DEATH OF ANTONELLI AND PATRIZI.

Shortly before the anniversary celebration, Pius IX. had to lament the

death of his faithful Secretary of State, Cardinal Antonelli. This

intrepid statesman had done battle courageously during six-and-twenty

years for the Church, the Holy See and the temporal sovereignty of the

Roman Pontiff, who had been threatened in his life, his priestly honor and

his character for integrity. The devoted cardinal defied both the poniard

and the tongue of the calumniator. Although able to unmask the most secret

intrigues of the revolutionists, he could not avert the blow which it was

permitted that they should strike against the time-honored institutions of

his country. They appear to have been destined to reign for a time. Their

success did not appal Antonelli nor shake his fidelity. In evil report and

good report he stood by his sovereign, and shared his exile as well as the

honor which he enjoyed in the more auspicious days of his glorious

Pontificate.

Three weeks later, Cardinal Patrizi, who was Vicar of Rome and chief

counsellor of Pius IX. in all matters connected with the government of the

church, was called from this earthly scene. Thus was the aged Pontiff

destined to be tried by new afflictions. The success of his enemies and of

the enemies of the Church, the privation and humiliation to which he was

subjected, were rendered more severe by the death of his dearest friends

who were also his ablest supporters. He was grieved, but could not be

crushed by so many calamities. He remained until his health utterly failed

equal to his high position.

An additional cause of sorrow to the Holy Father was the enactment of the

Italian Legislature, known as the _Mancini law_. This law was in downright

opposition to the _law of guarantees_. It made it a crime to preach the

Gospel. On pretence of repressing the abuses of the clergy, their offences

against the laws and institutions of the State, it forbade all apostolic

preaching. It was too late. Nero, even, was not in time, and all the fury

of persecution could not uproot the belief in virtue which prevailed. The

clergy shall no longer say that fraud, robbery, lying, violence and

assassination are sins. But _cui bono_? The world has already its

convictions—prejudices, the philosophy of _Kulturkampf_ may call them—in

regard to all such things, and no law that an infidel parliament can enact

will suffice to eradicate them. It could only sadden the heart of the

Chief Pastor to see the power which ruled in his country and in his stead

laboring so strenuously but ineffectually to demolish the edifice of the

church, which, for so many ages, had been assailed in vain. It was the

height of presumption, surely, when a few modern Italians, a miserable

minority of their own nation, undertook a task which defied all the power

of Imperial Rome. In a country where liberty is better understood, a

powerful voice was raised in condemnation of the _Mancini law_. The

British _Catholic Union_ protested against the cruel enactment as an

attack not only on the liberty of the Church but also on the very

existence of the Christian faith in Italy. This purpose was, indeed,

avowed by many of its supporters in the Italian parliament.

Pius IX. could not fail to protest against such an attack on that liberty

which is the birthright of every Christian. In a Consistorial Allocution

of 12th March, 1877, he exposed the plot which the revolutionists had

prepared in order to prevent the Holy Father from accomplishing his

appointed mission—that of instructing and edifying the whole flock of

Christ. That his protest was fully justified and demanded by the

circumstances of the case was abundantly shown by the rage which it

excited among the ruling faction. Their press did its best to dissemble,

and affected to treat with contempt the Pope’s address. It contained only

“lame and doubtful reasonings—such arguments as are termed paralogisms or

involuntary sophisms, which escape the notice of their authors.” The

government, in unison with the press, sought to stifle the importunate

voice of the Pontiff. The council of ministers went so far as to resolve

on prosecuting any journals that should dare to publish the Papal

allocution. But they found it was too late. The obnoxious document was

already printed in France, and, consequently, open to the civilized world.

So the wrath of the ministry was allowed to cool. It sought, nevertheless,

to be revenged. The minister of justice, accordingly, addressed a circular

to the procurators-general, in which he denounced the language of Pius IX.

as “excessive and violent.” The Pope himself he railed was a factious

person, as a fomenter of sedition and revolt. He also charged him with

ingratitude. For what was he ungrateful? Had they not robbed him of his

sovereignty and his property? Did they not now hold him closely guarded in

the Vatican? They spared his life, indeed, but made him understand that he

was their prisoner, as, in reality, he was. To have gone farther would

have been to outrage all Italy, which they were so anxious to conciliate,

and the great Powers, whose forbearance they so much needed. Cardinal

Simeoni, who had succeeded Antonelli as Secretary of State, in a circular

addressed to the Papal nuncios, pointed out the weakness and gross

injustice of Mancini’s letter. The secret societies, on the other hand,

congratulated their most dear and most active _brother_, and expressed the

hope _that he would not stop until he reached the end to which he so nobly

tended_. The minister of justice fully acceded to the wishes of the

_brethren_, and they could rely upon it that he would persevere until he

compassed the destruction of the Papacy. Such good resolutions deserved a

reward. They awarded him, accordingly, what they called a _diploma of

honor_.

The _Mancini law_, notwithstanding all the efforts of its supporters,

never became law. There is not much in this history to be placed to the

credit of Victor Emmanuel. Nevertheless, he, all of a sudden, opposed the

enactment of the odious law which he had allowed to be prepared and

presented in his name to the representative chamber. By expressing his

repugnance to it, he caused it to fail in the Senate. It is related that

it was on the representation of his daughter, the Princess Clotilde, that

he so acted.

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