subject of remittances. This year we shall probably draw upon you
to the amount of treasure sent to China. There still remains 24
lacs of restitution money to be paid, 3 lacs of donation, 30 lacs
of bonds and 10 or 12 lacs to be sent to Bombay; and if to this you
add 20 lacs to be sent to China, the whole will amount to 87 or 89
lacs. Our treasury at present is low, as we have not yet received
the benefit of our new grant; and large sums have been advanced for
the investment, which will exceed 40 lacs this year.
"The trade of salt, betle, and tobacco is now become an object of
the utmost importance, both to the Company and to individuals. If
the profits should greatly exceed what they are stated at, as some
are sanguine enough to imagine, you may be assured the Company
shall receive the benefit; for, if the clear gain should exceed a
certain sum, the indulgence will become too great. As matters are
settled at present, the Company will receive one half of the
advantages by allowing them a duty of 35 per cent. upon salt, which
is the principal article. The proprietors pay 10 per cent. for the
loan of money, and 5 per cent. may be allowed for the loss of boats
and wastage."
The Court of Directors appear, from their general letters sent by Lord
Clive, and those of subsequent date, to have been very anxious to put an
end to the internal trade carried on by their servants and their native
agents, which they considered as being alike oppressive to the
inhabitants of the country, and injurious to the native governments. It
constituted a great source of profit to individuals, but was, they
stated, directly opposed to the interests of the Company, and from the
mode in which it was carried on brought disgrace upon the English name.
In the general letter of April 26th, 1765, the Court observes, with
reference to the conduct of the civil servants who had charge of the
government before the arrival of Lord Clive, and who pretended that
their right to engage in the internal trade, and to have their goods
passed free of duty, was founded on the Emperor's firman to the
Company;—
"Treaties of commerce are understood to be for the mutual benefit
of the contracting parties. Is it then possible to suppose that the
court of Delhi, by conferring the privilege of trading free of
customs, could mean an inland trade in the commodities of their own
country, at that period unpractised and unthought of by the
English, to the detriment of their revenues and the ruin of their
own merchants? We do not find such a construction was ever heard
of, until our own servants first invented it, and afterwards
supported it by violence. Neither could it be claimed by the
subsequent treaties with Meer Jaffier, or Cossim Ali, which were
never understood to give one additional privilege of trade beyond
what the firman expressed. In short, the specious arguments used by
those who pretended to set up a right to it convince us they did
not want judgment, but virtue to withstand the temptation of
suddenly amassing a great fortune, although acquired by means
incompatible with the peace of the country, and their duty to the
Company.
"Equally blamable were they who, acknowledging they had no right to
it, and sensible of the ill consequences resulting from assuming
it, have, nevertheless, carried on this trade, and used the
authority of the Company to obtain, by a treaty exacted by
violence, a sanction for a trade to enrich themselves, without the
least regard or advantage to the Company, whose forces they
employed to protect them in it.
"Had this short question been put, which their duty ought first to
have suggested, 'Is it for the interest of our employers?' they
would not have hesitated one moment about it; but this criterion
seems never once to have occurred.
"All barriers being thus broken down between the English and the
country government, and every thing out of its proper channel, we
are at a loss how to prescribe means to restore order from this
confusion; and being deprived of that confidence which we hoped we
might have placed in our servants, who appear to have been the
actors in these strange scenes, we can only say, that we rely on
the zeal and abilities of Lord Clive, and the gentlemen of the
Select Committee, to remedy these evils. We hope they will restore
our reputation among the country powers, and convince them of our
abhorrence of oppression and rapaciousness."
In the general letter, under date the 19th February, 1766, recurring to
the same subject, they write:—
"With respect to the treaty with Nudjum-ul-Dowla, it is proper
here to insert, at length, the fifth article, which runs in these
words:—'I do ratify and confirm to the English the privilege
granted them by their firman, and several husbulhookums, of
carrying on their trade, by means of their own dustucks, free from
all duties, taxes, or impositions, in all parts of the country,
except in the article of salt, on which the duty of two and a half
per cent. is to be levied on the Rowana or Haughley market price.'
This fifth article is totally repugnant to our own order, contained
in our general letter, by the Kent and Lapwing, dated the 1st June,
1764; in which we not only expressed our abhorrence of an article
in the treaty with Meer Jaffier, literally corresponding with the
present fifth article, but in positive terms directed you, in
concert with the Nabob, to form an equitable plan for carrying on
the inland trade, and transmit the same to us, accompanied by such
explanations and remarks as might enable us to give our sentiments
and directions thereupon. We must remind you, too, that in our said
general letter we expressly directed, that our orders, in our
letter of the 8th February preceding, which were to put a final and
effectual end to the inland trade in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco,
and in all other articles produced and consumed in the country,
should remain in force, until an equitable and satisfactory plan
could be found and adopted. As, therefore, there is not the least
latitude given you for concluding any treaty whatsoever respecting
this inland trade, we must and do consider what you have done as an
express breach and violation of our orders, and as a detrimental
resolution to sacrifice the interest of the Company, and the peace
of the country, to lucrative and selfish views.
"This unaccountable behaviour put an end to all confidence in those
who made this treaty, and forces us to resolve on measures for the
support of our authority, and the preservation of the Company. We
do therefore pronounce, that every servant concerned in that trade
stands guilty of a breach of his covenants with us and of our
orders; and in consequence of this resolution, we positively
direct, that if that treaty is now subsisting, you make a formal
renunciation, by some solemn act to be entered on your records, of
all right under the said treaty, or otherwise, to trade in salt,
betle-nut, and tobacco; and that you transmit this renunciation of
that part of the treaty, in form, to the Nabob, in the Persian
language. Whatever government may be established, or whatever
unforeseen occurrences may arise, it is our resolution to prohibit,
and we do absolutely forbid, this trade of salt, betle-nut, and
tobacco, and of all articles that are not for export and import,
according to the spirit of the firman, which does not in the least
give any latitude whatsoever for carrying on such an inland trade;
and, moreover, we shall deem every European concerned therein,
directly or indirectly, guilty of a breach of his covenants, and
direct that he be forthwith sent to England, that we may proceed
against him accordingly. And every native who shall avail himself
of our protection to carry this trade on, without paying all the
duties due to the government equally with the rest of the Nabob's
subjects, shall forfeit that protection, and be banished the
settlement; and we direct that these resolutions be signified
publicly throughout the settlement."
These letters were meant to be in support of the measures Lord Clive was
supposed to have adopted; but the opinions of the Court in regard to the
salt trade differed essentially from those on which he had acted. This
subject, however, will be noticed hereafter. In a subsequent letter,
(May 17th, 1766,) after stating the earnest request they had made of
Lord Clive to remain one more season in Bengal, and giving their
sentiments on the importance of his services, they drew a strong and
just contrast between the conduct of the Select Committee, of which he
was president, and that of the Governor and Council, whose power it had
superseded.
"The article in the treaty with Shuja Dowla, stipulating a trade
duty-free, through his dominions, we direct to be confined solely
to the Company's trade; and even in that sense of it, we mean only
if his dominions produce any goods fit for the European markets, or
if it can be made the means of extending our trade in the woollen
manufactory, or any other European goods.
"We come now to consider the great and important affairs of the
dewannee, on which we shall give our sentiments with every
objection that occurs to us.
"When we consider that the barrier of the country government was
entirely broken down, and every Englishman throughout the country
armed with an authority that owned no superior, and exercising his
power to the oppression of the helpless natives, who knew not whom
to obey; at such a crisis, we cannot hesitate to approve your
obtaining the dewannee for the Company.
"When we look back to the system that Lord Clive and the gentlemen
of the Select Committee found established, it presents to us a
subah disarmed, with a revenue of almost two millions sterling,
(for so much seems to have been left, exclusive of our demands on
him,) at the mercy of our servants, who had adopted an unheard-of
ruinous principle, of an interest distinct from the Company. This
principle showed itself in laying their hands upon every thing they
did not deem the Company's property.
"In the province of Burdwan, the resident and his council took an
annual stipend of near 80,000 rupees per annum from the Rajah, in
addition to the Company's salary. This stands on the Burdwan
accounts, and we fear was not the whole; for we apprehend it went
further, and that they carried this pernicious principle even to
the sharing with the Rajah of all he collected beyond the
stipulated malguzary, or land revenue, overlooking the point of
duty to the Company, to whom, properly, every thing belonged that
was not necessary for the Rajah's support. It has been the
principle, too, on which our servants have falsely endeavoured to
gloss over the crime of their proceedings, on the accession of the
present Subah; and we fear would have been soon extended to the
grasping the greatest share of that part of the Nabob's revenues
which was not allotted to the Company. In short, this principle was
directly undermining the whole fabric; for whilst the Company were
sinking under the burden of the war, our servants were enriching
themselves from those very funds that ought to have supported the
war. But to Lord Clive and our Select Committee we owe, that the
Company are at last considered as principals in the advantages as
well as dangers."
Clive had recommended, that the Governor of Bengal should have an
adequate salary, and be restrained from trade. In one of his letters
already quoted, he strongly urged that he should be vested with
authority to take a resolution in cases of emergency entirely on
himself. He subsequently not only pointed out the expediency of making
Calcutta the chief seat of the government of India, but proposed, in any
future arrangement, the nomination of a Governor-general, with the full
powers he now enjoys. All these propositions have been adopted; but the
most important were not carried into effect till thirty years of
collision and confusion in the administration of the Indian Government,
through the means of separate and independent presidencies, compelled
the divided and jealous authorities in England to follow the wise
counsel of one whose experience and foresight enabled him to predict the
evils which must result from the weakness and distraction of their
government abroad, and the necessity of forming one uniform system for
the administration of our Indian territories, and placing them under one
efficient general rule,—the individual at the head of which should be of
a character that justified his being clothed with paramount power over
the whole.
Such was the magnitude of the evils that now weighed down the government
of Bengal. It was at this period of danger from external enemies
aggravated by a system radically corrupt, and in the continuance of
which the interests of almost the whole of the public servants, and of
all the free traders, were involved, that Clive evinced all the energy
of his extraordinary character. We trace that quality, however, more in
his private than in his public letters; and some extracts from the
former will exhibit, better than the most laboured detail, the nature of
the obstacles he had to encounter, and the measures he took to surmount
them, and to restore and fix, on a firmer foundation than ever, the
interests of his country in India. He observes, in a letter to Mr. Palk,
Governor of Madras, dated Calcutta, 4th May[261];—
"I have little more to say than that I arrived here yesterday,
and that all affairs, civil and military, are in a state of
confusion beyond what I had even reason to expect. I can see no end
to the troubles in these parts. Suja Dowla has been joined by the
Rohillas and Mahrattas, and he is marching down with them to make
another effort to recover his dominions, which, at present, are
entirely in our possession. Their apprehension seems to be, that
our principal object is to support the King, and establish him at
Delhi; and if this is the case, we may expect all India will go to
war with us. Such a continued scene of fighting as this seems to
open, will not, however, suit with us; and, in a very short time, I
believe I must march up to camp, in order to settle measures, if
possible, upon a pacific plan. I beg you will send us as many small
arms, as well as men, as your settlement can spare, out of the next
and succeeding ships."[262] * * * * *
In a letter to General Carnac, he describes the state of the Nabob of
Moorshedabad and his ministers, and the recent events at that court, in
the following terms[263]:—
"I cannot yet write you particulars; however, matters seem
drawing to a conclusion. The Nabob and Mahommed Reza Cawn are
arrived. The Seets and Roydulub will be here to-morrow, and I am
determined to give an impartial audience to all of them, who are
ready enough to disclose every transaction, and will prove to
demonstration, upon what grounds and principles the gentlemen have
been actuated, thus precipitately to conclude a treaty before our
arrival.
"Although Nundcomar may not prove guilty of the crimes laid to his
charge, yet, believe me, my dear General, he will do no honour,
either to the Nabob or to the Company, in any great or eminent
post, which he never was formed or designed for; and I can give you
unanswerable reasons against his being the principal person about
the Nabob, when I have the pleasure of seeing you. I am as fully
averse to Reza Ali Cawn's remaining in the great post of Naib
Subah. His being a Mussulman, acute, and clever, are reasons of
themselves, if there were no others, against trusting that man with
too much power; and yet the young man must have men about him
capable of directing and governing him; for besides his youth, he
is really very simple, and always receives his impressions from
those who are last about him. It is really shocking to see what a
set of miserable and mean wretches Nundcomar has placed about him,
men that the other day were horsekeepers. I proposed that three or
four of the principal families in Bengal shall assist him in his
government; and make no doubt of obtaining his own consent for
adopting such a plan as may make him perfectly easy in his own
mind, and do the English nation honour.
"I hope fifteen or twenty days will enable me to put affairs in
such a channel, that the gentlemen may go on with the reformation
during my absence; and upon my arrival we must heartily set about a
peace: for the expense is now become so enormous, (no less than 10
lacs per mensem, civil and military,) that the Company must be
inevitably undone, if the Mahrattas, or any other powers, should
invade Bahar and Bengal; for it will then be impossible to raise
money sufficient to continue the war. This is a very serious
consideration with me, and will, I make no doubt, strike you in the
same light."
Treating the same subject in a subsequent letter, Clive observes[264]:—
"Strange discoveries have been made, which prove your conjectures
about revolutions to be true. The enclosed will give you an idea of
what is intended. The more I see of the Nabob, the more I am
convinced of his incapacity for business: whether it proceeds from
want of natural abilities, or want of education, time will
discover; certain it is, the most difficult task we have is to act
in such a manner as not to put too great a restraint upon the
Nabob's inclinations, and yet, at the same time, influence him to
do what is for his own honour, and the good of the Company. There
is no submitting to be dictated to by every plaguy fellow about
him."
And again[265]:—
"There seems to me to have been a combination between the blacks
and whites, to divide all the revenues of the Company between them,
for the Nabob knows nothing about the matter. Large sums have been
taken out of both treasuries, by Mahommed Reza Cawn at Muxadabad,
and by Nundcomar at Calcutta. Every day convinces me, that so long
as that man with his instruments continue about him we shall never
have that influence which appears to me absolutely necessary, as
well for his own reputation as to prevent the revenues being
dissipated on a set of plaguy rascals."
The evidence which Clive about this time obtained from the officers of
the Nabob, of the sums paid to the different public servants on the
conclusion of the treaty, are stated in a letter to General Carnac[266],
with some severe remarks on the conduct of those who, on that occasion,
sacrificed the interest and honour of the public for venal objects. This
subject would, in its details, lead us too far. Suffice it to say, that
the strong measures which the discovery he made led him to adopt,
particularly that of suspending several of the older civil officers from
the service, added to the number of his enemies in a degree that made
them more powerful in England than in India, and was the chief cause of
that parliamentary inquiry into his conduct which took place on his
return to his native country. Meanwhile, however, the honest course of
investigation which he pursued, though fatiguing and painful to his
mind, and severe on his spirits, left him resolute and composed in his
sense of duty. He had a great object in view, the salvation of an
empire, through the repression of wrong, and the amendment of the public
character and morals. "Let me but have health sufficient to go through
with the reformation we intend," says he, in writing to his friend
Carnac, "and I shall die with satisfaction and in peace." The same
feeling, which seems at this period to have deeply penetrated his mind,
he expresses to many of his friends.
Clive, it appears from several letters to other friends, had been, at
this period, seriously hurt at the long, and, as he thought, the
mysterious silence of General Carnac. He was at last relieved by a
letter, which satisfactorily accounted for the apparent neglect of a
friend for whom he cherished so sincere an esteem. The following extract
from Clive's reply is singularly illustrative of his feelings, and of
the principles on which he acted:—
"The receipt of your letter[267], number eight, gave me as much
pleasure as your long silence gave me real concern. Indeed, I had
resolved to write no more, being convinced that, from some cause or
other, the friendship which had so long subsisted between us was
drawing towards a conclusion, since you had declined even giving me
your sentiments upon a subject or subjects in which I conjectured
we may have differed in opinion. But surely that could be no reason
for not writing at all; neither ought a difference of opinion,
where both are actuated by principles of honour and justice, in the
least diminish that cordial affection which hitherto hath
subsisted, and I trust will subsist to the day of our deaths.
"I was not ignorant, when a general Court of Proprietors prevailed
upon me to resume this government, what an odious as well as
arduous task I had undertaken. Foreseeing, in a manner, every thing
at the time which has since happened, I was determined, if
possible, to answer the expectations of the Proprietors, who did me
the honour to think me the only person who could, by my power and
influence (and example, I hope,) put a stop to that universal
corruption (some few instances excepted) which seems to have spread
itself over all Bengal.
"Although a reformation both in the civil and military department
appears to me absolutely necessary, yet if there be any thing which
can occasion you the least uneasiness, for God's sake let the whole
weight fall upon my shoulders. I can go through every thing with
pleasure, so long as I can, with truth, and without vanity, apply
to myself these beautiful lines of Horace:—
'Justum et tenacem propositi virum,'" &c.
Clive, in the following letter to his friend Walsh, dated 30th
September, 1765, gives full scope to his feelings, both as to public
transactions, and those connected with them:—
"Our friendship and connection have been of so many years'
standing, and I have always observed in you so much real warmth of
heart and zeal for my interest and honour, that I think of these
marks of your affection in this distant part of the globe with the
greatest satisfaction.
"To you, and to you only, I shall communicate every transaction of
consequence which has passed since our arrival, because I know you
have judgment and discretion to make a proper use of them.
"It will be needless to expatiate on the very great things we have
done for the Company, since the several papers which accompany this
will make you a perfect master of the whole of our proceedings.
"I have referred many of my friends to you for information; but you
will communicate to them what you think proper, Mr. Grenville
excepted, to whom I have been very explicit, having inclosed him a
copy of my letter to the Court of Directors, translation of the
treaty of peace, and a map of Bengal, with some marginal
explanations.
"You will therefore lay before him, without reserve, all papers of
a public nature; such as relate to individuals, and are not made
public, you may not think proper to reveal to any one. There is
only one paper which I could not send you, viz. the letter from the
Select Committee to the Court of Directors, being bound by oath not
to make any of our proceedings public until laid before council, or
communicated to the Court of Directors; neither of which being yet
done, with respect to the committee's letter, is the reason I
cannot send you a copy; but you will, undoubtedly, obtain a sight
of it from Scrafton.
"Had I known Mr. Sumner as well as I do at present, I would never
have consented to his being appointed my successor, let the
consequences be what they would. I did, indeed, entertain hopes,
that my example and instructions might furnish that gentleman with
a plan of conduct and political knowledge, which would have enabled
him to fill the chair with honour, and me to leave it with
satisfaction to myself. But I am sorry to inform you, that I had
been but a short time on board the Kent, before I discovered him to
be a man no ways fit to be my successor. His ideas of government
differ widely indeed from mine; add to this, his judgment is weak,
timid, and unsound, and resolution he has none.