THE GREAT PERSIAN INVASION UNDER XERXES[1]
I. THE PREPARATIONS
(a) _The Persians_
The Persians came again. When the report came to Darius of the
battle which was fought at Marathon, the King, who even before this
had been greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the
attack made upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed
indignation, and was still more determined to make a campaign against
Hellas. He at once sent messengers to the various cities of the
Empire and ordered that they should get ready their forces. Each
city or community was called upon to send more men than at the former
time, and to send also ships of war, and horses, provisions and
transport vessels. When these commands had been carried all round,
all Asia was moved for three years, for all the best men were being
enlisted for the expedition against Hellas, and were making
preparations. {137} But before the expedition was ready, a rebellion
broke out in Egypt, and soon after Darius died, and "thus he did not
succeed in taking vengeance upon the Athenians."
Darius was succeeded by his son Xerxes. The first thing he did was
to crush Egypt, and then he turned his attention to Greece.
Mardonius, the general who had been forced to retire from Thrace
after the wreck of the fleet off Mount Athos, was anxious to persuade
the King to undertake another invasion. He probably wanted to
retrieve the reputation he had lost on the former occasion, and hoped
that if Greece became a Persian province, he would be made governor.
"Master," he would say to the King, "it is not fitting that the
Athenians, after having done to the Persians very great evil, should
not pay the penalty for that which they have done," and he would add
that Greece was "a very fair land and bore all kinds of trees that
are cultivated for fruit and that the King alone of all mortals was
worthy to possess it."
Xerxes did not need much persuasion. He came of a race of kings
whose word was the law of the Medes and Persians that changeth not,
and his wrath was great against the states that had not only refused
to submit to the Persian King, but had actually defeated his army in
battle. He would wreak his vengeance upon them for what they had
done, and he declared that he would march an army through Europe
against Greece, in order, as he said, "that I may take vengeance on
the Athenians for all the things which they have done both to the
Persians {138} and to my father. I will not cease until I have
conquered Athens and burnt it with fire."
Our knowledge of the preparations made for this invasion by Xerxes
comes from Herodotus.[2] He may have exaggerated some things in his
account, but his history was written for the Greeks of his own time
and he wanted to make clear to them how great was the difference
between the East and the West; how much better their freedom and
independence were than the slavery endured by states which were ruled
by the Great King. For these states had no voice in the affairs of
the Empire; if the King went to war, they had to follow him and lay
down their lives for causes in which they had no concern, and which
generally only ministered to the greed and avarice of their rulers.
Having decided on the invasion of Greece, Xerxes sent heralds
throughout the Empire proclaiming the war and bidding all fighting
men make ready and join the King at Sardis. There the troops were
mustered, and in the spring of 480 B.C. ten years after the battle of
Marathon, Xerxes and his army were ready to set out. They were to
march to the Hellespont, and then, by way of Thrace and Macedonia, to
descend into Greece. The fleet was to join the army at the
Hellespont, and by sailing close to the shore, to keep in constant
touch with the army on land.
At last all was ready and the day came for the army to leave Sardis.
First the baggage-bearers led the way together with their horses, and
after these, {139} half the infantry of all the nations who followed
the Great King. Then a space was left, after which came the King
himself. Before him went first a thousand horsemen, chosen from
amongst the noblest Persians, and then a thousand spearmen; these
were followed by ten sacred horses with rich trappings, and behind
the horses came the sacred chariot of the great Persian god, drawn by
eight horses, with the reins held by a charioteer on foot, for no
human creature might mount upon the seat of that chariot. Then
followed Xerxes himself, attended by spearmen chosen from the best
and most noble of all the Persians. They were in turn followed by a
body of men known as the Immortals, of which there were always ten
thousand. They bore this name, because if any one of them made the
number incomplete, either by death or illness, another man filled his
place, and there were never either more or fewer than ten thousand.
These were the very flower of the Persian army; nine thousand of them
carried spears ending with silver pomegranates, and the spears of the
thousand who guarded the front and rear were ornamented with
pomegranates of gold.
Now of all the nations, the Persians showed the greatest splendour of
ornament and were themselves the best men, and they were conspicuous
for the great quantity of gold they used. The Medes and Persians
wore tunics and trousers, for which the Greeks always felt the
greatest contempt because they were worn by the Barbarian and not the
Greek, and soft felt caps on their heads. They carried {140} wicker
shields and had short spears and daggers and bows and arrows.
Besides these a host of nations followed the Great King: there were
Assyrians, famous throughout all ancient history as a great fighting
race, with bronze helmets, linen breastplates, and wooden clubs
studded with iron; there were Bactrians with bows of reed and short
spears; Scythians with their pointed sheepskin caps, and their battle
axes; there were Caspians dressed in skins and wielding short swords;
there were men of strange and savage appearance, some wearing dyed
garments, with high boots, others dressed in skins, and all bearing
bows and arrows, daggers and short spears. Arabians came too, with
their loose robes caught up ready for action and long bows in their
hands; and dark Ethiopians, fearful to look upon in their garments
made of the skins of the leopard and the lion; these fought with long
bows with sharp pointed arrows, and with spears and clubs, and when
they went in to battle, each man painted half his body white and half
of it red. And other Ethiopians there were, who wore upon their
heads horses' scalps with the ears and manes still attached. Many
more nations and tribes were represented in this mighty army. Some
carried small shields and small spears and daggers, others wore
bronze helmets to which the ears and horns of an ox were attached.
All these and many more made up the army of the Great King; they came
from North and South, from East and West, and from the islands of the
sea, and they marched in magnificent array from Sardis to the shores
of the Hellespont, where the fleet was to {141} meet them. When
Xerxes reached the strait, he had a throne of white marble built for
him and there he took his seat and gazed upon his army and his ships.
Now Xerxes had given orders that a bridge should be built across the
Hellespont over which his army should pass into Europe. But when the
strait had been bridged over, a great storm arose which destroyed the
bridge. When Xerxes heard of it, he was exceedingly enraged and bade
his soldiers scourge the Hellespont with three hundred strokes of the
lash, and he let down into the sea a pair of fetters. Whilst this
was being done, the sea was thus addressed:
Thou bitter water, thy master lays on thee this penalty, because
thou didst wrong him, though never having suffered any wrong from
him; and Xerxes the King will pass over thee, whether thou be
willing or no.
The sea was punished in this way, and command was given to cut off
the heads of those who had had charge of building the bridge. Not
with impunity was the Great King disobeyed. A new bridge was then
built, stronger and more secure than the first, and over this the
army passed in safety.
In order that no accidents might happen, honour was paid to the gods,
and incense and fragrant perfumes were burnt upon the bridge and the
road was strewn with branches of myrtle. The crossing was to take
place early in the morning, and all were ready before the dawn broke.
As the sun was rising, Xerxes poured a libation from a golden cup
into the {142} sea, and prayed to the Sun that no accident might
befall him till he had conquered Europe, even to its furthest limits.
Having prayed, he cast the cup into the Hellespont and with it a
golden mixing bowl and a Persian sword, as gifts to the powers of the
sea. When Xerxes had done this, the great army passed over the
bridge in brilliant array. It took seven days and seven nights
without any pause for the whole army to pass over and it is said that
at the end, a man who dwelt on that coast and who had watched the
crossing, exclaimed:
Why, O Zeus, in the likeness of a Persian man and taking for
thyself the name of Xerxes instead of Zeus, hast thou brought all
the nations of men to subdue Hellas? Was it not possible for
thee to do it without the help of these?"
When the whole army had crossed over safely, Xerxes inspected it. He
drove through all the ranks in his chariot, and scribes who
accompanied him wrote down for him the names of all the nations who
were represented. When he had done this, the ships were drawn down
into the sea, and Xerxes, changing from his chariot to a ship of
Sidon, sat down under a golden canopy and sailed along by the prows
of the ships and inspected his fleet. The ships then set sail, and
were to go along the coast to Therma where the land army was to meet
them again.
Xerxes and the army then proceeded on their march through Thrace and
Macedonia. Messengers {143} had been sent on ahead some time before
to make arrangements for provisioning this great host. All the towns
through which the Persians passed were compelled to provide food and
drink for the men and the animals with them. It was a tremendous
undertaking, and scarcity and want were left behind as the invaders
passed on. The inhabitants had to provide great quantities of wheat
and barley, they were made to give up the best of the fatted cattle,
their birds and fowls, and to provide everything in the way of gold
and silver needed for the service of the table. All this was a great
hardship to the people of the land, and in one place they went in a
body to their temple and entreated the gods that for the future they
would keep them from such evil. Nevertheless they offered up a
thanksgiving to the gods for all the mercies they had shown to them
in the past, and especially for having granted that Xerxes, whilst in
their city had only thought good to take food once in each day, for
it would have been altogether impossible for them to have provided
him with breakfast in the same manner as dinner.
The fleet sailed safely to Therma and was joined there by the army as
had been arranged. So far all had gone well for the Persians. They
had succeeded in a great achievement, for apparently without any
serious mishaps, this tremendous army had been transported from
Sardis right round the Aegean and had been fed and cared for on the
way. The difficulties must have been very great, and only splendid
organization could have done it successfully. But it had been done,
and now Xerxes, in order to wreak {144} his vengeance on one Greek
city, stood with his army composed of the fighting men of forty-six
nations on the very threshold of Greece. From Therma he could look
across to the mountains of Thessaly, he could see snow-topped
Olympus, the home of the gods who watched over the fortunes of the
freedom-loving Greeks. The Athenians had withstood the Persians at
Marathon, but now the whole of the eastern world was marching against
them. Could they withstand that mighty host, or would they be forced
to submit?
(b) _The Greeks_
Ten years had passed between the battle of Marathon and the arrival
of Xerxes on the borders of Greece. In the years preceding 490 B.C.
the Persian power had been a terror to the Greek. Not content with
subduing Asia even to the dim borders of India, the Great Kings had
pushed their way to the Aegean and had even conquered the Greeks who
dwelt along its eastern coasts. Then, like an ominous war-cloud,
this mighty power had crossed the sea to Greece itself. But there
the unexpected had happened. At Marathon the Persians had sustained
at the hands of a small state, till then comparatively unknown, the
first great defeat they had ever met with. The Plataeans had helped,
it is true, but their numbers had been small and it was the Athenians
who had really defeated the Persians. Since then the Athenians had
enjoyed a great reputation for their military power. Myths and
legends had woven {145} themselves round the name of Marathon with
the result that the power of the Athenians was reputed greater than
perhaps it actually was, and that of Persia was certainly
depreciated. If she had been as formidable as had always been
supposed, how could the Athenians have defeated her almost unaided?
So for a number of years the Greeks had felt less terror at the name
of Persia, and they had been enjoying a certain feeling of security
little realizing how false it was.
But suddenly they were shaken out of their calm. Rumours of the
Persian preparations for an invasion of Greece reached them, rumours
which were doubtless exaggerated, but which nevertheless had much
truth in them. It is amazing how in spite of slow and difficult
communication news was swiftly carried in those days from place to
place. So the Greeks were fairly well-informed as to what the
Persians were doing. At this crisis the Athenians took the lead, and
if anyone should say that the Athenians proved to be the saviours
of Hellas, he would not fail to hit the truth; these were they
who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom,
roused up all of Hellas. Nor did fearful oracles which came from
Delphi and cast them into dread, induce them to leave Hellas.
The first thing the Greeks did was to hold a conference at Corinth,
which was attended by envoys from all the leading states except Argos
and Thebes, which stood aloof. At this conference the Greeks {146}
made three important decisions. They resolved that they would
reconcile all their own differences and bring to an end the wars they
had with one another; as Hellenes they would unite against the common
foe. Then they determined to send spies to Asia, who should bring
back accurate reports of the preparations and power of Xerxes. And
lastly, they would send messengers to the colonies in Sicily, Corcyra
and Crete asking for assistance.
Three spies set out, but they were captured in Sardis and condemned
to death. When Xerxes, however, heard what had happened, he sent for
the spies, who were brought into his presence. To their surprise,
instead of being led out to immediate execution, Xerxes commanded
that they should be led round and shown the whole army, both foot and
horse, and when they had seen everything, they were to be set free to
return home. He did this, because he said that
if the spies had been put to death, the Hellenes would not have
been informed of his power, how far beyond any description it
was; while on the other hand by putting to death three men, they
would not very greatly damage the enemy; but when these returned
back to Hellas, he thought it likely that the Hellenes, hearing
of his power, would deliver up their freedom to him themselves,
before the expedition took place, and thus there would be no need
for them to have the labour of marching an army against them.
Little did Xerxes know the kind of freedom-loving people with whom he
had to deal. So the {147} spies looked at everything and then
returned to Greece.
Meanwhile the messengers to the colonies returned. The answers to
the appeal for support were very disappointing. Neither Sicily,
Corcyra nor Crete would help. They either refused outright or made
uncertain answers. They seem to have thought more of their own
preservation than of the safety of Greece as a whole; they thought
the Persian would probably win, and they preferred either to be on
the winning side, or to be in such a position that they could make
good terms with the Persian, did he conquer.
The Greeks now made ready to go out with their armies to meet the
Persian foe. The chief command was given to Sparta, the greatest
military state in Greece, and they marched to the Vale of Tempe in
the north of Thessaly, where they hoped to meet Xerxes and prevent
him from coming into Greece. When they got there, however, they
found that it would not be possible to hold the pass against the
enemy, for it was so situated that the Persians could attack them by
sea as well as by land, and there was another path over the mountains
by which the Persians could attack them in the rear. So the Greeks
withdrew to Corinth, in order to deliberate further where they would
meet the enemy. This retreat from Thessaly took place while Xerxes
and his army were crossing the Hellespont, and it had important
consequences for the Persians, for the Thessalians, hitherto never
very loyal to Greece, seeing the other Greeks leave their land, "took
the side of the Medes {148} with a good will and no longer
half-heartedly, so that in the course of events they proved very
serviceable to the King."
The Greeks now decided on making a stand much further south at
Thermopylae. This was a narrow pass and easier to defend, so they
resolved
to guard it and not permit the Barbarian to go by into Hellas,
and they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemisium, for
these points are near to one another, so that each division of
their forces could have information of what was happening to the
other.
At Thermopylae the Greeks awaited the Persians.
II. THERMOPYLAE
It was midsummer in the year 480 B.C. when the Persian host left
Therma and marched down through Thessaly to the Pass of Thermopylae.
The Persians encamped before the Pass and a scout was sent forward to
bring back information as to what the Greeks were doing. Only a
small force of Greeks was defending the Pass, the main part of the
Greek army was kept back further to the south to defend the Isthmus.
A small body of about three hundred Spartans had been sent under
their King Leonidas to defend the Pass of Thermopylae, and, if
possible, to prevent the Persians from advancing further into Greece.
These three hundred men were the picked body-guard of the King, a
force in which only fathers of sons might serve, so that their
families might not die out of Sparta.
{149}
The Persian scout went cautiously forward, and to his great surprise
saw some of the Spartans practising athletic exercises and others
combing their long hair. He could not see the rest, as an ancient
wall built across the Pass hid them from sight. He returned to
Xerxes and reported on what he had seen. The King sent for a Greek
who was in his camp and asked him what this behaviour of the Spartans
might mean. He told him that they were following an ancient Spartan
custom, for "whenever they are about to put their lives in peril,
then they attend to the arrangement of their hair." The Spartans
knew against what odds they had to fight, but their duty had placed
them where they were, and no Spartan ever retreated or turned his
back upon his foe.
The Great King intended to attack at the same moment both by land and
by sea. The fleets were at Artemisium, and there were four times as
many Persian ships as Greek. A hot and sultry summer's day had
passed, and the signal to attack was expected in the morning. But at
early dawn the sea began to be violently agitated and a strong east
wind arose, thunder rumbled in the distance, and soon a terrible
storm broke. The Greek ships were in safety, but a large number of
Persian ships were wrecked and great treasure was lost. For three
days the storm continued, and for three days Xerxes had to wait
before he could attack the Pass. When on the fourth day the storm
died down, the sea fight began. Three times over the Greeks attacked
the Persian ships, and each time they prevailed against them. {150}
After the third fight, news was brought to Themistocles, the Athenian
admiral, that two hundred Persian ships, sailing to the Greek rear,
had been lost in the storm, so that there was nothing more to fear
from an attack in that direction. The Greeks succeeded in throwing
the Persian ships into confusion and so crippled the fleet, that they
finally won the battle. It was then that Xerxes gave the order to
his army to attack the Pass.
For the whole of a hot summer's day the Persians attacked. First the
Medes tried to force the Pass, but it was narrow, and as they met the
Spartan spears, down they went, man after man. Hour after hour this
continued, but every attack was repulsed and hardly a Spartan fell.
Then the Medes withdrew and the Immortals took their place. They
were fresh and greatly superior to the Spartans in numbers, but
neither could they prevail against them. At times the Spartans would
make a pretence of turning to flight, but when the Barbarians
followed after them with shouting and clashing of arms, then they
turned and faced the Barbarians and slew large numbers of them. The
Spartans lost a few men, but at the end of the day the Persians drew
back, exhausted and defeated, and the Spartans still held the Pass.
The next day, the same thing happened. So great was the slaughter of
the Persians on this day that three times Xerxes leapt up from the
seat from which he was watching the fight, in deadly fear for his
army. But by the end of the day the Pass had not been taken, and
again the Persians withdrew, {151} exhausted and driven back, leaving
large numbers of their companions lying dead before the Pass.
Xerxes was in great straits as to what he should do next, when he was
told that a man desired audience of him. He was a Greek who lived in
that region, and he offered, if the Persian would reward him with
enough gold, to lead his army by a path known to him, but of which
the Spartans were ignorant, over the mountain to a spot from which
the Pass might be attacked in the rear. It was a long and difficult
path, but the traitor knew it well and would guide them surely. The
reward was promised, and about the time when the lamps were lit in
the camp, the Immortals with their commander set out under the
guidance of the traitor. All through the long black night they
climbed by a steep and rocky path, and when dawn appeared they had
reached the summit of the mountain. In this region a thousand men of
Phocis were stationed to protect their own country and the path which
led down to the valley below. They could not see the Persians as
they climbed, for the sides of the mountain were covered with oak
trees, but in the great silence which falls upon nature just before
the dawn, suddenly these men heard an unexpected sound. It was the
Persians stepping on the dried oak leaves which lay thickly on the
ground beneath their feet. The Greeks started up and when the
Persians, coming suddenly upon them, discharged their arrows at them,
they retreated to a higher position close at hand, where they waited
for the expected attack. To their surprise, however, the enemy
turned away {152} and left them. On went the traitor followed by the
Persians, until they were on the road in the rear of Leonidas.
While it was yet night, scouts came down from the mountains where
they had been keeping watch, and told Leonidas that the Pass was
turned, and that the enemy was approaching it from the rear.
Leonidas knew what that meant, the end had come, but he commanded
Spartans and he knew that whilst one remained alive, the Pass would
not be taken.
At sunrise, according to the arrangement made with the traitor,
Xerxes attacked. The Spartans, knowing that they were going forth to
death, now advanced further out into the broader space in front of
the Pass, where there was more room. And then followed a fight which
will never be forgotten. The Barbarians made attack after attack,
and the Spartans slew them and drove them back every time. Many were
driven into the sea and perished, and many more were trodden down
while still alive and trampled to death, and there was no reckoning
of the number that perished. Two brothers of Xerxes fell fighting,
and then Leonidas fell. The Spartans fought for the body of their
King; most of their spears were by this time broken, so they fought
and slew the Persians with their swords. Four times the Persians had
almost taken the body of the King, and four times they were driven
back by the Spartans, when word came that the Immortals were
attacking the Pass in the rear. Then the remaining Spartans placed
themselves with the body of Leonidas behind {153} the wall, and there
they made their last defence. On this spot those who still had them
defended themselves with daggers, and those who had no weapons left,
fought with their hands and teeth, until, overwhelmed by the
Barbarians who were now assailing them both in the front and in the
rear, they were surrounded and cut down, until not a Spartan was left
alive.
And so the Persians took the Pass, and the road to Athens lay clear
before them.
The Spartans were buried where they fell, and a pillar was erected to
the memory of those who had died so great a death in defending the
Pass. On it was inscribed the simple words:
Stranger, bear word to the Spartans that we lie here obedient to
their charge.
III. THEMISTOCLES
The Persians had taken the Pass of Thermopylae; Thebes, the chief
city in Boeotia, was anxious to be on the winning side and was a
_medizing_ state; there was nothing to save Athens from the
conquering Persian army.
But in this dark hour, a statesman arose in Athens who was to restore
her confidence and to make her place secure among the free nations of
the world. This man was Themistocles, already known to the Athenians
as the admiral who had defeated the Persians at Artemisium. He came
of a humble family, but the laws made by Solon and later law-givers
{154} made it possible for him, in spite of his birth, to rise to the
highest position in the state.
From his youth Themistocles had been of a vehement and impetuous
nature, of a quick intelligence, and a strong and aspiring bent
for action and great affairs. The holidays and intervals in his
studies he did not spend in play or idleness, as other children,
but would be always inventing or arranging some oration or speech
to himself, so that his master would often say to him: "You, my
boy, will be nothing small, but great one way or other, for good
or else for bad." He received reluctantly and carelessly
instructions given him to improve his manners and behaviour, or
to teach him any pleasing or graceful accomplishment, but
whatever was said to improve him in sagacity or in management of
affairs, he would give attention to beyond one of his years. And
when in company he was obliged to defend himself because he could
not play on any stringed instrument,[3] he would retort that
though he could not do that, yet were a small and obscure city
put into his hands, he would make it great and glorious. It is
said that Themistocles was so transported with the thoughts of
glory, and so inflamed with the passion for great actions, that
though he was still young when the battle of Marathon was fought,
upon the skilful conduct of the general Miltiades being
everywhere talked about, he was observed to be thoughtful, and
reserved, alone by himself; he passed the nights without sleep,
and avoided all his usual places of recreation, and to those who
wondered at the change, and inquired the reason of it, he gave
the answer that "the trophy of Miltiades would not let him
sleep."[4]
{155}
This was the man who was now to help Athens, and he possessed the
very qualities most needed in the serious position in which she found
herself.
For Themistocles was a man whose natural force was unmistakable;
this was the quality for which he was distinguished above all
other men; from his own native acuteness, and without any study
either before or at the time, he was the ablest judge of the
course to be pursued in a sudden emergency, and could best divine
what was likely to happen in the remotest future. Whatever he
had in hand he had the power of explaining to others, and even
where he had no experience he was quite competent to form a
sufficient judgment; no one could foresee with equal clearness
the good or evil intent which was hidden in the future.
This foresight was shown in the belief held by Themistocles, who
"when others were of opinion that the battle of Marathon would be an
end to the war, thought it was but the beginning of far greater
conflicts,"[5] and because of this belief he did his best to
encourage the Athenians to be ready for whatever might happen.
Themistocles believed that the chief thing necessary for Athens was a
fleet, and he persuaded the Athenians, though with great difficulty
for they could not at first see the necessity, to build ships. There
was not very much money in Athens just then, and without money ships
could not be built. But at this critical time, an unexpectedly large
sum of money was paid into the public treasury. This was {156} the
revenue from the silver mines at Laurium in the south of Attica,
which the Athenians were intending to divide amongst themselves.
"Then Themistocles persuaded them to give up this plan of division
and to make for themselves with this money two hundred ships." This
they did, and they also improved the harbour of Athens, and
henceforward, little by little, turning and drawing the city down
towards the sea in the belief that with their ships they might be
able to repel the Persians and command Greece, Themistocles, so
Plato tells us, turned the Athenians from steady soldiers into
mariners and seamen and gave occasion for the reproach against
him, that he took away from them the spear and the shield and
bound them to the bench and the oar.[6]
Themistocles did not accomplish this without opposition. He had a
rival in Athens, Aristeides, a man who had grown up with him and
played with him as a boy, but who had always taken the opposite sides
in whatever they were doing. Unlike Themistocles, Aristeides
belonged to a noble family, and whenever Themistocles took the side
of the people, Aristeides favoured the nobles. Even as boys they
were at variance with each other, and they soon made proof of
their natural inclinations; the one being ready, adventurous and
subtle, engaging readily and eagerly in everything; the other of
a staid and settled temper, intent on the exercise of justice,
not admitting any degree of falsity or trickery, no not so much
as at his play.[7]
{157}
Of all his virtues, it was the _justice_ of Aristeides which most
appealed to the people; it never failed under any circumstances, and
so they gave him the surname of the _Just_.
Now Aristeides believed that the building of a navy for Athens was
too great a change from the former policy of the city. The Athenians
had won the battle of Marathon and had thereby secured their
reputation as soldiers, and he thought it very ill-advised and
dangerous to depart from the old traditions and to put all their
strength into war ships. Themistocles thought otherwise, and the two
leaders came into violent conflict with each other.
There was at Athens a custom known as Ostracism. This was a law
which once a year allowed the Athenians to banish for ten years any
citizen who had, as they thought, assumed too much power or had
become too popular. They were always afraid that such power might
lead to a return of the Tyranny, and in their passionate desire to
prevent that, they were often led to banish those who deserved a
better reward for their services. In times of national danger, those
who had been ostracized were sometimes recalled before their term of
exile was over; otherwise they were not allowed to return until ten
years had passed. The sentence of ostracism could not be passed
unless at least six thousand votes were cast. Each vote was written
on a piece of broken pottery, called an ostrakon and then placed in
an urn set up in a special place for the purpose. The conflict
between Themistocles and Aristeides grew so {158} great that the
Athenians decided that one or the other of them must give way and
leave Athens, and they decided to hold an ostracism. This resulted
in the banishment of Aristeides, and Themistocles was left to carry
out his aims for Athens without opposition. It is said that during
the voting,
an illiterate fellow, meeting Aristeides and not recognizing him,
gave him his sherd and begged him to write Aristeides upon it;
and he being surprised, asked if Aristeides had ever done him any
injury. "None at all," said he, "neither know I the man: but I
am tired of hearing him everywhere called the Just." Aristeides,
hearing this, is said to have made no reply, but returned the
sherd with his own name inscribed.[8]
Aristeides was a noble and a conservative, and opposed to the changes
which Themistocles felt to be so necessary if Athens was to keep her
freedom, but he was a man whose honour has never been called in
question, who gave of his best to his country without ever asking for
reward, and who, when he was later recalled to power and his great
rival was falling into disgrace, never, as far as is known, by word
or deed, treated him in any way that was mean-spirited or ungenerous.
Thanks to Themistocles, the Athenians now had a navy and a good
harbour, but that would not protect them from the army of Xerxes
which was advancing through Boeotia towards Attica. In their alarm,
they sent messengers to Delphi to ask the {159} advice of the Oracle,
but the answer they received filled them with despair. They were
told to leave their home, for all was doomed to destruction, that
fire and the War-God were about to bring ruin upon them, that there
was no hope for them, but that they would steep their souls in
sorrow. The Athenians could not believe that such a fate awaited
them, and they sent again to the Oracle, entreating Apollo to look
upon them with favour. At last they received the following answer,
with which they returned to Athens:
Pallas cannot prevail to soften Zeus the Olympian,
Though she assail him with words and ply him with counsels of wisdom,
Yet will I give thee afresh an answer firm and unchanging:
Conquered must lie the land where stands the fortress Cecropian,
Conquered the peaceful mead of sacred Cithaeron; but thenceforth
Zeus, wide-gazing, permits to keep in honour of Pallas
Walls of wood unshaken to shelter thee and thy children.
Wait not for horse nor for foot that come to ruin thy country,
Out of the mainland afar; but rather yield to the foeman,
Turning thy back in flight, for yet shalt thou meet him in battle.
O divine Salamis! how many children of women
Shalt thou slay at the sowing of corn or the ripening of harvest![9]
{160}
With this answer the Athenians returned home, and there great
discussion arose as to the meaning of the Oracle. Some interpreted
it as meaning that they should build a fence of wood round the city,
others that the "walls of wood" could only mean ships, and that they
should leave everything and betake themselves to their fleet. Then
there were some who thought that the last lines foretold a terrible
defeat for Athens, but Themistocles rose up in the Assembly and
declared that had the god meant that, he would have said "Salamis the
cruel or the merciless," but since he had said "Salamis the divine,"
the slaughter must refer to the enemy and not to the Athenians.
Themistocles was also on the side of those who held that the wooden
walls were the ships, and he persuaded the Athenians to remove to a
place of safety out of Attica their wives and children, and as much
of their property as they could. This they did, and then leaving
only a few men to guard the Acropolis, the fighting men betook
themselves to their ships and anchored near the island of Salamis.
All this was done none too soon, for
the Barbarians had now arrived in Attica and all the land was
being laid waste with fire. They reached Athens, and took the
lower city, and then finding that there were still a few of the
Athenians left in the temple, they took their post upon the
rising ground opposite the Acropolis and besieged them. The
Athenians continued to defend themselves although they had come
to the extremity of distress, so for a long time Xerxes was not
able to capture them. But at length, finding a place {161} where
no one was keeping guard, because no one would have supposed that
any man could ascend that way, the Persians forced their way up
to the Acropolis, and after entering the gates they slew all the
defenders, plundered the temple and set fire to the whole of the
Acropolis.
And so Athens fell into the hands of the Barbarians.
IV. SALAMIS TO THE END
Athens was burnt, her walls had been destroyed, but the Athenian men
had not yet been defeated; they were with the fleet at Salamis, and
ready to fight to the death for the freedom of their state. They
were joined there by ships from the other Greek states, but when the
news of the burning of Athens reached the Greek commanders, those who
came from the Peloponnesus, especially the Spartans, were unwilling
to remain at Salamis any longer, but wanted to sail to their homes,
and should the enemy pursue them, make their last stand there.
Themistocles opposed this policy with all his might, and a hot
discussion followed. The Corinthian admiral taunted Themistocles
with wishing to stay and fight at Salamis, because he had now no
native land, to which he replied that where there were Athenian ships
and Athenian men, there was Athens, and that moreover it was a larger
land than Corinth, seeing that the Athenians had sent two hundred
ships, more than the ships of all the other Greeks put together. In
spite of his passionate appeal, the {162} commanders of the other
Greek ships decided to set sail and leave the Athenians to fight the
Barbarians alone.
In these desperate straits, Themistocles thought of a stratagem by
which he might force a battle, before his allies had time to desert
him. He sent a secret messenger, whom he could trust, in a boat to
the encampment of the Barbarians and charged him to give this message
to Xerxes:
The commander of the Athenians sent me privately without the
knowledge of the other Hellenes, (for, as it chances, he is
disposed to the cause of the King, and desires rather that your
side should gain the victory than that of the Hellenes), to
inform you that the Hellenes are planning to take flight, having
been struck with dismay; and now it is possible for you to win a
great victory, if you do not permit them to flee away: for they
are not of one mind with one another and they will not stand
against you in fight, but ye shall see them fighting a battle by
sea with one another, those who are disposed to your side against
those who are not.
Xerxes received this message with joy and immediately acted upon it,
and began to surround the Greeks so that not one might escape.
Whilst this was being done, Aristeides, the banished rival of
Themistocles, whose sentence had been lifted in this hour of peril
when Athens needed all her sons, suddenly returned from Aegina to the
Athenian fleet, with the news that it was impossible for any of the
Greeks to sail away because they were even then surrounded by the
enemy. Aristeides gave this {163} news first to Themistocles, saying
to him that if at other times they had been rivals, there was only
one kind of rivalry in which they could now engage, a rivalry as to
which should do more service to his country. The news he brought was
true, and the Greeks could not now escape a battle.
The sea-fight began as the day dawned. Xerxes had erected a great
throne for himself from which he could watch the events of the day;
"and full in view of all the host the throne stood on a high knoll
hard beside the sea."
Aeschylus, a great Athenian poet, who was himself present at the
battle, wrote a play called the _Persians_ in which a messenger takes
the news of Salamis to the mother of Xerxes, waiting at Susa for the
return of her son. Never before had he been defeated, but now she
must listen to a tale of woe:
'Twas this began all our disaster, Queen:
A demon or fell fiend rose--who knows whence?--
For from the Athenian host a Hellene came,
And to thy son, to Xerxes, told this tale,
That when the mirk of black night should be come,
The Greeks would not abide, but, leaping straight
Upon the galley thwarts, this way and that
In stealthy flight would seek to save their lives.
Soon as he heard, discerning neither guile
In that Greek, nor the jealousy of heaven,
This word to all his captains he proclaims,
That, when the sun should cease to scorch the earth,
And gloom should fill the hallowed space of sky,
In three lines should they range their throng of ships
To guard each pass, each sea-ward surging strait;
{164}
And others should enring all Aias' Isle:
Since, if the Greeks should yet escape fell doom,
And find their ships some privy path of flight,
Doomed to the headsman all these captains were.
Thus spake he, in spirit over-confident,
Knowing not what the gods would bring to pass.
With hearts obedient, in no disarray,
Then supped our crews, and every mariner
To the well-rounded rowlock lashed his oar.
But when the splendour faded of the sun,
And night came on, each master of the oar
A-shipboard went, and every man-at-arms.
Then rank to rank of long ships passed the word:
And, as was each appointed, so they sailed.
So all night long the captains of the ships
Kept all the sea-host sailing to and fro.
And night passed by, yet did the Hellene host
Essay in no wise any secret flight.
But when the day by white steeds chariot-borne,
Radiant to see, flooded all earth with light,
First from the Hellenes did a clamorous shout
Ring for a triumphant chant; and wild and high
Pealed from the island rock the answering cheer
Of Echo. Thrilled through all our folks dismay
Of baffled expectation; for the Greeks
Not as for flight that holy paean sang,
But straining battleward with heroic hearts.
The trumpet's blare set all their lines aflame.
Straightway with chiming dip of dashing oars
They smote the loud brine to the timing cry,
And suddenly flashed they all full into view.
Foremost their right wing seemly-ordered led
In fair array; next, all their armament
Battleward swept on. Therewithal was heard
A great shout--"On, ye sons of Hellas, on!
{165}
Win for the home-land freedom!--freedom win
For sons, wives, temples of ancestral gods,
And old sires' graves! this day are all at stake!"
Yea, and from us low thunder of Persian cheers
Answered--no time it was for dallying!
Then straightway galley dashed her beak of bronze
On galley. 'Twas a Hellene ship began
The onset, and shore all the figure-head
From a Phoenician: captain charged on captain.
At first the Persian navy's torrent-flood
Withstood them; but when our vast fleet was cramped
In strait-space--friend could lend no aid to friend,--
Then ours by fangs of allies' beaks of bronze
Were struck, and shattered all their oar-array;
While with shrewd strategy the Hellene ships
Swept round, and rammed us, and upturned were hulls
Of ships;--no more could one discern the sea,
Clogged all with wrecks and limbs of slaughtered men:
The shores, the rock-reefs, were with corpses strewn.
Then rowed each bark in fleeing disarray,
Yea, every keel of our barbarian host,
They with oar-fragments and with shards of wrecks
Smote, hacked, as men smite tunnies or a draught
Of fishes; and a moaning, all confused
With shrieking, hovered wide o'er that sea-brine
Till night's dark presence blotted out the horror.
That swarm of woes, yea, though for ten days' space
I should rehearse could I not tell in full.
Yet know this well, that never in one day
Died such a host, such tale untold, of men.[10]
Xerxes, the Great King, was defeated, and his one desire now was to
return home to Asia. He left his {166} general, Mardonius, in
Thessaly with a picked body of men, who should carry on the war in
the spring, but he himself, with what was left of his army, marched
back through Macedonia and Thrace, to the Hellespont and so back to
his own land. It was a very different march from the triumphant one
he had made earlier in the year. The inhabitants of the lands
through which they had passed had no fear of a defeated King, and it
was difficult to obtain provisions. The Persians seized what crops
there were,
and if they found no crops, then they took the grass which was
growing up from the earth, and stripped off the bark from the
trees and plucked down the leaves, and devoured them. Then
plague seized upon the army and some of them who were sick the
King left behind.
In such manner did Xerxes return home.
In the meanwhile, Mardonius and his army spent the winter in
Thessaly. When the spring came, (this was the spring of 479 B.C.),
he sent a messenger to the Athenians who spoke these words to them:
Athenians, there has come a message from the King which speaks in
this manner: I remit to you all the offences which were committed
against me, and this I say: I will give you back your own land
and any other in addition, and you shall remain independent; and
I will rebuild all your temples, provided you will make a treaty
with me.
The Spartans heard that this message had come, and they sent
messengers to Athens imploring the {167} Athenians to make no terms
with the Barbarian, for they feared that if Athens became subject to
Persia, there would be no safety left for them. They offered to send
supplies to Athens to make up for the loss of their harvest,
destroyed by the Persians, to support the families of those Athenians
who had been slain, to do almost anything, in fact, if only the
Athenians would stand firm.
The Spartans need not have feared. The freedom-loving Athenians were
not likely to submit to a barbarian foe. They sent back to the
Persian this answer:
So long as the sun goes on the same course by which he goes now,
we will never make an agreement with Xerxes, but trusting to the
gods and heroes as allies, we will go forth to defend ourselves
against him.
To the Spartans they said:
It was natural, no doubt, that you should be afraid lest we
should make a treaty with the Barbarian; but it was an unworthy
fear for men who knew so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely
that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the
earth, nor any land so beautiful, that we should be willing to
accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the Medes. Be
assured of this, that so long as one of the Athenians remains
alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We are
grateful for your thought toward us, but we shall continue to
endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. But
send out an army as speedily as you may, for the Barbarian will
be here invading our land at no far distant time. Therefore
{168} before he arrives here in Attica come to our rescue quickly
in Boeotia.
Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away
back to Sparta.
When the messengers returned to Mardonius with the answer from
Athens, the Persian general marched out of Thessaly down through
Boeotia into Attica, and for the second time the Barbarian burnt
Athens. Xerxes had left but little to burn, Mardonius left nothing.
He then marched back into Boeotia and set up his camp in the region
between Thebes and Plataea. Here he waited for the Greeks. There
was some delay before they came, for the Spartans made various
excuses for not setting out, but at length under their King,
Pausanias, they marched out and joined the Athenians. And then at
Plataea was fought the last great battle in this great war. All day
long it raged, and at first it seemed as if the Persians were
gaining, but whilst the outcome of the battle was still in doubt,
Mardonius was killed, and with him fled all the hopes of the
Persians. They took to flight, but were pursued and overtaken by the
Greeks and very few were left alive. The Greeks then entered the
camp of the Persians, and they gazed in astonishment at the riches
they found there. There were "tents furnished with gold and silver,
and beds overlaid with gold and silver, and mixing bowls of gold, and
cups and other drinking vessels." One tenth of this rich plunder was
sent to Delphi and the rest divided amongst those who had fought the
battle. A bronze statue of Zeus was sent as an {169} offering to
Olympia, and one of Poseidon was sent to the Isthmus. It was further
resolved that the land belonging to Plataea should be held sacred for
ever, and that never again should fighting take place on it.
After the Persians had taken the Pass of Thermopylae, the body of
Leonidas had been taken and cruelly used in revenge for his having
dared to withstand the Great King, and to slaughter so many of his
Persian soldiers. It was suggested to Pausanias that he should take
vengeance for this barbarous act by mutilating the body of Mardonius
who had fallen in the battle.
Stranger [he answered], thou holdest me as nought by advising me
to do such a thing. These things it is more fitting for
Barbarians to do than for Hellenes, and even with them we find
fault for doing so. I do not desire in any such manner as this
to please those who like such things. As for Leonidas, he has
been greatly avenged already by the unnumbered lives which have
been taken of these men. As for thee, come not again to me with
such a proposal, nor give me such advice; and be thankful,
moreover, that thou hast no punishment for it now.
In the Persian camp, the Greeks found the tent of Xerxes himself,
which he had left for Mardonius, not wishing to be cumbered with too
much baggage in his flight from Greece. When Pausanias saw it, he,
seeing the furniture of Mardonius furnished with gold and silver
and hangings of different colours, ordered the {170} bakers and
the cooks to prepare a meal as they were used to do for
Mardonius. Then when they did this as they had been commanded,
it is said that Pausanias seeing the couches of gold and of
silver with luxurious coverings, and the tables of gold and
silver, and the magnificent apparatus of the feast, was
astonished at the good things set before him, and for sport he
ordered his own servants to prepare a Laconian meal; and as, when
the banquet was served, the difference between the two was great,
Pausanias laughed and sent for the commanders of the Hellenes;
and when these had come together, Pausanias said, pointing to the
preparation of the two meals severally: "Hellenes, for this
reason I assembled you together, because I desired to show you
the senselessness of this leader of the Medes, who having such
fare as this, came to us who have such sorry fare as ye see here,
in order to take it away from us." Thus it is said that
Pausanias spoke to the commanders of the Hellenes.
After the battle of Salamis, the Persian ships had withdrawn to
Samos, and those of the Greeks to Delos, where they had spent the
winter. In the spring, when the armies were marching out to meet at
Plataea, the fleets moved slowly towards the Ionian coast, and on the
same day as the battle of Plataea, so Herodotus tells us, they met in
a fierce sea-fight, in which the Persians were completely routed.
Thus on the same day, by land and sea, the Barbarian was defeated and
Greece was free. She had proved that right was greater than might,
and that in the cause of freedom the weaker might stand against the
stronger and prevail.
[1] Except where otherwise noted, Chapter IX is taken or adapted from
the _History of Herodotus_.
[2] See p. 385.
[3] See p. 227.
[4] Plutarch: _Life of Themistocles_.
[5] Thucydides, I.
[6] Plutarch: _Life of Themistocles_.
[7] Plutarch: _Life of Aristeides_.
[8] Plutarch: _Life of Aristeides_.
[9] From the translation in _Greek History for Young Readers_ by
Alice Zimmern.
[10] Aeschylus: The Persians, translated by A. S. Way.
{171}