A scholar was to forfeit his emolument by entering religion, by

transferring himself to anybody’s obedience, by being absent except on

College business or by special leave of the Provost for more than the

greater half of a full term, or for wilfully neglecting to take the

prescribed steps of advancement in study.

Offences generally were to be tried by the Provost and two assessors,

and punished by the Provost with the consent of the scholars.

The College was to bake its own bread and brew its own beer within

the College, by its own servants acting under the supervision of the

steward of the week and of the treasurer’s clerk. Every loaf before it

was baked was to weigh 46_s._ 8_d._ sterling, from whatever market the

corn came, and of whatever kind the bread was; and this weight was not

to be changed whatever was the price of corn.

A sum of £40 specially given for this purpose by the founder was always

to remain in hand, to be set apart at the beginning of each year, and

accounted for at the end as ready-money or floating balance, to be used

for buying stores of victuals and fuel, and not to be employed in part

or whole for any other purpose.

The Scholars were to have a horse-mill of their own to grind their

wheat, barley, and other corn within the College, or at least very near

thereto, to save the excessive tolls and payments to millers which

might otherwise fall upon them.

With these and similar injunctions the founder launched the College on

its voyage across the centuries. Into the details of that voyage there

is no further room to go. Whatever affected the history of the country

affected the history of the University, and whatever affected the

history of the University affected the history of the College. Wycliff

stayed within the College, and Nicholas of Hereford, who translated

for him the Old Testament, was a Fellow. Henry Whitfield, Provost, and

three Fellows, one of them John of Trevisa, all four west-countrymen,

were expelled for Wycliffism. The phases of the Reformation in England

are accurately reflected in the College accounts. A Royal Commission

visits the College in 1545, and Rudd, one of the Fellows, is expelled.

Eightpence is paid, “pro vino & orengis commissionariis.” Three years

later 6_s._ 2_d._ is paid, “dolantibus meremium & diripientibus

imagines in sacello.” The wheel comes round, and in 1555, 9_s._

is paid, “pro ligatione et coopertura unius portiphorii, duorum

processionalium, unius missalis, unius gradalis, unius antiphonarii

& unius hymnarii.” But the reaction is only temporary, and in 1560

appears 4_s._ 8_d._, “pro destruendo altaria.”

The College contributes others besides the Wycliffites and Rudd as

victims to the struggles of the times. John Bost is a martyr for

Roman Catholicism; as Michael Hudson later, for the King against the

Parliament. Thomas Smith’s case is the hardest of all; as, having been

turned out of his Fellowship at Magdalen for refusing to elect Bishop

Parker as President, he is turned out again later on for refusing to

take the oath of allegiance to William III.

The College shared the fortunes of the University in the days of the

Stuarts. His Majesty desires the College, 5th Jan., 1642-3, to lend him

all plate of what kind soever belonging to the College, and promises

to see the same repaid after the rate of 5_s._ per ounce for white,

and 5_s._ 6_d._ for gilt plate; and nine days later Mr. Stannix,

thesaurarius, delivers to Sir William Parkhurst for his Majesty’s use

such a collection of tankards, two-eared potts, white large bowles

and lesser bowles, salts and gilt bowles, and spoones and gobletts,

as the College shall never see again, 2319 oz. of both sorts, worth

in all £591 1_s._ 9_d._ And then the Provost and scholars, as things

grow worse, petition Sir Thomas Glemham that--whereas parcel of the

works on the west side of Northgate had been assigned to Magdalen and

Queen’s College jointly, and Queen’s College had already performed

more than in a due proportion would have come to their share, most of

them labouring in their own persons by the space of twelve days at

the least, while those of Magdalen assisted, some very slenderly and

some not at all--that a proportionable part of the work yet unfinish’d

may be set forth to themselves in particular apart from Magdalen;

and this is ordered to be done. And then the king goes down, and the

parliamentary visitors appear; and “This is the answer of mee, Jo.

Fisher (Master of Arts and Chaplaine of Queenes Colledge), and which

I shall acknowledge is myne: That I cannot without perjury submitt

to this visitation, and therefore I will not submitt. _Ita est_: Jo.

Fisher.” And John Fisher and others are reported to the Committee of

Lords and Commons and lose their places. And George Phillip and James

Bedford and William Barksdale and Moses Foxcraft appear in the Register

of Fellows as “Intrusi tempore usurpationis, exclusi ad Restaurationem

Caroli Secundi.”

And in all these crises, and those which have followed, “sons of

Eglesfield” have been called to play their part. Thomas Barlow, Bishop

of Lincoln; Henry Compton, Bishop of London; Thomas Cartwright, Bishop

of Chester; Thomas Lamplugh, Archbishop of York; Edmund Gibson, Bishop

of London; William Nicholson, Archbishop of Cashel; Thomas Tanner,

Bishop of St. Asaph; William Van Mildert, Bishop of Durham; William

Thomson, Archbishop of York, among Prelates: John Owen, Dean of

Christ Church; John Mill and Richard Cecil, among Divines: Sir John

Davies, Sir Thomas Overbury, William Wycherly, Joseph Addison, Thomas

Tickell, William Collins, William Mitford, Jeremy Bentham, Francis

Jeffrey, among men of letters: Gerard Langbaine, Thomas Hyde, Thomas

Hudson, Edward Thwaites, Christopher Rawlinson, Edward Rowe Mores,

Thomas Tyrwhitt, among scholars; Edmund Halley and Henry Highton,

among men of science; Sir Edward Nicholas, Sir John Banks, and Sir

Joseph Williamson, among lawyers and statesmen--are but a selection

of the more distinguished of those to whose equipment the College has

contributed in a greater or less degree. May those who now and shall

hereafter occupy their places avoid their errors and emulate their

virtues.

VII.

NEW COLLEGE.

BY THE REV. HASTINGS RASHDALL, M.A., LATE SCHOLAR OF NEW COLLEGE,

FELLOW OF HERTFORD COLLEGE.

[A MS. life of Wykeham ascribed to Warden Chaundler, but

probably only corrected by him, remains in the possession

of the College. The _Historica Descriptio complectens vitam

ac res gestas Wicami_, Londini 1597, is the work of Martyn.

There are two scholarly lives of the Founder by Lowth (edit.

2, London 1759) and G. H. Moberly (Winchester 1887), but they

give little information about the College. Walcott’s _William

of Wykeham and his Colleges_ (Winchester 1852) is the fullest

College history that we possess, but it leaves something to be

desired. I have to thank the Warden of New College, the Rev.

W. A. Spooner, and the Rev. H. B. George for several valuable

suggestions or corrections.]

More has been written about the lives of the Oxford College founders

than about the institutions which they founded. In some cases the

life of a founder properly belongs to the history of his College; the

life of William of Wykeham is part of the history of England. For our

present purpose, therefore, it is unnecessary to trace his public

and political career; but we cannot appreciate the aim of such an

institution as New College without understanding the kind of man in

whose brain the scheme originated.

William of Wykeham was an ecclesiastic; but in the Middle Ages that

meant something very different from what it means now. “The Church” was

a synonym for “the professions.” In Northern Europe the Church supplied

almost the only opportunity of a civil career to the cadet of a noble

house, the sole opportunity of rising to the ambitious plebeian. The

servants of the Crown, the diplomatists, the secretaries, advisers,

or “clerks” of great nobles, the host of ecclesiastical judges and

lawyers, many even of the secular lawyers, the physicians, the

architects, sometimes even the astrologers, were ecclesiastics. William

of Wykeham rose to eminence as a civil servant of the Crown, and was

rewarded in the usual way by ecclesiastical preferment, culminating

in a bishopric. Such men had usually taken a degree in Canon or Civil

Law at the Universities. William of Wykeham is not known to have been

a University man; he rose to eminence in the King’s Office of Works,

and became surveyor at Windsor Castle, which was half rebuilt under

his direction. He was the greatest architect of his day. Afterwards he

held a series of political appointments--eventually the Chancellorship.

As a politician, he was the champion of the old order of things rudely

shaken by the Wycliffite heresy and the political movements with which

it was associated; the leader of the Church, or Conservative, party;

a moderate and far-sighted man withal, but still a sturdy opponent of

reform; a pious man in the conventional fourteenth-century way, but

still a devoted supporter of all the abuses against which Wyclif had

declaimed, as became one who was himself the greatest pluralist of his

day.

New College was intended to be another stronghold of the old system in

Church and State. It was to increase the supply of clergy, which the

statutes declare to have been thinned by “pestilences, wars, and the

other miseries of the world.” Some have seen in these words a special

allusion to the Black Death of 1348; but it was more probably a mere

flourish of mediæval rhetoric, or possibly a fashion which had survived

from 1348. The general idea of the College was not fundamentally

different from that of its predecessors. William of Wykeham, once

raised to the splendid See of Winchester, was anxious to do something

for the Church; and the general opinion of the day was that monks were

out of date, that the Church herself was rich enough, and that to send

capable men to the Universities was the best way to fight heresy, to

strengthen the Church system, and to save the donor’s soul.

Wykeham’s ultimate purpose in founding his College was conventional

enough; in the manner of carrying it out there was much that was

original. It was, however, rather the greater scale of the whole design

than any one original feature that gives an historical appropriateness

to the name “New” which has accidentally cleaved to “St. Marie

Colledge of Wynchester” in Oxford. In the number of the scholars, in

the liberality of their allowances, in the architectural splendour of

the buildings of his College, Wykeham eclipsed all previous Oxford

College-founders. In many respects the founder of Queen’s had, indeed,

aimed as high as Wykeham; but he had begun to build and was not able

to finish; his Provost and apostolic twelve never grew to the seventy

which he contemplated. What Eglesfield designed, Wykeham accomplished.

The most original feature of Wykeham’s design was the connection of his

College at Oxford with a grammar-school at a distance. The fundamental

vice of mediæval education was the prevalent neglect of grammatical

discipline and the absurdly early age at which boys were plunged into

the subtleties of Logic and the mysteries of the Latin Aristotle,

the very language of which, unclassical as it was, they could hardly

understand. Wykeham had no thought of a Renaissance, or of any

fundamental change in the educational system of the day; he was only

anxious to remedy a defect which all practical men acknowledged. Boys

were still to be taught Latin chiefly that they might read Aristotle,

and Peter the Lombard or the Corpus Juris; but they were to learn to

walk before they were encouraged to run.

Hard by his own cathedral, the Bishop erected a College for a Warden,

Sub-Warden, ten Fellows, a Head Master, Usher, and seventy scholars,

with a proper staff of chaplains and choristers. From this College

exclusively were to be selected the seventy scholars of St. Marie

Colledge of Wynchester in Oxford; and no one could be elected before

fifteen or after nineteen, except in the case of “Founder’s-kin”

scholars, who were eligible up to thirty. This implies that the usual

age of Wykehamists upon entering the University would be much above

the average, since it was quite common for boys to begin their course

in Arts at fourteen or earlier. By the erection of his College at

Winchester, Wykeham became the founder of the English public-school

system.

The Oxford College consisted of a Warden and seventy “poor clerical

scholars,” together with ten “stipendiary priests” or chaplains, three

stipendiary clerks, and sixteen boy-choristers for the service of the

chapel. It entered on a definite existence not later than 1375, the

scholars being temporarily lodged in Hart Hall (now Hertford College)

and other adjoining houses while the buildings were being completed.

The foundation charters were granted in 1379; the foundation-stone

laid at 8 a.m. on March 5th, 1379-80; on April 14th, 1387, at 9 a.m.

the society, “with cross erect, and singing a solemn litany,” marched

processionally into the splendid habitation which their Founder had

been preparing for them in an unoccupied corner within the walls of the

town.

New College is the first, and still almost the only, College whose

extant buildings substantially represent a complete and harmonious

design as it presented itself to the founder’s eye. The quadrangle

of New College may indeed have been the first completed quadrangle

in Oxford. In that case we might attribute to the architect Bishop

the origination of the type to which later English Colleges have so

tenaciously adhered. At any rate completeness is the characteristic

feature of Wykeham’s buildings; every want of his scholars was provided

for from their academical birth, if need be to the grave.

Previous Colleges had for the most part occupied the choir of some

existing parish church for the solemn services of Sunday and Holy-day;

at most they had a little “oratory” in which a priest or two said

mass. With Wykeham the chapel formed an integral part of the original

design. In spite of the ravages of Puritan iconoclasm, the chapel

has always retained the perfect proportion which it received from

its founder’s hands. It is now regaining, under the touch of modern

restoration, so much of its ancient beauty as the cold taste of the

present day will tolerate; but we shall never see again the blaze of

colour on windows and walls, on groined roof and on sculptured image

which it presented to its founder’s eye. Wykeham’s design provided

not merely for things needful, but for ornament. Not only was the

chapel a choir of cathedral magnitude, with transepts, though without

a nave--henceforth the typical form of the College chapel; there was

outside the wall (nowhere else could it have stood so conveniently),

the great Bell-tower. There was an ample hall or refectory, the

oldest now remaining in Oxford. There were cloisters, round which

every Sunday the whole College, in copes and surplices, were to go in

procession, “according to the use of Sarum,” and within which members

of the College might be buried, by special papal bull, without leave

of parish-priest or bishop. There was a tower specially provided over

the hall staircase with massive doors of many locks to serve as a

muniment-room and treasury. There was a library, stored with books by

the founder; and an audit-room on the north side of the east gate.

Just outside the main entrance were the brewery and the bake-house.

A spacious garden supplied the College with vegetables, and perhaps

the scholars with room for such exercise as was permitted by the

high standard of “clerical” behaviour demanded of Wykeham’s tonsured

undergraduates. And all remains now substantially as the founder

designed it, marred only by the addition (in 1675) of a third story to

the front quadrangle, and by the modernization of the windows.

The religious aim of College-founders is often exaggerated, or at

least misapprehended. It is true that all Oxford Colleges, like the

University itself, were intended for ecclesiastics. But in the earlier

Colleges not even the Head is required to be in Holy, or even in

minor, Orders; nor are students of any rank required to go to church

or chapel except on Sundays and holy-days. As time went on, the

ecclesiastical character of Colleges is more and more emphasized; but

even then, more is thought of providing for the repose of the founder’s

soul than of the moral or religious training of his scholars, or the

spiritual wants of those to whom they were to minister. Colleges, like

monasteries, were largely endowed out of the “impropriated” tithes

properly belonging to the parochial churches. But if College Fellows

are required to become priests at a certain stage of their career,

it is that they may say masses for the founder. If the chapels are

provided with a staff of chaplains, it is with the same object. In

William of Wykeham’s College the ecclesiastical character is at its

maximum: Wykeham aimed in fact at erecting a great Collegiate Church

and an Academical College in one. The ecclesiastical duties--the masses

and canonical hours--were chiefly performed by the hired chaplains.

But even the studious part of the community was required to make some

return for the founder’s liberality by saying certain prayers for him

and his royal “benefactors” immediately after rising and before going

to bed. They are further required to go to mass daily--it is the first

Oxford College where daily chapel is required--and while there (or

at some other time) every scholar is to say sixty _Paters_ and fifty

_Aves_ in honour of the Virgin.

Wykeham was indeed the first College-founder, at Oxford at all events,

who conceived the idea of making his College not a mere eleemosynary

institution, but a great ecclesiastical corporation, which should

vie both in the splendour of its architecture and the dignity of its

corporate life with the Cathedral chapters and the monastic houses.

The earlier Heads had been raised above the scholars or Fellows by

the luxury of a single private room: they dined in the common hall

with the rest. The Warden of New College was to live, like an abbot,

in a house of his own, within the College walls, but with a separate

hall, kitchen, and establishment. His salary of £40 was princely by

comparison with the 40_s._, with commons, assigned to the Master of

Balliol, or even the forty marks allotted to the Warden of Merton.

Instead of the jealous provisions against burdening the College

with the entertainment of guests which we meet with in the Paris

College-statutes, ample provision is made for the hospitable reception

of important strangers by the Warden in his own Hall, or (in his

absence) by the Sub-Warden and Fellows in the Great Hall, as they would

have been entertained in a Benedictine abbey by the abbot or the prior

(the Sub-Warden being evidently intended to hold a position analogous

to the latter). The Master of Peterhouse in Cambridge was allowed to

have a single horse, on the ground that it would be “indecent for

him to go afoot, nor could he, without scandal to the College, hire

a hack” (_conducere hakenys_): the Warden of New College is to have

_six_ horses at his disposal, for himself and the “discreet, apt, and

circumspect Fellow,” with four servants, who attended upon the annual

“progress” over the College estates--more than some provincial canons

allowed to a cathedral dean. In chapel the Warden was placed on a level

with cathedral canons by the permission to wear an amice _de grisio_

(vair or ermine).

The “commons,” or weekly allowance of a Fellow, was to be a shilling

in times of plenty, which might rise in times of scarcity to 16_d._,

or when the bushel of corn should be at 2_s._, to 18_d._ But though

the College allowances were equal, the money was expended by the

officers for the Fellows, and not by the Fellows themselves; and it was

expressly provided that the quality of the victuals supplied should

vary with “degree, merit and labour.” The Sub-Warden and Doctors of

superior Faculties sat at the High Table, to which also might be

admitted Bachelors of Theology in defect of sufficient Doctors; their

plates or courses (_fercula_) might not exceed four. But when the

Warden dined in Hall (which he was only privileged to do on certain

great festivals), he was to sit in the middle of the table and to

be “served alone,” _i. e._ to have luxuries provided for him in

which his neighbours were not to participate. At the side-tables sat

the Graduate-Fellows and chaplains; in the middle of the Hall, the

probationers and other juniors. During meals the Bible was read, and

silence required. As to the hours of meals it may be observed (though

the statutes are silent on this head) that the usual hour for dinner

was 10 a.m., and supper was at 5 p.m. There is no trace of breakfast in

any mediæval College till near the beginning of the sixteenth century,

when it became usual for men to go to the buttery for a hunk of bread

and a pot of beer, which were either consumed at the buttery or taken

away--the first meal taken in rooms, and the origin of that tradition

of breakfast-parties which is still characteristic of University life.

But when it is remembered that the day began at five or six, it were a

pious opinion that some kind of “hasty snack” at an early hour (such as

the _jentaculum_ of a later day) was winked at in the case of weaker

brethren.

Besides the commons every Fellow received an annual “livery,” or suit

of clothes, suitable to his University rank, but also of uniform cut

and colour; and the rooms were no doubt rudely furnished at the expense

of the College.

A Fellow received no other allowance, unless he was of Founder’s-kin

and poor, or a priest, or an officer, or a tutor, the latter receiving

5_s._ a year for each pupil. A Fellow in need of such assistance might

also have the heavy expenses of graduation, especially of banqueting

the Regents, defrayed by the College.

In the lower rooms, each of which had four windows and four studies

(_studiorum loca_), four scholars were quartered; in the upper rooms,

three. The chaplains and clerks slept in rooms under the Hall, which

are now appropriated to the College stores. A senior was placed in

each room who was responsible for the diligence and good conduct of

the juniors, and was bound to report irregularities to the Warden,

Sub-Warden, or Dean, “so that such manner of Fellows and scholars

suffering defect in their morals, negligent, or slothful in their

studies, may receive competent castigation, correction, and punition.”

Whether the last terrors of scholastic law are contemplated under the

head of “castigation” is not quite clear; but Fellows of all ranks were

liable to “subtraction of commons”; and were in that case, perhaps, not

able to live upon their neighbours in the convenient manner practised

by modern New College men “crossed at the buttery.”

Only a Doctor might have a separate servant; but all were required to

have separate beds, a luxury not altogether a matter of course in the

Middle Ages. At Magdalen, for instance, the younger Demies slept two in

a bed.

All kinds of service were to be performed by males; though a

washerwoman might be tolerated (“in defect of a male washer”),

provided she were of such “age and condition” as to be above “sinister

suspicions.” One of the servants was to be specially entrusted with the

task of carrying the scholars’ books to the public schools.

The statutes of New College are extraordinarily minute and detailed in

their disciplinary regulations, being more than three times as long

as those of Merton. In their ample prohibitory code we may probably

see a fair picture of undergraduate life in the Middle Ages, as it

was outside the Colleges. It was the Colleges which gradually broke

down the ancient liberty of the boy-undergraduate; and at last, by the

sixteenth century, succeeded in making him a mere school-boy _sub virga

et ferula_.

The Colleges of Oxford: Their History and Traditions XXI Chapters Contributed by Members of the Colleges · 第 13 / 44 段