an eye-witness of the exploration, that if in any essential respect he
departed from the truth, whether by way of addition or otherwise, we can
scarcely suppose that the falsehood was unintentional. Though there are
differences, as I shall presently show, relating to the date of the
alleged exploration, preponderating evidence places it in the time of
Henry II., in whose interest it has been suspected that a fraud was
devised to gratify the king and serve a political purpose. Henry as a
Norman might, it has been thought, desire to rehabilitate Arthur as, like
himself, an enemy of the Saxons. Priests were deceivers ever: here they
may have had both the motive and the means for deception. But it must be
allowed that if the ecclesiastical explorers lied they lied so much like
truth that if any exception be taken to their report it is only that it
comes up too exactly to what might have been expected. The story, as told
by Giraldus, is as follows. On digging between the pyramids in the monks'
cemetery a leaden cross was found at a depth of seven feet, which bore
this inscription in rude letters:
HIC JACET SEPULTUS INCLYTUS REX ARTHURIUS IN
INSULA AVALLONIA, CUM WENNEVEREIA UXORE
SUA SECUNDA
Camden gives what professes to be a facsimile of the inscription, which
'was formerly written and preserved in the monastery of Glastonbury.' The
lettering has the appearance of great antiquity, but suspicion attaches to
the mention of the name of the place in connection with the interment.
Avallonia, or Avalon, is of course Glastonbury--probably in Arthur's time
an island in a swamp. As to its place, the body speaks for itself. It may
be necessary to say whose it is; it is not necessary to say where it is;
nor is it usual on tombstones or coffins to give their address.
At a depth of nine feet, or two feet below the cross, was found a coffin,
consisting of a hollowed oak, in which were the bones of a man and a
woman. The man was represented as of great stature. I am indebted to the
scholarship of Mr. T. Holmes for as exact a translation of the words of
Giraldus as the Latin of that author allows. Speaking of the male occupant
of the coffin, Giraldus says: 'His tibia placed beside that of the tallest
man in the place (whom the Abbot pointed out to me), and fixed into the
earth by the side of his foot, extended fully three fingers' breadth above
the man's knee. His skull bone also was capacious and large enough for a
prodigy or a show--so much so that the interval between the eyelids and
the space between the eyes might contain the size of a man's palm fully.
And in this were seen ten or more wounds, all of which, except one larger
than the others and which had made a great gash, and which alone seemed to
have caused death, had joined into a firm cicatrix.'
The body of the woman found in the same receptacle presented yellow hair
nicely braided, a lock of which on being handled by a monk crumbled into
dust. Here we have all we could expect--almost more. Strength and valour,
together with as much of female charm as could survive six centuries. Hair
will last and retain its colour for an indefinite time. With regard to the
male skeleton, the large recent wound on the head corresponds with the
manner of Arthur's death and the wounds of earlier infliction with the
manner of his life. In the length of the tibiæ there is nothing
impossible. But with regard to the skull the dimensions possible to
humanity are so much exceeded that it is difficult to suppose that we are
reading the honest report of an eye-witness. The palm between the eyes
savours more of imagination than observation. The space between the
orbits in an ordinary skull on a level with the eyelids, where the
distance is greatest, is at most 1-1/2 inch. One of the largest human
skeletons known is that of the Irish Giant at the College of Surgeons,
which measures 7 feet 7 inches in height. The distance between the orbits
in a level with the place of the eyelids is 2 inches. The palm between the
eyes is impossible even to procerity. Thus doubts gather round the grave:
if the king desired that this should be found attempts not wholly
ingenuous might have been made to gratify him. Apart from the inscription
and the skull, the completeness of the alleged discovery, the
appropriately wounded skeleton and the fascinating queen, are suggestive
of invention.
A postscript or corollary was added to this story in the time of Edward I.
The skeletons, when first found, were removed, as we are told, from the
cemetery to the church; not as yet to find final repose, for in the year
1278 'Eduardus Longus' (Edward I. or Longshanks), together with Queen
Eleanor, caused the tomb to be reopened and the bones to be again buried
in front of the high altar, with the exception of the skulls, which were
kept outside for the devotion of the people.[18] The chests in which the
bones were found were painted with representations, and the arms, of the
occupants. Within the new sepulchre was placed a writing referring to the
finding of the bones by Edward and Eleanor, and attested by many witnesses
whose names are still to be read in the pages of Leland.[19]
I think it may be credited that bones were unearthed, probably in the time
of Henry II. and the Abbot Henry de Blois, which were adopted as those of
King Arthur and provided with suitable conditions and surroundings. That
bones were re-buried as those of Arthur and found by 'long Edward' I think
admits of no doubt. But much may we doubt whether the bones were those of
Arthur, not only from the inconsistency and improbabilities of the story
of the disinterment, but from the lack of evidence that Arthur died within
practicable reach of Glastonbury.
But perhaps the most convincing negative evidence is supplied by Gildas,
to whom I have already referred. This historian, a fellow-countryman and
contemporary of Arthur, was either ignorant of his existence or thought
him not worth mentioning. Now Gildas, as we are told by William of
Malmesbury, 'took up his abode' at Glastonbury 'for a series of years.' If
Arthur died, as was supposed, in the year 542, and Gildas was born in 520,
the historian must have been twenty-two years old when the king was buried
under the description of 'the famous King Arthur,' _inclytus Rex
Arthurius_. Gildas might have been present had this taken place as
represented, or at any rate must have heard from his friends the monks of
what could not fail to be of interest to the British historian. But
neither Arthur's death nor his life appealed to Gildas. Thus we must
discredit both the Camel and Glastonbury as connected with Arthur's death
and burial.
IV
TOPOGRAPHICAL ASSOCIATIONS
I do not propose to follow in detail the romancers of the twelfth and
succeeding centuries, excepting where they may be taken in concurrence
with surviving structures and geographical peculiarities. I have said
something in this sense both of the Cornish and the Scottish localisation
of Camlan. Turning from the conclusion of Arthur's career to the beginning
of it, I must again have recourse to Geoffrey of Monmouth, a writer who
sometimes finds the corroboration which he always needs.
Uther Pendragon, King of Britain, held a festival in London, or, according
to another account, at Winchester, at which were present Gorlois, King of
Cornwall, and his wife Igerna, 'the greatest beauty in all Britain.' Uther
was more attentive to the lady than was approved by her husband, who
abruptly left the Court and returned to Cornwall, taking his wife with
him. Uther followed. Gorlois deposited Igerna in Tintagel, 'upon the sea
shore, which he looked upon as a place of great safety. But he himself
entered the castle of Damelioc to prevent their both being involved in the
same danger if any should happen.' Damelioc is described as a strong
'castle,' having many issues out. According to the legend, Gorlois hoped
here to receive succour from Ireland. In this place Gorlois was besieged
by the superior forces of Uther, and was slain fighting outside its
ramparts. Igerna was apparently secure in Tintagel. 'For it is situated
upon the sea and on every side surrounded by it; and there is but one
entrance into it, and that through a straight rock, which three men shall
be able to defend against the whole power of the kingdom.' But though
Tintagel was impregnable, the lady was not. Uther obtained admittance into
the castle while Gorlois was in Damelioc, and Arthur was the result.
According to tradition, Uther was transformed into the likeness of Gorlois
by the arts of Merlin, and the King of Britain admitted under a
misunderstanding to the domestic privileges of the King of Cornwall. The
sceptical may hesitate to accept this explanation of the error of Igerna,
but no doubt it was furnished by the lady herself, who could scarcely fail
to have been acquainted with the facts. My purpose in alluding to the
story is rather local than personal. The description of Tintagel might
serve at the present day. Part of the castle is on a lofty and precipitous
peninsula commonly known as the Island, which has only a narrow connection
with the mainland, which few could defend against many. It is obvious that
it was on the Island that Igerna was placed and Arthur begotten.
* * * * *
The Castle of Tintagel is so closely connected with the Arthurian legend
that a few particulars concerning it must be introduced. At Tintagel,
according to tradition, the Kings or Dukes of Cornwall had their residence
before the coming of Cæsar. The place was formerly known as Dundagell, and
is supposed to be indicated by the name Donecheniv, which is to be found
in 'Domesday Book,' and according to Gilbert means the fort or castle with
the chain. This is the earliest reference to Tintagel, if it be one,
which I have been able to discover. The allusion to the chain is
appropriate. There is evidence that the chasm which separates the insular
part of the castle from that on the mainland was formerly crossed by a
drawbridge. This is likely enough, for the chasm was evidently once
narrower than at present, having been enlarged by the falling away of the
cliff, while the buildings on the mainland and the island are opposite and
near to each other, as if they had at one time been connected. Leland in
his 'Itinerary' describes the castle as it existed in the time of Henry
VIII. In the earlier part of his work he refers to a drawbridge as
connecting the two portions of the fortress; in a later part he states
that the island could be reached only by long elm trees laid for a bridge.
Other writers refer to the bridge. Carew in his 'Survey of Cornwall' in
1602 states that this was in existence one hundred years before he wrote,
and Norden, a writer of about the same date, says that it was there within
living memory. It is obvious that the historical bridge belonged to the
buildings parts of which still exist. The allusion in 'Domesday Book,' if
correctly interpreted, must relate to an earlier structure, for there is
reason to believe, as I shall presently show, that no part of what now
remains existed at the time of the Conquest. Nevertheless, there was
probably at that time some mechanism with a chain which gave access to the
island from the adjacent cliff.
It is not my purpose to give a detailed description of Tintagel Castle,
such as may be found in many works relating to the locality;[20] but a few
words bearing upon the question of its hypothetical association with
Arthur seem called for.
The site of the castle is remarkable: it is partly on the mainland and
partly on a peninsula which from time immemorial has been known as the
Island. This is separated from the mainland by a deep chasm which is
evidently in process of enlargement, or, in other words, was once narrower
than it is now. The island, which is bounded by lofty precipices, is
connected with the mainland only by a narrow ridge, which rises steeply
from the sea, traverses the chasm, and gives access to the island by a
narrow path cut in the face of the cliff, which now, as in ancient days,
might be defended by a few against many.
To take first the insular part of the castle, which no doubt was the
original place of retreat and defence, the site may be associated with
that of many prehistoric fortifications of earth or stone, the remains of
which are to be found on the Cornish coast. The ancient engineers
habitually selected a precipitous peninsula, inaccessible from the sea,
with a narrow neck, across which they made barriers to protect against
attack from the landward side. Thus Tintagel Head was selected as a place
of defence, if not by prehistoric engineers, certainly in accordance with
prehistoric methods. The buildings at present on the island are less
extensive than those on the mainland. There is no evidence that any part
of them is anterior to the Plantagenets. An arch which forms the gateway
of the outer wall is distinctly though bluntly pointed, and must be later
than the Norman period. A bluntly pointed arch, known as the Iron Gate, is
also to be seen in a wall which protects what was apparently once a
landing place. Outside the enclosure of the castle are the wind-swept
remains of a little chapel which should be that in which Merlin vainly
sought repose. Old it undoubtedly is, but the most credulous could
scarcely attribute it to the sixth century. In construction it resembles
the rest of the insular part of the castle, being not too solidly built of
roughly quarried unsquared slates. There is nothing of architectural style
to determine the date, but the walls resemble the others and may be
presumed to be like them of the early Plantagenet time.[21]
The buildings on the mainland give more scope for discussion. These are
placed on a high, narrow elevation which rises out of a gorge: this
elevation, which is steep on one side and precipitous on the other, rises
above the level of the buildings on the island, with which at one point
they may easily have communicated. The structures on the mainland consist
of two walled enclosures on different levels, connected by steps. The
lower and larger is supposed to be the courtyard, the higher the keep, and
indeed they do not admit of any other interpretation. The courtyard
presents towards the land the remnants of a great gateway, while towards
the sea the wall has fallen, exposing a precipice where once the wall
stood. The gateway is of especial interest: what remains of the arch is
suggestive that it once was pointed, and I have the evidence of an
intelligent mason who lives hard by, and who was familiar with its
condition twenty years ago, that though then broken it retained enough of
the curve to indicate that originally it was bluntly pointed, and
resembled in construction those still to be found on the island. I may add
that I have seen a drawing executed by Mr. Sturge, about sixteen years
ago, from which the same inference is to be drawn. I may draw attention to
a photographic reproduction of a print of the castle as it was about 300
years ago, when the gateway was complete (see fig. 1, p. 62). The arch in
question appears to be less flat than it should be were it Norman, though
the scale of the drawing is too small to display a distinct point. It has
been supposed that the upper enclosure, known as the keep, is older than
the lower or courtyard, and the late Prebendary Kinsman thought he had
found traces of Roman methods in a projecting course of flat stones which
traverses the upper part of one of the walls; but I am inclined to agree
with my friend the mason, who considers the projection to be of English
invention, designed to protect the wall from weather and give finish to
its top.[22] The keep is connected with the courtyard by a flight of
steps, as if the two formed part of the same design, while the masonry of
the two portions is exactly of the same character, as if they were coeval.
That the upper and lower enclosures formed parts of the same design, is
sufficiently evinced by the drawing which has been reproduced.
The insular part, though showing similar work and material, is in better
preservation; indeed, it is not easy to doubt that it is considerably
later, though belonging to the same architectural period. The pointed
arches indicate that neither the continental nor the insular part were
constructed before the introduction of this form of arch. The pointed arch
gradually superseded the round arch during the reign of Henry
II.--1154-1189--and did not become general until quite the end of this
period.[23] There are indeed pointed arches in the church of St. Cross,
near Winchester, which are supposed to date back as far as 1136, but this
appears to have been a solitary instance some 50 years earlier than the
general employment of the style. It may fairly be presumed that neither
portion of the existing buildings dates back further than the twelfth
century, while the insular portion is probably less ancient than that on
the mainland. There is evidence that there were buildings on the island at
an earlier date than can be ascribed to those now existing.
Geoffrey of Monmouth, who was made Bishop of St. Asaph in the year 1152,
and probably wrote earlier, describes the place, in words which I have
already quoted, as he supposes it to have been in the time of Uther
Pendragon. He calls it 'the town of Tintagel, a place of great safety. For
it is situated upon the sea and on every side surrounded by it; and there
is but one entrance into it, and that through a straight rock, which three
men shall be able to defend against the whole power of the kingdom.' Not
to insist upon Uther, it is clear that Geoffrey intended to describe the
place as it was before his own time, and, by unavoidable inference, before
the buildings at present on the island were constructed. For it is almost
certain that none of them existed in the time of Geoffrey--quite certain
that none of them were built before his birth. It is to be noted that this
writer makes no allusion to the part of the castle on the mainland, which,
though probably older, was presumably not made when he wrote. We cannot
but infer that before Geoffrey's time there was some sort of fortification
on the island, which was replaced by the existing structure; and this
inference is supported by the name under which this place is referred to
in 'Domesday Book,' if Gilbert is correct in his interpretation of it as
'the fort with the chain.' The evidence that Tintagel Head was used as a
stronghold before the present buildings were made lends credibility to the
tradition which connects Arthur with Tintagel, though none of the present
walls were constructed until at least 600 years after his death.
With the great gateway at one end and the exposed precipice at the other,
the courtyard corresponds with a description written in the thirteenth
century, and designed to present the state of the castle in the time of
Arthur.[24] Through this gateway, according to the romance, rode Uther and
Merlin, and within these walls Arthur was begotten. It is much to be
regretted that the building so adapted to the story had no existence in
the time to which it relates. It may be objected also that the romancer
has made a capital error in placing the adventure on the mainland, and a
minor error in assigning the same position to the chapel. It is to be
presumed that the story-tellers long subsequent to Arthur's time adapted
the legends relating to Tintagel somewhat loosely to the building as it
existed in their own.
The 25-inch Ordnance Map represents the continental part of the castle as
built upon the site of a camp. It is with great diffidence that I venture
to question this interpretation of a trench which runs parallel to, and
close to, the south wall of the castle. This trench must, I think, be
accepted as having been made simultaneously with, or subsequently to, the
building, for it evidently bears relation to the great gate and to an
otherwise unprotected wall, of which it formed an outer defence. Sir
John Maclean calls this a moat. If this means no more than a defending
ditch I am of his opinion, but if a moat should hold water the term is
inapplicable, for the fosse is on such a slope that water never could have
remained in it. As to the camp theory, it may be observed that there are
undoubted remains of a camp within a quarter of a mile, close to the
church, and it is unlikely that two camps would have been constructed in
such proximity.
[Illustration: FIG. 1.--_Tintagel Castle as represented by Norden_,
1584-1600.]
[Illustration: FIG. 2.--_Tintagel Castle from 25-inch Ordnance Map_]
I insert a drawing (p. 62), to which I think much interest attaches. It
represents the castle as it was about the year 1600--roughly speaking, 300
years ago. It is a copy made by photography of a print in 'Norden's
Speculi Britanniæ Pars,' a book now in the British Museum, formerly in the
Royal Library. It is dedicated to James I., and appears to have been
written at the end of the sixteenth century. The date 1584 has been
doubtfully assigned to it: we may safely refer it to the end of the
sixteenth century. Norden was born in 1548 and died in 1626. He was
Surveyor of Woods to James I., and evidently regarded architectural
accuracy more than pictorial effect. The drawing shows the landward part
as extending further seawards than at present, while it indicates a place
where parts of the insular buildings had recently been engulfed. The great
gateway on the mainland is entire; the keep and the lower court nearly so;
while the relation of the three as parts of the same building, presumably
built at the same time, is unmistakable. The buildings on the island are
much as they are now.
* * * * *
I append what may also be of interest--a facsimile of as much of the
25-inch Ordnance Map as relates to Tintagel Castle. For permission to do
so I have to thank the Director of Her Majesty's Stationery Office, to
whom also I am indebted for similar permission touching the maps of
Damelioc, Kelly Rounds, and Cardinham Castle, to which I shall presently
draw attention.
* * * * *
So much and so little for the Castle of Tintagel and its relation to King
Arthur, who certainly never saw an arch or a stone of the existing
building, and could not have been begotten in a hall which was not made
until many centuries after his death. What took place, and where, before
the hall was built are other questions. This does not necessarily detach
Arthur from Tintagel. It is probable that Tintagel Head was a place of
strength and of retreat in prehistoric times, as were many headlands on
the Cornish coast. No earthworks were needed to secure it, as it had been
rendered impregnable by nature. The Celts in the sixth century, and in
Cornwall, though they must have had skill in stone-carving if some of the
existing crosses are correctly attributed to this period, were probably
not castle builders, unless the term 'castle' be applied to earthworks, as
is indeed still the custom. If Arthur was the lord of Tintagel, as is
indicated by an immemorial tradition, which we may, without violence to
probability, accept, nothing remains of this his dwelling-place excepting
the immortal ramparts which will be for ever associated with his name.
* * * * *
_Dameliock_ or _Dimilioc_ still exists as a formidable earthwork, and
retains the name.[25] It is mentioned in 'Domesday Book' under the term
Damelihoc. 'Domesday Book' is a mere rent-roll and does not deal in
descriptions, but the name is significant if Gilbert[26] is correct in
his interpretation of it as 'the place of battle.'