan any merchaunt cōmeth to this towne for wares, he goeth

into the FONDACO, rounde about the which arr certein litle shoppes, and

in the middest a litle square place, likewise wᵗʰ shoppes, having twoo

gates cheyned (bicause horses shulde not passe through). This merchaunt

wᵗʰ his companie, if they be acquainted wᵗʰ any place, resorte thither to

sytt: if not, they may sytt wheare pleaseth them in any of those shoppes,

being vj foote square a peece. And if they be divers merchaunts, lightly

they take eche one a shoppe by himself. An howre aftre the sonne ryseng

certein go about wᵗʰ sylkes and other wares on their armes, passeng

rounde about wiᵗhout speaking. And the merchaunts, if they see ought that

pleaseth them, call the seller; and looke on his wares; the price whereof

is writen on a paper sowed vnto it. If he lyketh them and the price, he

throweth them into the litle shoppe, and so dispacheth them wᵗhout moore

wordes. For he that deliuereth the stuff knoweth the owner of the shoppe,

and therefore deꝓteth wᵗhout further question: which markett endureth

till noone; and aftre dyner cometh the seller and receaueth his mooney;

wheareas, if he fynde none that woll bye at his price one day, than he

retoʳneth an other day: and so fooʳthe. They saie that towne requireth

every daie twoo sompters of sylkes: which, aftre oʳ maner, amounteth to

xᵐˡ weight. As for chamletts, fustians, and such other, I saie nothing;

for, by the sylke they make, it may easelie be gessed how much more they

make of those.

All my ioʳney hitherto hath been sowtheast, but nowe I shall retoʳne

eastwardes, wheare the first towne in my waie was the city of SYRAS,

being very great, of xxᵗⁱᵉ myles compasse, rekenyng the subvrbes wᵗhall.

It conteigneth innumerable people, and is full of merchaunts; for all

they that come from the vpper parties, that is to saie, frome ERE,

SAMARCAHANTH, and NISU,[105] taking the waie throwgh Persia, do passe

by SYRAS. Hither arr brought many jewelles, sylkes, both great and

small, spices, rewbarbe, and semenzina, and is of the King Assambey,

his domynion, closed wᵗʰ high mudde walles and deepe dyches, wᵗʰ gates

according. It hath a nombre of excellent faire churches and good howses

trym̄ed wᵗʰ MUSAICO and other goodly ornaments: and may conteigne ccᵐˡ

houses, or ꝑadventure more. In which citie is very sure dwelling wᵗhout

any disturbance. Going hense, they departe out of Persia, and take the

waie vnto Ere,[106] a towne situate in the region of ZUGATAI, which towne

apꝑteigneth to the sonne of the late Soldan Bosaith, and is very great,

though not so bigge by the iijᵈᵉ parte as Syras, wheare they make sylkes

and other like woʳkes as they do in Syras. I forbeare to speake of many

castells, townes, and villaiges that arr in this waie, bicause there is

nothing in them notable. But from thense, somewhat northeastwardes, they

travaile xl daies ioʳney through desertes and barayn places, wheare no

water is to be had but in such welles only as arr made for the purpose,

and whereas is litle grasse and lesse woodde. And than come they in the

self same region of Zagatai, to a verie great and well enhabited citie

called Sammarcahanth, through the which all the merchaunts and travailers

that come out of Cim Macim, and Catay do passe to and fro. The towne is

well replenisshed of artificers and merchaunts both. The lordes whereof

arr sonnes to Giarda.[107] I went no further this waie, but by that I

learned there of others, this Cim and Macinn that I haue before named arr

ij verie great provinces, thinhabitants whereof arr idolaters, and there

make they vessells and disshes of PORCELLANA. In these ꝓties is verie

great trafficque of merchaundize, specially jewells and clothes, as well

of sylke as of other sortes, and from thense they go into the province of

Catay. Of the which I shall rehearse as much as I knowe, by the reaporte

of an ambassadoʳ of Tartarie that came thense. I, being at Tana, happened

one tyme to talke wᵗʰ the saied ambassador tooching the cuntry of Catay,

who telled me that in passeng throwgh the places hereafter menc̃oned,

aftre he was ones entred into that cuntrey, his charges were borne from

place to place, vntill he came to a towne called Cambale,[108] wheare he

was honorably receaued, and lodging appoincted vnto him. And (as he said)

even so the costes arr borne of all the merchaunts that passe that waie.

Than was he brought to the princes presence, wheare, at his comyng to

the gate, he was made to kneele wᵗhoutfooʳthe. The place was flatt and

plaine, very large and longe. At the vpper ende whereof was a pavement

of stone, on the which the Prince sate wᵗʰ his backe to the gatewardes.

And on both sides sate iiij of his wᵗʰ their faces towardes the gate;

and from the gate vnto these iiij on either side stode certein seruants

of armes wᵗʰ syluer staves, making a lane in the myddest. In the which

lane, here and there sate certein trowchemen on their heeles, as women

do in oʳ parties. The said ambassadoʳ being brought to the gate, wheare

he founde the things in thordre aforesaied, was comaunded to declare his

messaige: which the trowchemen declared again from one to the other,

till it came to the Prince. Wherevpon, it was answered that he was

welcome and might retoʳne vnto his lodging, wheare he shulde receaue a

further answere: and that he needed no more to retoʳne to the Prince,

but only to conferre wᵗʰ such as were therevnto appoincted and sent to

his lodging, who to and fro did so travaill, that he was both speedylie

and thankefully dispatched. A servaunt of the said ambassadoʳˢ and a

companyon of his, who were both wᵗʰ him, tolde me wonders of the justice

they vse in those ꝑties. Amongest the which, this was one that being on

a daye in MADIAN[109] which signifieth the markett place, they did see a

woman carieng a payle of mylke on her heade, to whom one came that tooke

it from her: and beginneng to drynke, she beganne to crye out, Helas!

howe can we poore wydowes carie oʳ goodes to sell? Wherevpon, he was

incontinently taken, and wᵗʰ a swearde cutt in sonder by the myddest: so

that at ones ye shulde haue seene both the bloudde and the mylke gushe

out of his bowells which thambassadoʳ himself affirmed aftrewardes to

be trewe: addeng further that a certein woman weaving of fustian, had

drawen out a shuttell and laied it behinde her; which shuttell, one that

by chaunce passed by, tooke awaie and went on. But she, looking backe

and mysseng her shuttell, beganne to crie: and being tolde her that he

which had it went there, he was incontinently taken, and likewise cutt

by the middest. They saie that not only wᵗhin the citie, but also in the

high waies abroade, wheare men travaile, if there be anythinge laied on

a stone or other place, which, being lost by the owners, hath been founde

by others, there is no man so hardie as darreth take it to himself. And

further, if any man on the waie aske an other whither he goeth, and that

he of whom the question is so asked do either suspect or mistrust the

person that moved the question, and therfore woll complaine: it shall

behove the questioner to yelde a laufull reason why he asked it; orelles

he shalbe punisshed for it: whereby it appeareth this cuntrey is of great

freedome and justice. As, toocheng their merchaundize, I learned that

all the merchaunt men which reasorte thither bringe their merchaundizes

into the FONDACHI, wheare the officers repaire to see it, and if they

finde any thinge meete for the Prince, they take that that pleaseth them,

yelding the valewe for it in other things, the rest remayneth at the

merchaonts libertie. The small mooney they spende in this place is made

of paper, which they yerely chaunge into a newe printe: for tholde mooney

at the yeres ende is brought to the mynte wheare the bringer receaueth as

much of the faire newe mooney, paieng for it, nevertheles, aftre twoo in

the hundred of good sylver; and than is the olde mooney throwen into the

fyre. As for the golde and syluer, they sell it by weight, and of those

mettalls, they also make certein great peeces of mooney.

[Sidenote: As some halles be in London.]

I suppose these Cataini be paynems of belief, though divers of Zagatai

and of other macons that come thense, saye they be christened; for whan I

asked them howe they knowe them to be Christians, they answere, bicause

they haue ymages in their churches as we haue. It happened me whilest I

was in Tana, the said ambassadoʳ being wᵗʰ me, as I haue said before,

there passed an olde man by me, a Venetian, called NICOLO DIEDO, who

sometimes ware a gowen of cloth, lyned with sendall, open sleved, as in

tymes past they vsed in Venice vpon a furred dublett, wᵗʰ an hoode on

his shulder and a twoopeny strawen hatt on his heade: whom the said

ambassadoʳ wondered at: saieng vnto me, This maner of apparaill vse the

CATAINI to weare, and they arr like vnto the men of oʳ religion, and

arr apparailed as we be. There groweth no wyne in that cuntrey; for the

region is very colde, but of other vittaills there is plentie enough.

These, wᵗʰ divers other things which I forbeare at this ꝓnt, arr such as

I learned of the reapoʳte of the said ambassadoʳ of Tartarie, and of his

famyliars, as tooching the province of Catay, wheare I was not myself,

and therefore retoʳneng backe towards Tauris, liek as I haue spoken of

the wayes east northeast, so shall I nowe declare vnto yoʷ the waie east

southeast. First, we founde a citie called Chuerch, passing over those

townes that we founde in the waie, of the which there is no notable

thinge to be remembered. In this citie there is a pitt like vnto a

fountaigne, in the keeping of their TALAFTIMANNI; that is to saie, their

priests, the water whereof hath great vertue against the leaprie. Of

which infirmitie I haue somewhat seene, not of experience, but of other

mennes credulitie. For, at the same tyme there passed a frencheman that

waie wᵗʰ certein seruants and guydes, that were moores, which frencheman

was infected wᵗʰ the leaprie: and therefore (as we were informed)

travailed thither to bathe himself in that water. What became of him I

wote not, but the com̄on voice went that many were healed there. For

whilest I taried there myself, I vnderstode notable things of the vertue

of that water.[110]

[Sidenote: Pistacchi is a kynde of delicate nuttes.]

This citie Chuerch is but litle; nevertheles, it is a through fare, for

all they passe through it that go towardes the Redde Sea; that is to

saie, vnto SINU PERSICO. In which sea there is an ilande that hath a

citie called Ormuos, between xviij and xx myles from the mayne lande:

the ilande being a lx myles in compasse. That citie is great and well

enhabited, but they haue none other than well water and cisterne water;

whereof, whan they finde any lacke, they arr faine to sende into the

mayne lande for it, from whense they also haue their grayne. It yeldeth

tribute to the King Assambei, and thinhabitaunts arr great makers of

sylkes. And the merchaunts that travaill either out of India into

Persia or out of Persia into India, for the more parte do all arryve in

this ilande. The Lorde whereof is called Sultan Sabadin, who vseth to

sende his barkes into India to fyshe for oysters of perles, and there

looseth many; and whilest I remaigned on this citie there arryved twoo

merchaunts out of India with perles, jewells, sylkes, and spices. Into

this golfe of Persia falleth the notable ryver EUPHRATES, vpon the which

vj daies ioʳney vpwardes is BAGDATH, sometime called BABILONE, which

was so famouse, as the worlde knowᵗʰ, though at this present it be for

the more parte destroyed, not exceading xᵐˡ houses. Nevertheles, it is

plentyfully victailed, having abundance of fruictes: as dates, pistacchi,

and other like, not only in great quantitie, but also of excellent

goodnes: amongest the which arr qwynces of the taste and greatnesse of

ours. Nevertheles, they haue qwinces that haue no hardenes wᵗhin them, as

oʳˢ haue, but arr most sweete in the eating, as oʳ sweetest peares be.

They also haue a kynde of pomegranates, not very great, but for the more

parte wᵗʰ a thynne rynde, which they pyll as we pyll oranges: and than

may byte it neither more nor lesse than as it were an apple; for they

haue none of those cores in the myddest, but even a litell in the botome,

and the sweetnes of it is myngled wᵗʰ a litle sharpe. And some there be

that wante the litle cornell which oʳˢ hath wᵗhin the graine, and some

other haue it so softe that yᵒ shall no more feele of it in yoʳ mowth to

spytt out againe, than as if ye did eate of correyns. They also make much

suger and ꝓfect confeciones thereof, specially siropes, of the which they

furnishe Persia and other places.

Nowe, retoʳneng to Ormuos, I shall somewhat saie of the places that arr

forneagainst it on the other syde of the foresaid golfe northewardes,

which is of the coste of Persia. These places arr enhabited wᵗʰ

Macomettanes, and this golfe in itself is ccc myles broade, and the

places on the other syde of the golfe arr vnder the domynion of iii

princes, Macomettanes. Comyng to lande eastsoutheast, as the golfe goeth,

at thende of it there is a citie called CALICUTH, of verie great fame,

being, as it were, a staple or a receipt of merchaunts of divers places,

as who wolde saye of those that come out of the golfe of Catay and from

all those partes: so that alwaies ye shall finde a nombre of shippes—yea,

and great shippes there. Bicause there seldome happeneth any great

tempest. The citie is a passaige haunted wᵗʰ merchaundise of all sortes,

and is both great and well peopled.

[Sidenote: Half relieuo is thymage, wᵗh the foreparte full grauen and the

back flatt.]

Retoʳneng alongest the coste, forneagainst Ormuos there is a towne called

Lar, a great and a good towne of merchaundise, about ijᵐˡ houses: and is

a passaige for those that go and come through this golfe lyghtely lande

at this towne. Than is there Syras, of the which I haue spoken before;

and so folowing the waye yoʷ come to a great towne called CAMARA.[111]

And from thense, a daies ioʳney, ye come to a great bridge vpon the

Byndamyr, which is a notable great ryver. This bridge they saie Salomon

caused to be made at the towne of Camara, and there appeareth a rounde

hyll which on thone side seemeth to be cutt and made in a fronte of vj

paces high: on the toppe whereof is a plaine, and rounde about xl pillers

called Cilminar,[112] which in their tongue signifieth xl pillers, every

one whereof is xx yardes longe and as thicke as iij men can embrace;

but some of them arr decaied. Nevertheles, by that which remayneth it

appereth to haue been a very faire monument; for, vpon this plaine there

is a mightie stone of one peece, on the which arr many ymages of men

graven as great as gyaunts, and aboue all the rest one ymage like vnto

that that we resemble to God the Father in a cercle, who in either hande

holdeth a globe, vnder whom arr other litle ymages, and before hym the

image of a man leanyng on an arche, which they saie was the fygure of

SALOMON. Vnder them arr many other ymages, which seeme to susteigne

those that be aboue. Amongest whom there is one that seemeth to haue a

Popes myter on his hedde, holding vp his hande open as though he ment to

blesse all that arr vnder him; liek as they looking towardes hym seeme

also to gape for his blisseng. A litle further there is a great ymage on

horsbacke, seemyng to be of a boysterouse[113] man: who they saie was

SAMPSON; about the which arr many other ymages apparailed of the frenche

fac̃on, wᵗʰ longe heares, and all those ymages arr of halfe relieuo. Two

daies ioʳney from this place is a towne called THIMAR, and from thense

two daies ioʳney an other towne, in the which is a sepulture that they

affirme to be the tombe of Salomons moother, and over the same a litle

churche: whearein certein Arabike l’res is writen, as they saie Mater

Suleimen, that is to saye, the moother of Salomon: the gate whereof is

towardes the East. From thense, iij daies ioʳney, yoʷ come to a towne

called Dehebeth, wheare they vse tillaige and making of fustians. Twoo

daies ioʳney further ye com̄e to a place called VARGARI,[114] which in

tyme past hath been a great and a faire towne; but at this pñt it maketh

not aboue mˡ houses, in the which they also vse tillaige and making of

fustians, as is aforesaid.

Foure daies ioʳney thense ye come to a towne called Deiser,[115] and iij

daies ioʳney further an other towne called Taste, from whense folowing

that waie an other daies ioʳney ye come to JEX, of the which I haue

made sufficient menc̃on before. Thense ye go to Meruth, a litle towne,

and twoo daies ioʳney further is a towne called Guerde, in the which

there dwell certein men called ABRAINI, which in myne opinion either

be descended of Abraham orells haue Abrahams faith, and they weare

longe heare. Twoo daies ioʳney further there is a toune called NAIM,

evill enhabited, not exceading vᶜ houses; and twoo daies ioʳney thense

is a towne called Naistan, and from thense twoo other daies ioʳney is

Hardistan, a litle towne that maketh a vᶜ howses.

Three daies ioʳney thense ye come to Cassan, which I haue spoken of

before, and from thense iij other daies ioʳney is Com, before named, and

beyonde that one other daies ioʳney is Saua, having about mˡ houses. In

all which places they vse tyllaige and making of fustians. Three daies

ioʳney from Saua is a litle towne called EUCHAR,[116] from whense in

iij other daies ioʳney ye come to Soltania, before named, and vij daies

ioʳney thense is Tauris. Nowe, he that wolde departe thense to travaile

towardes the sea of Bachu eastwardes, being of the region of Zagatai,

shulde fynde these townes folowing, from Thauris to Soltania; viz., from

Soltania to Euchar, iij ioʳneys; from Euchar to Saua, iiij ioʳneys; from

Saua to Choi, a litle towne, vj joʳneys; from Choi[117] to Sarri, a

litle towne, also iij ioʳneys; from Sarri to Lindan,[118] a litle towne,

iiij ioʳneys; from Lindan to Tremigan, a litle towne, iij ioʳneys; from

Tremigan to Bilan, vj ioʳneys; and than come ye to Straua.[119] Of the

which the sylkes called Strauatine take this name. This towne is neere

to the sea of Bachu, and standeth not very holsomely. There groweth

litle wheate, wherefore they feede of ryse; of the which they make their

breade. In this towne, and in all the villaiges vnder it, whereas any

water is to be had, they spynne and make course sylkes, and alongest the

bankes of those ryvers they haue their bowthes wᵗʰ their cawldrons for

sylkes; for they keepe great nombres of sylke wormes and haue plentye

of white mulberie trees. In these quarters arr innumerable pertriches,

in such sorte, that whan the prince or other great ꝑsonaige maketh any

feast, they booyle of these ꝓtriches and give everie man a dishe of ryse

podaige, and than pertriches; so that all the people eateth; which to

them arr not deynteth.[120]

Alongest the coste of the said sea arr many townes; that is, to witt,

Straua, Lanzibeuth, Madrandani, and others; whereof, for this tyme, I

speake not, but in those townes arr the best sylkes made that come out of

these quarters.

And nowe, being come neere, me seemeth it not amysse to speake some what

of the waie from TRABISONDA to THAURIS, going southwest; wherefore, first

tooching Trabisonda, I saie that it hath been both a good and a great

towne vpon the sea Maggiore. The lorde wheroof in tymes past hath had

the tytle of Emperoʳ; for he was brother to Themperoʳ of Constantinople,

and wolde also be called Emperoʳ himself, whereof all his successoʳˢ

(though they were no emperours bretherne) did, nevertheles, from one to

an other vse, or rather vsurpe, this tytle of Emperoʳ. As for the towne,

I shall neede to saie no more of it: bicause it is sufficiently knowen

over all. But, going thense towards Thauris, as I haue said, southwest,

ye shall finde many villaiges and litle castells, and besides that ye

shall travaill throwgh hilles and woodes, disenhabited, till ye com̄e

to Baiburth, the first notable place that waie being a castell, standing

in a plaine valley, environned wᵗʰ hylles, stronge, and walled, and in a

plentyfull sooyle, the towne vnder the castell conteyneng mˡvᶜ howses,

and is wᵗhin the domynion of the King Assambei. Five daies ioʳney further

ye come to Arsengan, which hath been a great citie, but for the more

ꝓte decaied at this ꝑnt. Going on west southwest ij myles further ye

come to the notable ryver EUPHRATES, over the which ye passe on a faire

great bridge of bricke, of xvij arches. Than come ye to a towne called

CARPURTH,[121] v ioʳneys from Arsengan. In this place soggioʳned the wief

of the King Assambei, she that was doughter to Themoʳ of Trabisonda.[122]

The place is stronge, and is for the more parte enhabited by Greekes[123]

attending on the said Queene. Following on, ye finde many litle townes

and castelletts, till ye come to MOSCHONE, from thense to Halla, and

so to Thene, which three arr stronge castells, and well walled, eche

of them having about vᶜ howses vnder them: wᵗʰ a great ryver rennyng

alongest, which cometh not ferre from Carpurth, aboue menc̃oned, and

hath passaiges by boates. All the people enhabiteng these places vnder

the iurisdic̃on of these castells arr called COINARI, which in oʳ tonge

signifieth heardemen. Than going eastwarde ye come to a walled castell

standeng on a rocke, called Pallu, the towne vnder it having about

ccc houses vnder the which passeth a certein ryver. Travaileng, than,

still eastwarde, iiij ioʳneys further ye come to a castell called Amus,

standing in a champaigne, yll enhabited. All the countrey of Trabisonda,

wᵗʰ the confynes, breedeth plentie of wyne, and the vynes growe vp

alongest their trees wᵗhout any cutteng, so that contynually in those

ꝑties one of our hoggesheades of wyne is lesse woʳthe than a ducate.

Their woodes arr full of nutte trees of the kinde of Puglia,[124]

and many other good fruictes they haue, and in some partes they make

certein wynes called ZAMORA. From thense ye enter into TURCOMANIA, which

heretofore was called Armenia; but now those that arr there borne arr

called Caracoilu; that is, to wete, blacke ewes, liek as they of the

provinces of Persia and Zagatai arr called Accoilu, wᶜʰ signifieth white

ewes: being names of ꝑties amongest them, as who wolde saie amongest vs,

Guelfi and Ghibellini, orells Zamberlani and Mastruccieri, vnder which

titles arr great ꝑte takinges. After this ye come to a litle stronge

castell called Mus, standing on an hyll amongest certein mountaignes,

having a citie vnderneth it of iij myles compasse, very well enhabited.

Three ioʳneys further is a faire, stronge castell, in a place called

Allarch,[125] standing vpon a lake clᵗⁱᵉ myles longe, and in the brodest

lᵗⁱᵉ myles brode. From which lake, xv myles northewardes, is an other

lake of iiijˣˣ myles in compasse, wᵗʰ certein castells about it. Under

Allarch is a towne of about mˡ houses, and in both these lakes arr many

shippes that make their voyages into the sea. There is also vpon this

seconde lake a towne called Ceus, a good walled towne. One ioʳney further

costeng the sea, there is a towne called Herzil,[126] wᵗʰ a ryver and a

bridge of v arches over it, and between Ceus and Herzil arr iiij other

like bridges to passe over the ryver. In Herzil is the sepulture of

the mother of Giansa, which was King of Persia and Zagatai. Five myles

distant from this place ye come to Orias, a stronge castell standing on

a litle hill. And so folowing eastwardes half a daies ioʳney, ye come to

Coi, not that which I named before, but an other of the same name, and

five ioʳneys thense ye enter into a champaigne, in the which is a great

citie heretofore destroied by Zamberlan.[127] Than shall ye finde divers

villaiges, and aftre that an other lake of cc myles longe and xxx myles

brode: in the which arr certein ilandes enhabited. Finally, ye come to

twoo cities, Tessu[128] and Zerister,[129] which betwene both may make

iijᵐˡ fyres. Other notable things I haue seene none in these ꝓties,

saving that generally they make fustians, lynen clothes, fryses, many

rugges, and a litell sylke. They haue plentie of fleshe (specially of

mutton), wynes, and other fruictes enough, which they conveigh into the

sea Maggiore and to the townes about; wherefore, retoʳneng ones againe

to beginne at THAURIS, and going east northeast, sometyme toʳneng north

and tooʷching a litle of northwest, passing over also dyvers places by

the waie of small accompt, not woʳthie to be spoken of, I saie that xij

ioʳneys thense ye shall finde SAMMACHI,[130] a citie in Media in the

region of Thezichia, the lorde whereof is called SIRUANZA,[131] which

citie at a neede wolde make betwene viiij and xᵐˡ horseman. It confyneth

towardes the sea of Bachu, wᵗhin vj ioʳneys, which sea is on the right

hande of it, and on the lyfte hande is Mengrelia, towards the sea

MAGGIORE, and Caitacchi, that inhabite about the mountaigne CASPIO. This

is a very good citie; it hath betwene iiij and vᵐˡ houses, and maketh

sylkes, fustians, and other thinges aftre their maner. It standeth in

the great Armenia, and a goode parte of thinhabitants arr Armeniens.

Departeng thens ye come to Derbenth, a towne, as they saie, buylded

by Alexander, standeng vpon the sea of Bachu, a myle distant from the

mountaigne, on which mountaigne it hath a castell that descendeth wᵗʰ

twoo whynges; that is to saie walles, even into the water; so that the

height of the walles arr twoo paces vnder water. The towne, from the one

gate to the other, is halfe a myle brode: and the walles thereof arr of

great stone, aftre the Romayn buyldeng.

Derbenth signifieth in oʳ tonge a straict; in somuch, that many which

vnderstande the nature of that place do call it TEMIRCAPI; that is to

saie, the gate of yron. And, truly, he that named it so, had very good

reason: considering that this towne divideth MEDIA from SCYTHIA; so that

they which woll travaile out of Persia, Turchie, Soria, and the other

lowe cuntreys, to passe into Scythia, must needes enter in at thone gate

of this towne, and yssue at the other, which to him that vnderstandeth

not the site of those places shulde seeme mervailouse and almost

impossible; but thoccasion is this. From the sea of Bachu vnto the sea

Maggiore, the streight waie, as it were, by line, is vᶜ myles. All which

grounde is full of mountaignes and valleys, in some places well enhabited

by certein Lordes of it (throwgh whose territories no man darr passe for

feare of robbyng); but, for the more parte, it is disenhabited. And, if

any man wolde determyn to passe that waie, leaving Derbenth, he shulde be

constregned first to go through Giorgiana, and than through Mengrelia,

on the cost of the sea Maggiore, at a castell called ALUATHI, wheare is

a mountaigne of so great height that it shall behove him to leave his

horse and to clymbe vp afoote by the rockes, so that betwene ascending

and descending he shulde travaill two ioʳneys, and than entre into

Circassia, of the wᶜʰ I haue spoken in the beginneng, and that passaige

is only vsed by them that dwell neere it, besides the which in all the

said distance there is no passaige knowen, by reason of the difficultie

of the places, wherefore retoʳneng to the purpose: the cause of this

straict is, that the sea eateth even to the verie mountaigne, wheare

Derbenth standeth. And from that forwardes it is all rocke, wᵗʰ very

litle earthe. So that this straict endureth about lx myles; nevertheles,

the waie is somewhat apte to be travailed on horsebacke. From thense,

torneng backwarde on the lyfte hande the mountaigne torneth, so that it

may be travailed: the same being it that aunciently was called MONTE

CASPIO: wheare arr certein gray freeres and some priestes aftre oʳ Romayn

fac̃on. The people there enhabiteng arr called Caitacchi, as it is said

before. They speake languaiges different one from an other, and many of

them arr Christians: some aftre the Greekes, some aftre the Armenians,

and some aftre the Catholike. Vpon this syde of the sea there is an other

citie called Bachu, wherof the sea of Bachu taketh name, neere vnto which

citie there is a mountaigne that casteth fooʳthe blacke oyle, stynkeng

horryblye, which they, nevertheles, vse for furnissheng of their lightes,

and for the anoynteng of their camells twies a yere. For if they were not

anoynted they wolde become skabbie. Over the champaigne of the mountaigne

CASPIO ruleth one Tumembi, that signifieth in oʳ tonge lorde of xᵐˡ,

throughout whose domynion they vse to make their houses coffyn-wise, even

like to those houses that I made menc̃on of in the first parte of this

treatise, the principall being made of a cercle of woodde bored wᵗʰ holes

rounde about: the diameter being a pace and an halfe, in the which they

fasten certein litle staves that arr drawen into a litle cercle in the

toppe; which they cover wᵗʰ felte or cloth, according to their degrees,

and whan they arr weery of dwelling in one place, then trusse they their

houses on carts and remove to another place. Whan I retoʳned to this

lorde there arryved a sonne of the Emperoʳ of Tartarie, which had maried

a doughter of this lordes: whose father was than lately expelled out of

his astate. This yonge Prince was entred into one of these houses, and

was sett on the grounde, wheare he was viseted by some of his cuntreymen

and by some other also of the cuntrey wheare he was. The maner of wᶜʰ

visitac̃on was, that whan they came wᵗhin a stones cast of the gate, if

they had any weapons they laied them on the grounde, and than marcheng

certein paces towards the gate they kneeled doune, which they did twoo

or iij tymes, marcheng alwaies forwarde, till they came wᵗhin x paces at

the neerest, wheare they declared their matter. And having receaved their

answer, retoʳned backewarde, never torneng their backes to the Prince.

I was divers tymes wᵗʰ this lorde Tumembei, whose lief (by that I coulde

ꝓceave) was bent to be in contynuall dronkenes, wᵗʰ drinkeng of wyne made

of honey.

And sothens[132] we haue spoken of the things of the mountaigne Caspio

and of the nature of those that dwell thereaboutes, me seemeth it not

amysse to recyte also an historie, which I lately hearde of one Vincent,

a blacke freere, borne in Capha, who for certein affaires was sent into

those ꝑties: and departed about x moonethes past, the rehersall whereof

serueth to good purpose for oʳ religion. This freere reaported that out

of the Soldanes cuntrey there came a certein secte of Macomettanes,

cryeng wᵗʰ an extreme fervencie in their faith: Downe to death wᵗʰ

these Christians: and the more they approached vnto Persia the greater

their nombre encreased. These rybauldes tooke their waie towardes the

sea of Bachu, and came to SAMMACHI, and so to DERBENTH, and into TUMEN,

being a mervailouse great nombre, though partely wᵗhout armoʳ. And whan

they were arryved at a ryver called Terch, which is in the province of

TEZECHIA,[133] and about the mountaigne Caspio, wheare arr many Catholike

Christians, they slewe them all, wheare so ever they founde them, men,

women, and children. Aftre this, they overranne the cuntrey of GOG and

MAGOG, which arr also Christians (though aftre the Greekish rites), and

handled them likewise. Than retoʳned they towardes Circassia, taking

their waie towardes CHIPPICHE and Charbatri, which arr both towards

the SEA MAGGIORE, and there delte they likewise; never ceasing till

they of TITARCASSA and CHREMUCH wᵗʰstode them, fought wᵗʰ them, and so

discompfited them that there eskaped not xx of the hundreth which fledde

wᵗʰ a mischief towards their owne cuntrey. So that we may well consider

what miserable astate the poore Christen men thereabouts do endure. This

happened the yere of oʳ Lorde 1486.

Of DERBENTH I shall tell yoʷ one mervailouse matter. Going from the one

gate towardes this place, even till ye come vnder the walles, ye shall

finde grapes and fruictes of all sortes, specially almons. On the other

ꝓte there arr neither fruictes nor any trees, except it be certein wilde

qwynces; and so it endureth x, xv, or xx myle of that side. And further,

being there, I did see in a seller ij ankers of viijᶜl a peece, and more:

which declareth that in tyme past they haue vsed in those p̄ties very

great shippes: whereas, nowe, the greatest ankers thei haue arr betwene

cl and ccl a peece.

Having hitherto declared that that apꝑteigneth vnto those regions,

partely by heresaye, but most by that I haue seene; nowe, retoʳneng to

Thauris, I shall showe what I did wᵗʰ the King Assambei, whan, at his

departing from Thauris, he bruted that he wolde go against Ottomanno,

though by divers tokens that I ꝑceaued, I beliued it not. He had in all

as ferrefooʳthe[134] as I coulde esteeme betwene xx and xxiiijᵐˡ good

horsemen: and the rest that came for the furnyture of the campe were

about vjᵐˡ men. As for women, children, and serūnts, I shall neede to

saie no more, bicause I haue sufficiently spoken of them before. Whan we

had travailed vij daies we torned on the right hande towards GIORGIANA,

in the confynes of the sea Maggiore, into the wᶜʰ cuntrey we entred.

For the king mynded to spooyle it, and therefore sent his skowtes afore

aftre their maner: being about vᵐˡ horses: which cleered the waie, the

best they coulde, by felling and burneng the woodes; for their passaige

laye through mightie mountaignes and very great woodes. So that we might

see the fyre aferre of, and thereby knowe what waie to keepe. And thus

was the waie readie made twoo daies ioʳney into Giorgiana, wheare we

arryved at Tifilis, the which being habandoned (as the rest of all the

hither parte of that region was) we tooke wᵗhout resistance. And passing

from thens we came to Gory and to certein other places thereabouts;

which were all putt to sacke, as the like was doon to a great parte

of that region. At leingth, the King Assambei fell to composic̃on wᵗʰ

the King PANCRATIO, King of Giorgiana, and wᵗʰ Giurgura, who confyneth

wᵗʰ the same king that they shulde give him xvjᵐˡ ducates, and that he

shulde leave all the cuntrey to them except Tefilis. Wherevpon the King

PANCRATIO and GIURGURA, myndeng to paie this mooney, sent vnto Assambei

iiij balasses, reasonable good, but neither so great nor so faire as

those that arr wonte to be shewed on Saint Markes aulter in Venice. So

that whan the King Assambei had receaued these iiij balasses, he sent

for me to praise and to valewe them. But first, er I came at him, those

ambassadoʳˢ of the said King Pancratio and of Giurgura (that had brought

the balasses) sent to me, praieng me to valewe them well, considering

they also were Christen men. Whan I was come to the king, he caused

these balasses to be delivered unto me, and as I looked substancially

on one of them, the King ASSAMBEI demaunded of me what it was woʳthe:

wherevnto, answering that I thought him woʳthe iiijᵐˡ ducates, he fell

on a lawghing, saieng, O they arr very deere in thy cuntrey. I woll no

balasses, but I woll haue mooney. As the voice went there were at that

tyme caried awaie out of those cuntreys betwene iiij and vᵐˡ p̄sons:

and the places which we overranne were on the lyfte hande towardes the

region of Giurgura. Cotathis,[135] belonging to the King Pancratio, is

a litle towne standing on a litle hyll, wᵗʰ a ryver vnder it:[136] over

the which they passe a verie great bridge of stone, and so go towardes

Schender, a meetely stronge castell, wᵗʰ a great ryver rennyng throwgh

it, and is iiij ioʳneys from Gory. Than, passeng one other mountaigne,

yoʷ descende into the cuntrey of Assambei, in great Armenye. From whense,

iij daies ioʳney, ye come to the castel Loreo, and iiij daies ioʳney

thens shall ye fynde the mountaigne wheare Noe, aftre the great flowdde,

rested wᵗʰ his arke, being a mervailouse high hyll wᵗʰ a great plaine

vndernethe it, and is about ij daies ioʳney of circuite: on the which,

both wynter and somer, the snowe contynually remaigneth. And joyneng vnto

it there is an other litell hyll, likewise laden wᵗʰ snowe. Two ioʳneys

further is a castell called Cagri, enhabited rounde about by Armeniens,

which celebrate aftre the Catholike maner, and haue twoo monasteries, the

p̄ncipall whereof is called Alengia, conteyneng lᵗⁱᵉ monkes, observants

of Saint Benetts Ordre, that celebrate their masses aftre oʳ maner in

their owne languaige. Their Prioʳ, aftre my retoʳne to Venice, died, and

one of that house came thither, who arryved at San Giovanni Paolo, in

Venice, and came to my house to haue my com̄endac̃on towardes oʳ most

excellent Signoria, and the Busshop of Rome, that he might be made Prior

of that house, being brother to the deade Prior.

[Sidenote: Mamalukes were the Soldane of Egiptes men of armes.]

Whan the King ASSAMBEI had concluded wᵗʰ the King PANCRATIO and the

forenamed GIURGURA, and receaved the xvjᵐ ducates, he determyned to

retoʳne vnto Thauris: wherefore, seing he ment nothing lesse than to

make warre on OTTOMANNO, I tooke my leave of hym, entending to retoʳne

homewards throwgh Tartarie, and entred into the company of an ambassadoʳ

of the foresaid King Assambei, accompanied wᵗʰ many merchaunts of

Tartarie. Of whom I learned that, as I haue writen in the beginneng,

HAGMETH, sonne of Edelmugh, nephiewe to Thempoʳ of Tartarie, was aftre

his fathers death growen great about the foresaid Emperoʳ, which Hagmeth

was by his owne father given me as my sonne, wherefore I was the more

desyrouse to keepe on that waie, assuring myself to haue founde much

curtesye at his hands. But the warres were so great in those p̄ties, that

I durst not folowe my ioʳney; and, being constrained to alter my purpose,

retoʳned therefore to Thauris in the yere of oʳ Lorde 1478; wheare, at

myne arryvall, I founde the King Assambei so sycke, that the night of the

Epiphanie folowing he died, leaving iiij sonnes, iij by one mother and

one by an other. The same night the iij whole bretherne strangled the

iiijᵗʰ halfe brother, being a yonge man of xx yeres, and than departed

thastate amongest them. Than did the seconde brother cause theldest to

be slayne; and so remayned he king, in such sorte that he raigneth even

to this present; wherfore, seeing all things brooyleng, I that by the

fathers lief had taken good leave, both of the father and the sonnes,

fell into the company of an Armenien that went to Assengan,[137] wheare

he dwelled. And I had wᵗʰ me a boye of Sclavonie, which was onely lefte

me of all those that I brought into that cuntrey wᵗʰ me. I apparailed

myself wᵗʰ such poore and miserable clothes as I had, and rode both

continually and speedylie for feare of those alterac̃ons, which aftre

the death of such princes most com̄only do happen. The xxixᵗʰ of Aprile

I came to Assengan, wheare I taried a mooneth, waiteng for the Carovana

that shulde go to Aleppo. Departeng from hense we founde CYMIS,[138]

CASSEG, and ARAPCHIR,[139] which be litell townes. Than came we to a good

citie of merchaundise called MALATHEA, vnder the Soldans domynion; from

Assengan to this towne arr many mountaignes and valleys, yll and stonie

waie; though, in dede, there be certein houses by the waie and places

not much enhabited. Being in this citie, at the custome house, amongest

those of the CAROUANA, wᵗʰ whom I had accompanied myself: the customer

there went vp and downe pervsing them that shulde paie. And while I kept

myself a loofe looking whan the Carouana shulde departe, one of the same

Carouana came vnto me, askeng me: What doest thoʷ? The customer woll

haue v ducates of the: bicause it is tolde him thoʷ goest to Coz,[140]

which in oʳ tonge signifieth HIERUSALEM. Wherfor go excuse thyself.

I went to hym, and, fyndeng him sitteng on a sacke, asked him what he

wolde wᵗʰ me. He badde me go paie v ducates, and notwᵗʰstanding that

all they of the CAROUANA witnessed for me (as I had told them before),

that I went to Syo to seeke my sonne, and wolde therewᵗʰ haue excused

me, yet wolde he needes that I shulde paie. Syo is a place much spoken

of in Persia and in all those p̄ties, and is called Seghex,[141] which

signifieth mastike. For there groweth mastike, which in their p̄ties is

very much occupied. This, meane while, one that (as I tooke him) was

some famyliar of the customers, said, O lett him go; but he p̄severed,

saieng, Still thoʷ shalt paie; hangeng his heade towardes the grounde.

Wherevpon, the other chopped him wᵗʰ his fyste vnder the nose: saieng,

The Devill go wᵗʰ the; that the bloudde sprange out. So that the customer

cried, Thou foole, thoʷ wolt ever be a foole, and therevpon ridde me out

of the prease,[142] and badde me farewell. I tooke my horse and went

wᵗʰ the Carouano, and so travaileng founde divers castells, townes,

and faire cuntreys, and being past the ryver of Euphrates arryved in

Aleppo. Of the wᶜʰ I shall neede to write nothing, considering it is a

place well enough knowen over all; howbeit, it is a notable great citie

and very well traded wᵗʰ merchandise. Departing thense our merchaunts

deliuered me a MUCHARIO;[143] that is to saie, a guyde, wᵗʰ whom I and

my serūnt departed to come towardes the sea costes; that is, to witt, to

Baruto.[144] And, being on the sea side forneagainst Tripoli, we founde

a great rowte of MAMMALUCCHI a shooteng, and certein of them ꝑceaving my

guyde, drewe their horses togither to cutt my waie; but I (ꝑceaving they

were disposed to do me displeasʳ) badde my boye go on wᵗʰ the guyde, and

I folowed faire and softelie, till I overtooke them, they having passed

on twoo boweshootes before me. And whan I came neere I rode a litle

besides the waie; wherevpon, one of them called me, howe father herken?

I, wᵗʰ a good countenaunce approched, and asked him what he wolde? He

again asked me whither I went? I tolde him I went wheare as myne evill

fortune ledde me. He asked me what I ment by those words. Mary (qᵈ I), a

xij moonthes past, I solde a trusse of sylkes to a merchaunt man, whom

I haue sought in Aleppo to haue had my mooney, wheare I haue myssed

him. And nowe it is tolde me that he is goon to Baruto, I am faine to

go aftre to seeke my povertie: which answere moved him so to pitie me,

that he badde me, Go on, poore man, a Godds name. I folowed my waie,

and overtooke my guyde: who, as soone as he sawe me, beganne to laughe,

saieng, Hay, hay, hay, meaneng that I had handled the matter well to

escape out of the Mamalukes hands. For he coulde speake no Turkishe, nor

I no Moresco. On this wise, I came to Baruti, wheare a fewe daies aftre

arryved a shippe of Candia: on the which, at her retoʳne, I passed into

Cyprus; and from thense, by the helpe of Almightie God, came to Venice.

And, seing I haue tolde the things belonging to the waies, me thinketh

it reasonable to tell also the things app̄teyneng some vnto their

superstitions, some to their dissemblings of religion, and some vnto

the yll entreatie that the Christians haue in those p̄ties that I haue

travailed.

Comeng towardes SAMACHI, I laie in a litle hospital, wheare was a

sepulture vnder an arche of stone, by the which was a man of yeres, wᵗʰ

a longe bearde and heares, naked all, saving that a litle before and

behinde he was covered wᵗʰ a certein skynne; and he sate on a peece

of a matt vpon the grounde. I greeted him and asked what he did? He

answered me, that he watched his father. I asked him againe, who was his

father? Wherevnto, he answered that he is a father that doth good to his

neighboʳ, as this man did that lieth there buried. Addeng, further,

that he had kept him company xxx yeres, by his lief tyme, and was so

determyned also to do aftre his death. And whan I die (said he), here

woll I also be buried. Furthermore, he saied, I haue seene enough of the

worlde, and nowe am determyned thus to remaigne till my death.

[Sidenote: Drauis are madde men esteemed to haue hollie spirites.]

An other tyme, being in Thauris on Alsowles daie, which in like maner

was than celebrated wᵗʰ them, not that it is their ordinarie daye; but

that so it happened then: being in the place of buriall and standing

somewhat of, I did see one sytt neere vnto a sepulture wᵗʰ many byrdes

about hym, specially crowes and chowghes: and believing that it was

a dead corps, I asked them that were by what it might be? Wherevnto,

they answered, it was a living saint, the like whereof was not in all

that cuntrey; saieng further vnto me, See yoʷ those byrdes, every daye

they feede there: and whan he calleth one of them, he cometh streight,

for he is a saint: praieng me to go neere and see it. We drewe neere,

wᵗhin lesse than a stones cast: and there might see that he had certein

disshes of meate and other foode, so that these birdes wolde flee even

to the face of him to be fedde; but he putt them of wᵗʰ his hands, and

some tymes wolde give some of them a litell meate. Of whom they tolde me

many myracles aftre their opinions, which, nevertheles, to men of good

iudgement may appeare expresse madnesse. An other tyme I did see one of

these Drauis that folowed the king and fedde in the Coʳte, whilest the

King Assambei was in the great Armenia, nowe called Turcomania, who,

as the king was removing to come into Persia, to go vnto the citie of

Here against Giansa, then King of Persia and Zagatai, threwe a staffe

that he had in his hande amongest the disshes wheare they were eating,

and vseng a fewe woordes, brake them all. And this foole was counted a

good foole. The king asked what he had saied, and it was answered by

them that vnderstoode it, that the king shulde obteigne the victorie;

and discompfite his enemye even as he had broken the disshes. Is it

true, qd the king? Which being confirmed by them that had spoken it, he

com̄aunded him to be well governed till his retoʳne: promiseng to honoʳ

him and to make much of him. The king went fooʳthe, discompfited, and

slewe his enemye, tooke all Persia, even to Here, and reduced all the

cuntrey about vnto his obedience. And aftrewarde, not forgetting his

promise, caused this foole to be brought vnto him and to be honorably

entreated. Eight moonethes aftre this victorie I was present myself, and

did see the maner of his entreatie. This man dayly caused all them to

be fedde that came to his house at a dewe howre: howe many so ever they

were. Causeng them first to sytt in a cercle: which (rekenyng them one

tyme with an other) were never lesse than cc nor aboue vᶜ. And he everie

day had both to lyve and to apparaill himself right well. Whan the king

shulde ride into the champaigne he was put on a mooyle wᵗʰ a cassacke on

his backe and his handes bounde before him vnder his cassacke. For divers

tymes he was wonte to plaie peryllouse madde partes; wherefore there were

many other of these Drauis that went by him a foote. And being one daie

in a pavylion of a Turke, my freende, there came in one of these Drauis,

of whom this Turke asked howe this Drauis did? wheather he raged, spake,

or wolde eate? To the which, he answered, that as he was accustomed,

sometyme he madded aftre[145] the moone, and sometime he wolde not eate

in twoo or three daies, and wolde so rage, that they were constrayned to

bynde him; and that he spake well, but ferre out of purpose, and that

he wolde eate such as was given him. But some tymes he wolde rent his

clothes, wᵗʰ other like ꝓtes. And of this felowe, learned I the storie

of his throwing the staffe amongest the disshes, who, in dede, tolde it

me smylengly. The Turke, my frende, asked him, howe they did for mooney?

mainteyneng so great a chardge; wherevnto, he answered that there was a

certein _sum_ assigned vnto them, and if they needed more, more they had.

So that it is to be concluded madde men arr in good cace amongest them,

and that wᵗʰ litle laboʳ and lesse good woʳkes the meyney may attaigne to

be taken for saintes.

But retoʳneng to the com̄emoration of the deade, I saie that whan

they celebrate that com̄emoration there assemble about the sepultures

a great nombre of men and women, oldemen and children, which sytt in

plumpes,[146] wᵗʰ their priestes, and candells burneng in their handes.

The priests either pray or reade in their language. And having finisshed

their reading and praieng, they cause their meate to be brought, even

to the very place. So that the streates arr full of folks, going and

comyng to and fro that place of buriall. This place is iiij or v myles

in circuite. And alongest the waie thither the poore folke lye, asking

almes: some of them offering to saie praieres for their benefactoʳˢ.

Their sepultures haue certein stones pitched vpright: wᵗʰ l’res declaring

the name of the bodie buried; and some haue a litell chappell walled over

them. This suffiseth tooʷcheng their superstition. Wherfore, tooʷcheng

their dissembling in religion, I shall recite one vnto yoʷ, wissheng to

God that amongest vs Christen men, either there were no such dissembling

or that it were punisshed as this was that I shall tell yoʷ. The first

whereof me seemeth were very good, and the seconde not amysse.

There was a Macomettane saint aftre their maner, who went naked as a

beast, preaching and speaking so much of their faith, that he had gotten

right good creadite. And having a great recourse of ydeote people that

folowed him, he could not be so satisfied, but wolde needes go close

himself in a wall, pretending to fast xl daies wᵗhout meate; not doubting

but to passe it over in healthe wᵗhout any detryment to his bodie. And

being determyned to prove this mastrie,[147] he caused bricke to be

brought into a forest. Of the which, wᵗʰ morter and such lyme as they vse

in those ꝑties, he made a litle rounde house, into the which he mured

himself. And being founde at the xl daies ende alyve and sownde, the

people woondred at hym. But one more wylie than the other smelte in that

place a certein savoʳ of flesshe, and, causing it to be digged, founde

the frawde. This came to the kings eares, who caused the CADILASHCAR[148]

to be apprehended, and a certein disciple of his also, who, wᵗʰ small

torment, confessed that he had broken an hole into the wall: throʷgh

the which he putt in a litle cane, and so conveighed brothe and other

substanciall things into hym by night; wherefore they both suffred death.

And, as tooʷcheng the yll handling of the Christians that I haue seene

there, I shall recite that I learned in the yere 1487, in the mooneth

of Decembre, of one PIETRO DI GUASCO, a Genowaie, borne in Capha, who,

whilest I was in Persia, came thither, and was there wᵗʰ me about iij

moonethes. He being enqⁱred of for newes of those parties, tolde me, that

being on a daie in Thauris, an Armenien called Choza[149] Mirech (who was

a riche merchaunt in all wares) stoode in a certein goldsmythes shoppe,

wheare came vnto him a saint aftre their maner called Azi:[150] willeng

him to rynege the faith of Christ, and to make himself a Macomettane:

wherevnto he made curteyse answere, praieng him not to trowble him; but

thother ꝑsevered, still calleng on him importunately to rynege. He againe

shewed him mooney, intending therewᵗʰ to pacifie him; but the saint wolde

no money, persevering still that he wolde haue him rynege. Wherevnto,

Choza Mirech answered that he wolde not rynege, but ꝓsever in the faith

of Jesu Christ, as he had doon hitherto. Wherevpon this rybaulde drewe a

swearde out of an other mannes sheathe by, and strake Choza so on the

heade that he slewe him, and incontinently fledde. There was a sonne

of his in the shoppe of xxx yeres olde, or thereabouts, that beganne

to weepe, and departing out of the shoppe, went towards the coʳte, and

caused the king to be enformed of it: who, seemyng to be mervailousely

offended wᵗhall, com̄aunded the saint shulde be apprehended, sending

abroade streight to seeke him. So that he was founde in a citie ij

daies ioʳney from Thauris, called MEREN, and was broʷght to the kings

presence; who called for a knyfe, and wᵗʰ his owne hand slewe him,

comaunding his bodie to be throwen into the streate, and there to be

lefte, that the dogges might eate him. Askeng wheather this were the

waie to encrease the faith of MACOMETT? But whan the night drewe neere,

divers of the people, those that were most ialouse of their religion,

went vnto one DARUIS CASSUM, who had the custodie of the King ASSAMBEY,

his sepulture, father to the king that now is: being, as who wolde saie,

the Prioʳ of thospitall wᵗʰ vs, a man of accompte and reputac̃on, that

had been Treasorer to the king before, and besought him to give them

leave to take awaie that bodie that the dogges shulde not eate it. He,

thinkeng no further, gave them leave, so that the people tooke him and

buried him: which whan the king vnderstode, being shortely aftre (for

the streate is neere vnto his palaice), he com̄aunded DARUIS CASSAM to

be taken and brought vnto him, to whom he saied: Darrest, thoʷ com̄aunde

contrary to my com̄aundement? Well, lett him dye, wherevpon he was

incontinently slayne. That doon, he saied further, syns the people hath

transgressed my com̄aundemᵗ, the whole towne shall suffer for it, and

be putt to sacke. And so his people beganne to sacke the towne to the

mervailoᵘse feare and disquieting of all men, which endured for iij or

iiij howres, and than com̄aunded he them to staie and to leave sacking.

But for all that he taxed a certein some of golde vpon them of the towne;

and finally sent for the sonne of this CHOZA MIRECH vnto him, whom he

compforted and chearished wᵗʰ verie good and gratiouse woordes; for this

CHOZA MIRECH that was slayne was a notable ryche merchaunt man, and of

verie good fame. Wherfore this suffise now, both tooʷcheng the evill

entreatie of Christen men in those ꝓties, and also to the ending of

this seconde parte, and of the whole woʳke described by me wᵗʰ the best

order I coulde, considering the great varietie of things, of places, and

tymes:[151] to the praise of oʳ Lorde Jesu Christ very God, vnto whom

we Christen men, and spetially borne wᵗhin oʳ most excellent citie of

Venice, arr much more bounde than arr these barbarouse people, which arr

ignoraunt of all good maner and full of evill customes.

THE END OF THE VOYAGES OF M. JOSAFA BARBARO TO TANA AND TO PERSIA.

Letter addressed by the same author to the Rev. Monsignor Piero Barocci,

Bishop of Padua, in which is described the herb Baltracan, used by the

Tatars for food.

MY LORD,—Having heard from my brother M. Anzolo, who had the happiness

to stay with your Grace many days in those pleasant mountains of the

Padovano, how much you delight in hearing of the nature of plants,

especially of those which are not generally known, I wished, in order

not to fail in my duty towards your Grace, to write you a description

of one I remember among many others, which I saw in Tartary, during

my stay at Tana. The Tartars have a plant in their country which they

call Baltracan, the want of which would cause them great suffering, and

prevent them from going from place to place, especially across those

great deserts and solitudes, where they find nothing to eat except

this plant, which supports them and gives them vigour. Accordingly, as

soon as its stem has grown up, all the merchants and other people who

wish to go long journeys, start in security, saying, “Let us go, for

the Baltracan has grown.” And should one of their slaves escape when

the Baltracan is grown, they abstain from following him, as they know

that he can find support anywhere. And when they march with the _lordo_

they carry supplies of it on carts and on the croups of their horses

and even on their shoulders, for their sustenance, nor do they mind the

load, so pleasant is its perfume. When any of it was brought to Tana,

we merchants immediately ate of it. Nor must I omit to mention, that

when in Albania, where I had been sent as Proveditore, after my return

to Venice, as I was riding towards Croatia with five hundred persons, I

saw some of this Baltracan at the roadside, which I began eating; after

which, the whole company wanted to taste it. When they had tasted it, it

came so much into use, that everyone carried bundles of it; those who

were not on horseback carrying it on their shoulders. This they did, not

so much from necessity, as on account of its good flavour and smell,

and the Albanians shouted out Baltracan, Baltracan. I subsequently saw

some of this Baltracan at Terrarsa in the Padovana; and, in order that

your Lordship may know it, when searching for it in those mountains, I

will describe its form in a few words. It has a leaf like that of the

rape, with a stem thicker than one’s finger, which, at seedtime attains

a height of more than a braccio. The leaves spring from the stem at the

distance of a quarter of a braccio from each other. Its seed is like

that of fennel, but larger. It has a pungent but pleasant taste, and

when it is in season, it is broken as far as the soft part. It has a

smell of rather musty oranges, and from its nature requires nothing to

flavour it, so that it can be eaten without salt. I consider that, at the

proper time, it may be sown like other seeds, especially in temperate

places and in good soil. Each stem has a root of its own, and is hollow

in the interior. The bark of the stem is green inclined to yellow. But,

I believe that those who would not know it by any other characteristic,

would know it by taking notice of its seeds. The Tartars and all who are

acquainted with it, boil the leaves in a kettle with water, and when they

have allowed the liquor to cool they drink it as though it were wine, and

say it is very refreshing; and I can affirm that it is so from my own

experience. Recommending myself to your Grace,

I am your Grace’s servant,

JOSAFA BARBARO.

Venice, this 23rd of May, 1491.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Kum tepeh, or sand mound.

[2] See Haxthausen, vol. ii, cap. xxi, for descriptions of these Tumuli.

[3] Ordu, camp.

[4] Treene or Treen, _i.e._, wooden.

[5] Baron Haxthausen mentions a somewhat similar custom as still existing

among the Russian peasants.

[6] Tulubagator is Tulu Bahadur; Bahadury means swaggering or boasting.

The Russian word Bogatir is supposed to be derived from Bahadur.

[7] From the text it seems this should be translated: “whilst we cried to

him, you will never return, you will never return.”

[8] This perhaps is one of the earliest occasions of gipsies being

mentioned.

[9] The text is: uccellano a camelioni che da noi non s’usano.

[10] There are many of these crutches to be seen in the bazars and houses

at Constantinople, but the use and object of them is forgotten. They are

still used in Persia.

[11] Tessels, or tassels, for tiercels, a term for a hawk; the text is:

& viddi appresso di lui, quattro ouer cinque di quell’ herbe, che noi

chiamiamo garzi: sopra lequali eran’ alcuni cardellini.

[12] Nowe; _i.e._, enough.

[13] In Wallachia the villagers go in their carts to a distance from

their village and from any water, and plough and sow the ground, and

return again in the same way to gather in the harvest.

[14] Zattera is Italian for a platform, raft, or framework for sailors to

stand on in harbour to work at the ship’s sides.

[15] Hassan Bey Ak-Koyunlu.

[16] Kabarda.

[17] Mingrelia.

[18] Hajy Terkhan or Astrakhan.

[19] Murteza Khan.

[20] Furlane; _i.e._, of Forli.

[21] Buzah, Turkish and Persian, a kind of beer; here it means Kwass.

[22] Dunny; _i.e._, stupid.

[23] Ramusio has the preceding clause here—“It may be twenty-five years

ago.”

[24] _Kazan_ is Turkish for a cauldron.

[25] Ermines.

[26] Skins of grey squirrels.

[27] Nove castelli; _i.e._, new castles.

[28] Troki, near Wilna.

[29] Whereas, used here, and at page 38, for wherein.

[30] Ramusio prints Varsonich.

[31] Or: a quarter of an ell below their chins.

[32] Giubbe; _i.e._, jubbeh.

[33] Endure, abide.

[34] The text of Ramusio has—E andava intorno alla polita.

[35] Ramusio has—Tiflis.

[36] Schioppetti.

[37] Polvere da trarli.

[38] Ramusio has—The Pope.

[39] _Ibid._ has—named Cassambeg.

[40] _Ibid._—named Pirameto.

[41] _Ibid._—which, according to the ancients, was Corycus.

[42] Ramusio has—56.

[43] _Ibid._ has—of the Supreme Pontiff.

[44] στρατιωται.

[45] Ramusio has—which was formerly called Seleucia; now Selefkeh.

[46] Il Re Zacho.

[47] Ramusio has here—with a natural son of the said King Ferdinand.

[48] _Ibid._—Cerines.

[49] Ramusio has—which, according to the ancients, was Eleusia.

[50] This inscription is given in Beaufort’s _Karamania_, p. 220.

[51] Ramusio has—that is to say, Seleutia.

[52] _Ibid._ has—according to the ancients, called Calycadnus.

[53] Gryse, a step.

[54] Ramusio has—quindici, 15.

[55] Erto; _i.e._, steep.

[56] Ramusio has—“but formerly it was in Cilicia, and it was taken by the

Turks, when they occupied the rest of Asia Minor, from whom it was taken

by Rubino and Leone, brothers of Armenia, about 1230, and they brought it

back to the kingdom, which they call Armenia; and this Armenia stretches

to the mountain Taurus,” etc., etc.

[57] _Ibid._ has—named by the ancients Cydnus.

[58] Scarpello; _i.e._, chisel.

[59] Ramusio has—1000.

[60] Ramusio has—named by the ancients Pyramus.

[61] Slowly and softly.

[62] Orfa.

[63] Birajik, on the left bank of the Euphrates.

[64] Grises; _i.e._, steps.

[65] To continue in this manner.

[66] A great part.

[67] Ramusio has—named Set, formerly named Tigris.

[68] Sert, thirty leagues east of Diarbekir.

[69] Kurds.

[70] Vastan, six leagues south of Van.

[71] Khoy.

[72] Ramusio has—Tanfaruzo, corruption of _tafarraj_, rejoicing.

[73] An ounce.

[74] Turban.

[75] A pole on which to carry a _cowl_ or vessel between two persons.

[76] Ramusio has—which had died on their passage.

[77] Cameo.

[78] Jasper.

[79] Kubbeh, dome.

[80] Cassock.

[81] Yezd.

[82] Cameo.

[83] But-perest.

[84] Set or mounted.

[85] Pitched.

[86] Broussa.

[87] Marquetterie work.

[88] Zubiaur, a district in the Basque country, where there are caps with

large tassels.

[89] Ramusio has—as much to prevent their being seen, as, etc.

[90] Probably Besh-keuy, five villages.

[91] Ramusio has—in the cradles.

[92] A set of horse-shoes.

[93] In a herd.

[94] Lattice.

[95] Sultaniah and its great mosque are now in ruins.

[96] Ramusio has—which he refused to show to the king.

[97] So that his life might be spared.

[98] These pits are for removing the earth to make the conduit, or

_kanad_.

[99] Ispahan.

[100] Rooms.

[101] Kashan.

[102] Yezd.

[103] Astrabad.

[104] Tchin and Matchin, China.

[105] Samarcand and the parts beyond.

[106] Probably Ré, a town formerly existing near Tehran.

[107] Or Giansa.

[108] Cambalu.

[109] The Maidan, or open space.

[110] Ramusio has here—“While I was still in that country there came an

Armenian to procure some of the water, who had been sent by the King

of Cyprus long before I began my journey to those parts, and returning

while I was in the country with some of the water in a tin flask, came to

Tauris two months after I had arrived there. He staid with me two days,

and then started on his way to Cyprus, where, on my return, I saw the

same flask of water hanging up on a pole placed outside a kind of tower,

and was told by the people of the place that, by virtue of that water,

they had not been troubled with grasshoppers. I also saw there certain

black and red birds, called birds of Mahomet, which fly in flocks like

starlings; and, from what I heard, destroy all the grasshoppers they meet

with. It is asserted by the country people that, wherever these birds

know there is water of that particular kind, they fly towards it.”

[111] Or Kinara.

[112] Chehl minar.

[113] Robust.

[114] Or Vargan.

[115] Or Deister.

[116] Afshar.

[117] Ramusio has, from Choi to Rhei, three journeys from Rhei to Sarri.

[118] Or Sindan.

[119] Astrabad.

[120] Are not much valued.

[121] Kharput.

[122] For an account of this lady, see Travels of Caterino Zeno.

[123] Ramusio has—and Caloieri, or Monks.

[124] Apulia.

[125] Akhlat.

[126] Arjish.

[127] Tamerlan.

[128] Tessuj.

[129] Shebister.

[130] Shamakhy.

[131] Shirvan Shah.

[132] Since.

[133] Ramusio has—Elochzi.

[134] As far as.

[135] Koutais.

[136] Ramusio has—called Fasso, formerly Phasis.

[137] Arsengan or Erzingan.

[138] Kumis.

[139] Arabghir.

[140] Kudus.

[141] Sakis.

[142] Press or crowd.

[143] Mukary, a muleteer.

[144] Beyrout.

[145] According to.

[146] Crowds, clumps.

[147] Masterly operation.

[148] Kady Leshker, judge of the troops.

[149] Khoja.

[150] Hajy.

[151] Ramusio has here—I finished the writing on the 21st December, 1487.

THE TRAVELS

OF THE

MAGNIFICENT M. AMBROSIO CONTARINI,

AMBASSADOR OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS SIGNORY OF VENICE TO THE GREAT LORD

USSUNCASSAN, KING OF PERSIA, IN THE YEAR 1473.

THE TRAVELS OF THE MAGNIFICENT M. AMBROSIO CONTARINI.

I, Ambrosio Contarini, the son of Messer Benedetto, having been chosen

ambassador to the Illustrious Lord Ussuncassan, King of Persia, by

our Illustrious Signory in the Council of Pregadi,—notwithstanding

that such a mission appeared to me arduous on account of the long and

perilous journey,—I resolved, in deference to the earnest wishes of our

Illustrious Signory, and for the universal good of Christianity, and the

honour that would accrue to the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and His

Glorious Mother, to put aside all fear of peril and go cheerfully and

willingly for the service of our Signory and Christianity; and deeming

that an account of a journey of such importance and length might be

interesting and useful to our descendants, I intend, with as much brevity

as possible, to relate what occurred to me from my departure from Venice,

on the 23rd of February, 1473 (the first day of Lent), until my return,

on the 10th of April, 1477, and describe the towns, and provinces through

which I passed, as well as the manners and customs of their inhabitants.

CHAPTER I.

The Serene Ambassador leaves Venice, and, passing through

Germany, Poland, Lower Russia, and the great desert of Tartary

in Europe, arrives at the city of Cafà.

I left Venice on the 23rd of February, 1473, accompanied by the venerable

priest Stephano Testa, as my chaplain and secretary; Dimitri da Setinis,

as my interpreter: and Mapheo da Bergamo and Zuanne Ungaretto, as my

servants. We were, all five, dressed in thick clothes, in the German

fashion. The money with which I was provided was sewn up partly in the

skirts of the priest Stephano, and partly in my own, and did not fail

to cause us some trouble. With these four I embarked for San Michiel da

Murano, where, after hearing Mass, the Prior, at my request, signed us

all with the wood of the Cross, immediately after which we left, with his

blessing, for Mestre. Here five horses were provided for us, on which, by

God’s help, we reached Treviso, as, notwithstanding all my endeavours, I

had been unable to procure a guide for any amount of money.

On the 24th I set out for Conegliano, where, considering it my duty, on

so long and perilous a journey to confess and take the sacrament, I did

so, with great devotion, together with my retinue.

On the 26th, having left Coneglian in the morning, I met a certain

Sebastiano Todesco, who said he was going our way. As he appeared to

know me and where I was going, and offered to accompany us as far as

Nuremberg, I certainly looked upon him as one sent by God. We all six set

out together, and, travelling every day, entered Germany, where I found

many beautiful castles and towns belonging to various lords and bishops,

who are all, however, under the allegiance of the Most Serene Emperor.

Among other places I saw Augsburg, a very beautiful city. And after we

had visited Bercemsiurch, a walled city belonging to the Emperor, and

had gone about five miles beyond, Sebastian left us after a cordial

embrace, and took the road to Frankfort.

On the 10th of March, 1474 (?), I arrived with a guide at Nuremberg, a

most beautiful city, with a castle, and a river running through it. As

I was looking for a guide, with whom to continue my journey, my host

comforted me by suggesting that I should accompany two ambassadors of His

Majesty the King of Poland, who, he informed me, were then in that city.

This news gave me great satisfaction, and I immediately sent the priest

Stefano to make known to them who I was, and to say that I should be

glad to speak with them. When they had heard my message, they sent word

back, that I might accompany them if I felt so disposed. I went then, and

found that they were persons of high rank. One was an Archbishop; the

other Messer Paul, a knight. After salutations were exchanged, I showed

them that I was the bearer of credentials for their sovereign; and,

notwithstanding my dress, they treated me with much honour, and received

me willingly into their company, with liberal offers of assistance. I

waited for them in Nuremberg until the 14th of March.

March 14th. On this day we started from Nuremberg in company with the

abovementioned ambassadors. There was also an ambassador of the King of

Bohemia, the eldest son of the King of Poland; and there might have been

sixty horsemen. Riding through Germany, we lodged sometimes in very good

towns, but generally in cities and fortresses, of which there are many

both handsome and strong and worthy of being remembered. But as Germany

is pretty well known, either by sight or report, I shall refrain from

mentioning her cities and castles. From the above-named day, until the

25th, we continued travelling in Germany, in the country of the Marquis

of Brandenburg, Duke of Saxony. Again entering the territory of the

Marquis of Brandenburg we reached a fine walled city called Frankfort,

where we remained till the 29th. As this city is on the confines of

Germany and Poland, the Marquis sent a number of armed men, in excellent

order, to escort the ambassadors until they arrived in their own country.

On the 31st, we entered Messariga,[152] the first town belonging to the

King of Poland. It is small, but handsome, and has a small castle.

On the 2nd of April, 1474, we arrived at Posnama[153] without having

passed any place of importance. Posnama deserves notice on account of the

beauty of its streets and houses; it is also much frequented by merchants.

On the 3rd, we left Posnama, with the idea of finding the king. In

travelling through Poland we found neither cities nor castles worth

mentioning; and with regard both to lodgings and other things the country

is very different to Germany.

On the 9th, which was Holy Saturday, we entered a city named Lancisia,

where the King of Poland was then residing. His Majesty sent two

gentlemen (knights) to receive me, and I was accommodated with very good

lodgings, considering the place. The next day being Easter Sunday, I did

not think it would be proper to visit His Majesty.

On the 11th, in the morning, I received from His Majesty a coat of black

damask, and a request to attend his presence. And as such was the Polish

custom, I donned the garment, and went accompanied by many men of rank.

Having made the requisite salutations, I delivered the presents which

were sent to him by our Illustrious Signory, and told him my business. I

was then invited to dine with his Majesty. Dinner is conducted in nearly

the same manner as with us, and everything was exceedingly well prepared

and in abundance. When dinner was over I took leave of His Majesty, and

returned to my lodgings.

On the 13th, the king sent for me again, and replied to what I had said

on the part of our Illustrious Signory, in such kind and courteous terms

as to confirm what is said among us, that there has not been a more just

king than he, for many years. He ordered that I should be provided with

two guides, one for Poland and the other for Lower Russia, as far as

a place called Chio or Magraman, situated, beyond his territories, in

Russia. Having returned thanks in the name of our Illustrious Signory, I

took leave of His Majesty.

On the 14th, I left Lancisia with the above-mentioned guides, and

travelled through Poland, which is a flat country, but with forests.

Every day and night we found lodgings, which were sometimes good and

sometimes otherwise. Poland has the appearance of being a poor country.

On the 19th, I arrived at a pretty good city called Lumberli, where

there is a castle in which reside four of the king’s sons (the eldest of

whom may have been about fifteen years of age), with a most excellent

preceptor, from whom they receive instruction. They requested me (I

believe by command of their father) to visit them, which I did. The words

addressed to me by one of them were very appropriate, and showed great

esteem for the master. After making a suitable reply, and thanking their

Royal Highnesses, I took my leave.

On the 20th, we left Poland, and entered Lower Russia, which also belongs

to the said king. Journeying till the 25th, almost all the way through

forests, and lodging sometimes at a small castle and sometimes in a

village, we arrived at a city called Iusch, where there is a good castle,

though built of timber. Here we staied till the 24th (?), not without

peril, on account of the celebration of a couple of weddings: nearly all

the population being drunk, and, on that account, very dangerous. They

have no wine, but make a kind of beverage with apples, which is more

intoxicating.

April 25th. We left here and arrived, in the evening, at a town with a

castle called Aitomir, built entirely of timber. Leaving this place,

we travelled on the whole of the 29th through forests, which were very

dangerous, from being infested with discontented men of all conditions.

Not having found a lodging at night, we were obliged to sleep in this

forest without anything to eat, and I had to mount guard all night.

On the 30th, we came to Beligraoch, a white castle, used as a dwelling by

the king, where we lodged in great discomfort.

On the 1st of May, 1474, we arrived at a city called Chio or Magraman,

beyond the confines of the above-mentioned Russia. It is governed by a

Catholic Pole, named Pammartin, who, when he had heard of my arrival from

the king’s guides, provided me with very bad quarters, for the country,

and sent me provisions, which were very acceptable. This city is on the

confines of Tartary, and is frequented by merchants who bring furs from

High Russia, and pass in caravans to Capha, but are often captured by

the Tartars. The country abounds in bread and meat. It is the custom of

the people to work from morning to tierce, and then to spend the rest of

their time till night in caves, frequently quarrelling like drunkards.

May 2nd. Pammartin sent many of his gentlemen to invite me to dine with

him. After the proper salutations had been exchanged, he made me great

offers, and informed me that he had been commanded by his sovereign,

to treat me with honour, protect me from every danger, and give me the

means of passing through Tartary as far as Capha. I thanked him, and

begged him to do so; when he said that he was expecting an ambassador

from Lithuania, with presents for the Emperor of the Tartars, and that

the emperor was going to send two hundred Tartar horsemen as an escort.

He recommended me, therefore, to wait for this ambassador, in whose

company I might pass in safety, which I resolved to do. We sat down to

dinner, which was exceedingly well prepared and abundant, and I received

most honourable attention. There were present a bishop, brother to the

governor, and many gentlemen; and there were also several singers, who

sang during the repast. I was made to remain at table a very long time,

to my great annoyance, as I required rest more than anything else. When

dinner was over, I took leave of his lordship, and went to my lodgings,

which were in the town, the governor remaining in his quarters at the

castle, which was constructed of wood. There is a river, called Danambre

in their language, and Leresse in ours, which passes by the town and

flows into the Mar Maggiore. We waited here ten days for the arrival of

the Lithuanian ambassador. On the morning we were about to depart, the

governor wished that we should hear Mass, although I had previously told

him that I had done so. When Mass was over we embraced each other, and

Pammartin made me shake hands with the ambassador, whom he requested,

with much warmth, to consider me as the person of his own king, and

conduct me in safety to Capha. The ambassador replied that the command of

His Majesty the King should be observed, and that I should be treated in

the same manner as if I were the king himself. And with this I took leave

of the governor, thanking him to the best of my ability, as he deserved,

for the great honour he had done me. During the time I staid here I often

received provisions. I presented the governor with a German saddle-horse,

which was one of those I had brought from Mestre; and, as the others were

entire horses, he wished me to leave them there, and take horses of the

country. The king’s guides were the best of company, and I treated them

with courtesy.

On the 11th, we left here with the ambassador. I was on a carriage,

which I had used since I left the king, on account of a bad leg, which

prevented me from riding on horseback. We journeyed until the 9th (?),

when we arrived at a village called Cercas, which also belonged to the

said king. Here we remained till the 15th, when the ambassador heard

that the Tartars had arrived; we then left Cercas in their company, and

entered upon a desert country.

On the 15th, we reached the above-mentioned river, which we had to cross.

This river separates Tartary from Russia towards Capha, and, as it was

more than a mile in breadth and very deep, the Tartars began to cut

timbers, which they tied together, and covered with branches to form a

raft, and our things being placed on it the Tartars entered the river

holding on to their horses’ necks, while our raft was attached to their

tails by cords. Thus mounted, the horses were driven across the river,

which we passed by the help of God. How great our peril was, I leave my

readers to consider,—in my opinion it could not have been greater. When

we had landed on the opposite bank, every one put his things in order,

and we remained the whole day with the Tartars. Some of the Tartar chiefs

eyed me closely, and I appeared to be the subject of many surmises among

them. We set out from the river and travelled through the desert country,

suffering many discomforts of every kind. And as we were passing through

a wood, the ambassador sent to tell me, by his interpreter, that the

Tartars felt it their duty to conduct me to their emperor. He said that,

as they had heard of the rank I held, I could not be allowed to pass

Capha without being previously presented to their emperor. At this I was

very much annoyed, so I urged my case to the interpreter, begging him

to remember the promise which had been made as much to Pammartin as to

the King of Poland, and I promised to give him a sword. Saying he would

serve me, and bidding me take comfort, he returned to the ambassador, and

repeated what I had said. He then sat down to drink with the Tartars,

whom he assured with many words that I was a Genoese, and the affair was

arranged by means of fifteen ducats: before hearing this, however, I was

in great anxiety. In the morning we rode on and travelled till the 24th,

with much hardship, having passed a day and a night without water, came

to a pass where the ambassadors and the Tartars had to take the road to

a castle called Chercher, where the Tartar emperor was staying. A Tartar

was here appointed to accompany me to Caphà, and I took leave of the

ambassador. Although we were alone and in constant fear lest the Tartars

should send after us, I was well pleased to be free from those confounded

dogs who smelt of horse-flesh to such a degree that there was no standing

near them. Travelling with my guide, we lodged, in the evening, in the

open air among some Tartar carts with their skin covering. Many of the

Tartars immediately surrounded us, and wished to know who we were: on

hearing from our guide that I was a Genoese, they presented me with sour

milk.

On the morning of the 26th, we left here before daybreak, and, about

the hour of Vespers, entered the town of Caphà, thanking our Lord God,

who had taken pity on our trouble. Having gone secretly to a church, I

sent the interpreter to our consul, who immediately sent his brother to

tell me to stay till the evening and then to come secretly to one of his

houses in the town, which I did. At the appointed time we came to the

consul’s house, where we were well received, and where I met Ser Polo

Ogniben, who had been sent by our Illustrious Signory three months before

me.