who greatly distinguished themselves. Clive was the advocate of a
system, which, considering the actual state of the service, he thought
indispensable to reward and encourage men of talent and enterprise. Mr.
Sulivan, though he did not deny the merits of the persons brought to his
notice by Clive, appears to have been very reluctant to promote them, at
the hazard of creating discontent to others. He was, like other members
of the Court of Directors at that period, prompt to attend to the
frequent appeals made to them against the local government; and such
appeals were usually from those who had no pretensions to preferment but
that of seniority, and who were often persons quite unfitted, by their
habits and character, for the delicate and arduous duties which, at this
period, devolved upon officers intrusted with high military command.
Clive, by his notes in answer to the Chairman on these points, appears
to have been very impatient of the general reasoning with which his
applications were answered. He conscientiously felt, in supporting those
he brought forward, that he acted from no motive but that of the public
good; he saw that by such maxims our Indian empire never would have been
gained; and he was quite satisfied that the system which Mr. Sulivan
desired to establish, of directing the attention of the civil and
military servants in India to the government in England, was calculated
to subvert all authority in the local administration, and, in its
results, to distract, weaken, and distress our yet infant empire in the
East. Sulivan's were the principles of the head of a commercial company;
Clive's those of the founder and sustainer of an empire.
To understand all the motives which influenced Clive's conduct at this
period, it is necessary to advert to the changes in the British
administration, and especially, in so far as these affected the
individuals with whom he was most intimately connected.
The personal influence exercised by Lord Bute over the mind of his young
sovereign counteracted the wise and vigorous measures of Pitt; who, on
being thwarted in his design of anticipating the hostile intentions of
Spain, retired with his friends from the cabinet.[164] Aware of the
great popularity of his predecessor, Lord Bute (who succeeded Mr. Pitt)
tried every effort to increase the number of his adherents. Amongst
others, Clive was courted to give his support to the new administration.
His fame, his wealth, and the votes he commanded, gave importance to his
aid; and the terms offered him were alike tempting to his ambition and
interests: but his respect for the integrity and great talents of Mr.
Pitt had been increased by personal acquaintance[165], and he cherished
the sincerest attachment to Mr. George Grenville, who, on Pitt's
retirement, had resigned his situation as Treasurer of the Navy. Besides
these personal considerations, the measures of Mr. Pitt were congenial
with every sentiment of his mind; and he augured no benefit to the
nation from the less energetic character of his successor, whose avowed
eagerness for peace (he anticipated) would prevent its being concluded
on such favourable terms as the successes of the war gave grounds to
expect.
Governed by these motives, Clive rejected the overtures of Lord Bute. He
states the grounds of his conduct in a letter to Major Carnac, written a
month after the change of ministers occurred.
"Now that we are to have peace abroad," he observes[166], "war is
commencing at home amongst ourselves. There is to be a most violent
contest, at the meeting of Parliament, whether Bute or Newcastle is to
govern this kingdom; and the times are so critical that every member has
an opportunity of fixing a price upon his services. I still continue to
be one of those unfashionable kind of people who think very highly of
independency, and to bless my stars, indulgent fortune has enabled me to
act according to my conscience. Being very lately asked, by authority,
if I had any honours to ask from my sovereign, my answer was, that I
thought it dishonourable to take advantage of the times; but that when
these parliamentary disputes were at an end, if his Majesty should then
approve of my conduct by rewarding it, I should think myself highly
honoured in receiving any marks of the royal favour."
When the treaty of peace between France and England was in the course of
negotiation, the opinion of Bussy[167] was taken on all points connected
with the interests of his nation in India. No similar reference appears
to have been made to Clive, whose knowledge far exceeded that of every
other individual, on this important subject. But he was too earnest in
his desire to promote the future peace of India to allow any party
motives to prevent his offering every information that could aid
ministers in that part of the negotiation which related to our Eastern
possessions; he transmitted, therefore, a memorial to Lord Bute.
In this memorial Clive stated, that it was not now more than fifteen
years since the European nations, who had established factories in
India, were as much regulated and controlled in their concerns by the
native governments as the natives themselves. To the extortions to which
this exposed them, to the expense of their establishments, and to the
decrease in value in the Indian manufactures, he attributes the
disappointment of the expectations originally formed of great profits
from this trade. Dupleix (he observes), on the ground that commerce
alone must, under such circumstances, be a losing concern, suggested to
his government the policy of making conquests in India; territorial
revenue being, in his opinion, the only source by which a European
nation could derive wealth from that country.
"Acting upon the principles he recommended," to use the words of the
memorial, "Dupleix engaged in the contentions of the princes of the
country, and had, at one time, in a great measure, obtained his aim.
There remained nothing to complete it but the expulsion of the English
out of Hindustan. We were at that time wholly attached to mercantile
ideas; but undoubted proof of M. Dupleix's projects obliged us to draw
the sword, and our successes have been so great that we have
accomplished for ourselves, and against the French, exactly every thing
that the French intended to accomplish for themselves and against us."
After stating these facts, Clive proceeds to detail, in this memorial,
the extent to which concessions may be made at a general peace. He
expresses great anxiety that the French should, if possible, be limited
as to the number of men they are to maintain upon the coast of
Coromandel; but, under every circumstance, he is strenuous against their
re-admission to Bengal, except as merchants.
Lord Bute expressed his obligations to Lord Clive for this
communication.
"I have received[168]," he states, "your Lordship's letter, and the
paper accompanying it, in which you have offered your sentiments on the
interests of this country with respect to our possessions in the East
Indies, in a very clear and masterly manner. The lights you have thrown
on the subject could not fail of being acceptable to me. I return your
Lordship thanks, therefore, for the communication; and you may be
assured that I will make a proper use of them."
Every attention possible was given to Clive's suggestions; and by the
definitive treaty of peace, concluded in February, 1763, the French
government agreed not to maintain any troops in Bengal, or in the
northern circars. These were the chief objects to which he had directed
the attention of Lord Bute; but that minister (consulting only his
friend Mr. Sulivan, and the Directors) had inserted an article into the
preliminary treaty, by which the recognition, by the French, of the
title of Mahommed Ali Khan, as Nabob of the Carnatic, was obtained by
the English recognising the title of the ally of the French, Salabut
Jung, as Subahdar of the Deckan. Nothing could be more preposterous than
this guarantee (for to such it amounted) of the title of two Indian
princes standing in the relations the Subahdar of the Deckan and the
Nabob of Arcot did to each other, and to their European allies. Besides,
Salabut Jung had for some years ceased to be the ally of the French, and
was the ally of the English Government.
Clive, it would appear from the documents in my possession, only heard
by accident of this extraordinary article. He hastened to Mr. Wood, the
Under Secretary of State, whom he soon convinced of the embarrassment
and danger it might produce. Lord Bute being also satisfied by his
reasoning, it was, in forming the definitive treaty, so altered and
amended, that (as I have elsewhere remarked) it might have remained
innoxious, "had it not been subsequently converted by his Majesty's
ministers into a pretext for one of the most unjustifiable and
mischievous acts[169] of interference with the powers of the Company
that is to be found on the page of Indian history."
Clive was dissatisfied with the peace, and voted in the minority that
condemned that measure. His having come forward, under such
circumstances, to give his aid in improving the treaty, as far as the
interests of the Company were concerned, greatly increased his
popularity with the proprietors. He continued in opposition, though to
the sacrifice of his personal interests; nor was his conduct, on this
occasion, dictated by any hope of Mr. Pitt's restoration to power. He
evidently thought that great statesman had, by his own acts, barred
himself from all chance of future employment.
Writing to Mr. Vansittart, Clive observes[170]; "Mr. Pitt,
notwithstanding his great abilities and the many eminent services he has
rendered this nation, has become the most odious man living to the King,
nobility, and both parliaments. The King can never forgive him that
unfortunate visit to the city on the Lord Mayor's day, his popularity
was such, that it seemed as if _King William_ instead of _King George_
had been invited to that grand entertainment. As to the Privy Council,
he has honoured them in Parliament with the names of state cowards and
political misers. In short, his whole interest in Parliament is lost,
and it is very improbable, if not impossible, he should ever come into
employment again."
Ministers, unable to gain Clive, desired to give him every annoyance,
and by diminishing his wealth and reputation, to lessen his influence.
Lord Bute was Mr. Sulivan's friend and patron; and the latter was a
willing leader in this attack. The measures taken by his opponents
satisfied Clive that he had no means of supporting his own interests but
by a successful opposition to Mr. Sulivan at the ensuing general
election at the India House.
The share of stock, which at this period, entitled a proprietor to vote,
was 500_l._; and though it was supposed to be the _bonâ fide_ property
of the individual who voted, the law was not so strict but what it could
be avoided; and there is abundant evidence in the papers before me,
that, in these annual contests for the administration, all parties
"split votes" (as it was termed) to a very great extent.
Lord Clive, in the election of 1763, mentions his having employed
100,000_l._ in this manner; and we find in the following season, when
his friends (after he had left England) so far triumphed over Mr.
Sulivan as to bring Mr. Rous into the chair, that a bill[171] was
brought into the House of Commons, and ultimately carried, by which the
proprietor was compelled to swear, not only that the stock was _bonâ
fide_ his property, but that it had been in his possession a
twelvemonth. This measure put an end (as was intended) to a practice,
which, from being general, had ceased to be a reproach to individuals;
and which, when resorted to by one party, left the other no option but
following a bad example[172], or submitting to defeat.
Clive engaged in the contest at the general election at the India House
with all the ardour which belonged to his character. His first intention
appears to have been limited to the support of Mr. Rous; but I am led to
conclude, from a few papers still preserved upon this subject, that he
came forward personally as a candidate.
In a letter to Mr. Vansittart[173], adverting to what passed at a
numerous meeting of the proprietors, he observes:—
"That tremendous day[174] is over. I need not be particular about it;
you will have it from many hands. I should imagine there were present
not less than eight hundred proprietors. Numbers of neutral people went
off; and no small number of our friends, thinking our majority so great,
that there was no occasion for their presence. Indeed, upon the holding
up of hands, I thought we were at least two to one. This is really a
great victory, considering we had the united strength of the whole
ministry against us.
"Our cause gains ground daily, I should think we shall be stronger at
the election than we were in the General Court. However, this time only
can show, and I do not choose to be very sanguine, our opponents being
very active."
In a subsequent part of the same letter, anticipating success as
certain, he enters into particulars as to the share he proposed to take
in the affairs of the Company, and the arrangements he hoped to be able
to carry into effect. It is a relief, when accompanying him into such
scenes, to have the proof which this letter affords, that the
expectation of being better able to promote the interests and strengthen
the empire of India, was the leading motive which induced him to seek a
station, which he may deem it most fortunate for himself and the
interest of his country that he failed in attaining.
"If we should succeed," he adds in the letter before quoted, "I have no
thought of ever accepting the Chair; I have neither application,
knowledge, nor time, to undertake so laborious an employ. I shall
confine myself to the political and military operations; and I think I
may promise, you shall have a very large military force in India, such a
force as will leave little to apprehend from our enemies in those parts.
I propose having all the troops regimented; that there shall be kept up
at Bengal three battalions of infantry, consisting of seven hundred and
eighty men each battalion, and three companies of artillery, and four
battalions of sepoys; the same at Fort St. George. A much less number
will serve for Bombay. But more of this by the latter ships, when we see
the event of the thing."
From letters addressed to his friends in India, during the first two
years of his residence in England, it may be inferred that Clive, on his
return to his native country, had no intention whatever of involving
himself so deeply with the parties at the India House, and for some time
he had little intercourse with any of the Directors.
"The situation I am in at present," he observes in a letter to Mr.
Lushington[175], "and the part of the town where I now reside, seldom
gives me an opportunity of seeing any of the Directors, to whom I have
been very sparing of applications, since I do not like refusals."
From this and other facts we may collect that the desire to repel
attack, on one hand, and the zeal and confidence of friends, on the
other, hurried him into the contest in which he became engaged. His
cause was warmly espoused by many noblemen and gentlemen of the first
respectability. Almost all those who had served in India were of his
party, and brought with them their friends and connections. These
classes of proprietors were all-powerful at the quarterly meetings of
the General Court; but when Directors were balloted for, the election
was chiefly decided by persons in different walks of life, many of whom
seldom, if ever, attended those Courts; but, having bought stock, either
as a good investment of capital, or as the means of establishing an
influence with the Directors, or with Administration, they gave their
votes at elections as suited their respective interests. Mr. Sulivan had
in his favour a great majority of the Directors, and he was actively
supported by ministers; his strength was consequently great with this
class of voters, and with persons employed in England by the Company,
and the officers and dependents of Government. He numbered also, among
his friends, many of the merchants and tradesmen in the city, and nearly
the whole of the ship-owners and others connected with the trade to
India.
No election ever excited more interest than that now pending. Each party
summoned all its forces; but Clive was destined to sustain his first
defeat in a contest, in which we cannot but regret he should ever have
engaged. His victorious opponents lost no time in making him feel the
full weight of their resentment.
It has been already stated that Clive received his jaghire in 1759: the
grounds upon which it had been granted and accepted were, at that
period, placed upon the records of Government. He had enjoyed it four
years; receiving, annually, its amount from the Company. Immediately
after his return to England an intimation was conveyed to him, by Mr.
Sulivan, that the Secret Committee of the Directors desired to
communicate with him regarding this grant. He expressed his willingness
to meet them, and enter into any explanation; and, considering the
jaghire only as a life-rent, he was disposed to meet any fair
arrangement that could be suggested; but the subject had not been
re-agitated. Three years had passed, and his revenue from this source
was regularly paid by the Bengal Government to his agents in Calcutta.
Under such circumstances, whatever he might have apprehended from the
hostility of Mr. Sulivan, whom he had certainly provoked by an open and
determined opposition, he could not but be astonished to hear that the
first step the Directors took, after the election of 1763, was to
transmit orders to the Bengal Government to stop all further payments on
account of Lord Clive's jaghire, and to furnish them with an account of
all sums which had been paid to that nobleman and his attornies since
the date of the grant.
I find, among the MSS. in my possession, a short narrative of the
progress of this transaction, which presents, in a very compressed form,
a series of facts, a knowledge of which is quite essential to the clear
understanding of this question; I shall therefore give them in the words
of the writer.[176]
"By the ninth article of the treaty between the Company and Meer
Jaffier, at the time of the revolution in 1757, certain lands to the
south of Calcutta were ceded to the Company as perpetual renters, the
Nabob reserving to himself the lordship and quit-rents, which amounted
to near 30,000_l._ yearly; and the Company could never be legally
dispossessed so long as they continued to pay that quit-rent. The
Company farmed out these ceded lands for above 100,000_l._ a year, and
paid the quit-rent regularly to the Nabob till the year 1759, when the
Nabob, in consideration of the great services rendered him by Lord
Clive, assigned over to his Lordship, for life, that quit-rent. The
assignment passed through all the forms usual in the country; and Lord
Clive became grantee of the rent, under the same authority, precisely,
as the East India Company had become grantee of the lands. From this
period the rent was duly paid to Lord Clive, instead of to the Nabob;
nor was there any intermission of the payment until differences arose
between the noble Lord and Mr. Sulivan. It was intimated to his Lordship
that some scruples were entertained concerning any further payment; and
Mr. Sulivan himself, at last informed him, that the Court of Directors
were of opinion it ought to be retained for the Company's use. Lord
Clive replied, that he was entitled to it as well by the laws of England
as by the laws of India; that his right to the reserved rent was
established upon the same authority as the Company's right to the ceded
lands; that he was, notwithstanding, ready to concur in its devolving to
the Company after he should have enjoyed the possession of it a
reasonable number of years; and that he was desirous of a conference
with the Court of Directors upon the subject, any day they might be
pleased to appoint.
"It might have been imagined that the Court of Directors, if they had no
other objects upon this occasion than the honour and interest of the
Company and justice to an individual, would have paid some attention to
an acquiescence of this nature. But their resolution, under the
influence of their leader, was to resent the offence given them by the
noble Lord in the attempt he was meditating against their power; and
this was to be done, not by entering into the discussion of any terms of
accommodation, in which each party, contending for the right above
mentioned, might have met, but by putting an immediate stop to the
payment of the jaghire, and leaving upon his Lordship the difficulties
and vexation of recovering his property by a suit at law.
"There was, however, another secret motive to this violent and unjust
measure. It happened that Lord Clive and his parliamentary friends had,
for some time, acted in opposition to the court-party; and in this
country, where ministers maintain their power by the inflicting of
punishments, as well as by the distribution of rewards, it is no wonder
that they should endeavour to weary out by oppression those whom they
cannot allure by corruption. The Chairman of the East India Company was
known to be at enmity with Lord Clive. Him, therefore, they considered
as the aptest instrument with which the noble Lord might be tortured
into a change of political conduct; and the plan of mutual resentment
was no sooner resolved upon than executed.
"By one of the first ships which sailed for Bengal after the contested
election, the Court of Directors sent orders to the Governor and
Council, that they should no longer pay to the attornies of Lord Clive
the rent granted him by Meer Jaffier, but that they should in future
detain it in their hands, and carry it to the credit of the Company; and
that they should transmit to the Court of Directors an exact account of
all the sums already received by Lord Clive or his attornies on that
head, as his Lordship's pretensions to the jaghire would be settled in
England. The public letter conveying these orders assigned no reason for
their being issued; but a private letter[177] from Mr. Sulivan to Mr.
Vansittart, then Governor of Bengal, which was soon after produced on
oath in the Court of Chancery, declared that the payment of the jaghire
was stopped, because all cordiality between the Court of Directors and
Lord Clive was at an end. This vindictive plea, confidentially
communicated by the Chairman to his friend the Governor, could not,
however, be set up in a court of equity in justification of a flagrant
violation of right. The Company had, for some years, paid the jaghire
without objection; and even at this time of litigation they neither
claimed any title to it themselves nor pretended that there was any
other claimant than the present possessor. It is not necessary to
enumerate the absurd arguments and mean subterfuges to which the Court
of Directors were reduced, in answer to the bill filed against them by
Lord Clive in the Court of Chancery. It is sufficient to observe, that
the principal reasons which they assigned for discontinuing the payment
were, that the Company might one day or other be called to account by
the Emperor[178] of Hindustan for the money paid under the head of this
jaghire; that, therefore, Lord Clive was accountable to them even for
the sums he had already received; that, if the Nabob, Meer Jaffier, had
a right to grant the jaghire out of his own revenues, (which, however,
the Court of Directors did not admit,) yet as that Nabob had been
deposed by the Company's agents, the grant became of no effect.