entitled to the notice and gratitude of their country, their reputation
will lose much of its lustre, or receive additional splendour, from the
tenor of their conduct in the different relations of private life.
Speculative men may argue, that, if a statesman by his wise counsels, or a
general by his military talents, promote the interests and glory of his
country, it is of little consequence whether he is moral and virtuous. But
such a conclusion is unjust: for men who attain distinction, by becoming
objects of imitation, do infinite good or harm in the community to which
they belong, by the influence of their example. Few can hope to emulate
their higher qualities; but their failings and imperfections are within
the reach of every one, and are copied by the lowest, in the belief that
they thereby approximate themselves to him whom the public voice has
raised to such celebrity. This influence over society renders such persons
far more responsible than ordinary men, for every action, and becomes
therefore one test by which public characters must be tried. There is,
indeed, no way in which we can more satisfactorily confirm our opinion of
the superiority of an individual, than by accompanying him into the walks
of private life; for we may be assured that no stronger proof of his just
title to pre-eminence can be obtained, than his not being intoxicated with
his own elevation, and its effecting no alteration in his personal habits,
or in the ties of family or of friendship; while, on the other hand, we
may pronounce, that he who does not contemplate unchanged and undisturbed
his own fame and fortune, is deficient in that simplicity and strength of
mind, which are the most essential of all attributes in the composition of
a truly great character.
If there be justice in these remarks, the general historian even should
not lightly pass over the incidents of the private life of those eminent
men whose public deeds it is his duty to record; but with the biographer
such facts are of essential importance, not only as they develope the
character of the subject of his biography, but as they establish or
contradict the sincerity and truth of the alleged motives and principles
of his public acts. I am very anxious to do justice to this part of my
task, which for the sake of perspicuity I have separated from those
official details, which have hitherto occupied so much of our attention. I
can only hope the reader will experience the same satisfaction that I have
had, in escaping for a time from the description of battles, sieges,
crimes, and intrigues, to the less brilliant, though more pleasing subject
of domestic habits, and the formation and maintenance of those ties of
love and friendship which form the bonds of human society.
I have already spoken of the youth of Clive. In the review of his private
life in this chapter I shall limit myself to the period which elapsed from
his leaving England in 1756, until his return to that country in 1760.
During his short visit to England in 1753, Clive appears not only to have
revived all his family connections, but to have extended very considerably
the circle of his personal friends; and on his return to India, we
discover that he numbered amongst his correspondents men of the first rank
in his native land. Many of his private letters are addressed to Lord
Barrington, the Chancellor[104], the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Mr.
Henry Fox.
To the first of these noblemen, who was Secretary at War, Clive, in a
letter under date the 23d of February, 1757, acknowledges himself under
obligations for many marks of friendship, and particularly for his aid "in
the election of Mitchell." To Mr. Henry Fox he owns himself indebted for
much kindness; and he emphatically addresses him as the "patron and
protector of the East India Company." He writes[105] to the Archbishop of
Canterbury and the Lord Chancellor in terms which show that he had been
honoured with their particular notice and kindness during his short
residence in England.
Clive was in Parliament, but only for a few months; during which period,
though on friendly terms with some members of the administration, he
appears, as far as he engaged in public affairs, to have been in
opposition to the King's ministers.[106] It is very evident, from the
letters of his father at this period, that though he was
disappointed[107], he had established some political influence; for the
Duke of Newcastle, before he resigned the situation of Prime Minister,
expressed himself most anxious to give his father a situation; and though
this promise was never performed, the solicitude the Minister showed on
this and other occasions to conciliate Clive's friendship and support,
could only have proceeded from an impression of his talent, as he had at
this time nothing that could give him any influence on the ground of
wealth.
Though Clive's fortune was not large when he returned to England, he had
realised, from his prize-money, and from the emoluments of the civil and
military stations he had filled, a competence which would have satisfied a
less aspiring mind; but he never seems to have even contemplated
retirement from public life. Such a step, indeed, was neither consistent
with his ambition, nor the generosity of his disposition. His first use of
his wealth was to place all his family (and above all, his parents,) in a
state of comfortable independence. He greatly added to the joy of his
father, by appropriating a part of his fortune to save the family estate
of Styche, to relieve which, he probably advanced its full value, as we
find that it was transferred to him.[108] His father was delighted at his
son becoming the owner of this property. This we see from many letters;
and in one[109], written after Clive had sailed for India, he informs him
that he had been at "the old place, which," he adds, "I always loved, and
have kept the walls from tumbling, in hopes of seeing the new landlord
come and take possession."
Clive appears himself to have been quite alive to all those family and
local feelings, which have great value as associated with the earliest and
most vivid of our recollections and affections. To judge from his private
correspondence, no man ever more cherished such ties; for during the
busiest periods of his public life, his letters continually refer to his
relations and to the scenes of his boyhood; but above all, he speaks of
old Styche with a fond familiarity that conveys an idea of the pleasure he
must have had in becoming its possessor. Many of his letters upon these
subjects are addressed to his father, by whose answer to one of them we
may judge of the tone in which they were written. "Your letter," he
observes, alluding to himself, "made the _old man_ drop tears of joy, that
you still survive with honour and success. May you go on and prosper!"
Clive did not remain two years in England. When he returned to India,
accompanied by his lady, they left two infant boys; the eldest, Edward, is
the present Lord Powis; the second, Richard, died shortly after the
departure of his parents.
The great generosity of Clive to every branch of his family during this
short visit to his native country, together with the manner in which he
lived, and the expenses of his election, greatly diminished his
property[110]; and it would seem from his agent's letters, that he had
not, when he returned to India, more than three thousand pounds of
money[111]; the interest of which, together with a small annuity he had
purchased, he directed to be given to his father[112], whose letters are
full of gratitude for the comfort given to his declining age by the
liberality of his son.
"I am entirely obliged to you," he observes[113], in one of these now
before me, "for the comfortable subsistence I may expect from your
generosity, if I should live a few years longer. If among the dead, don't
forget the old place of our nativity; but let Ned[114] reside there. If
the Judge[115] does not take him, (as I think he will, if her Ladyship
pleases,) he will soon be with us, and will divert me in the decline of
life. I shall be desirous of living a little longer, in hopes of seeing
the joyful day when you and my daughter return to England; but whatever
events may happen before that time, God only knows, to whose pleasure I
desire to submit."
The house of Styche had been given by Clive as a residence to his uncle,
Mr. Robert Clive, who, with the other branches of the family, appears to
have taken an interest in its being improved and beautified. I cannot
refrain from making an extract from one of his letters on the subject.
"Things go on," he writes[116], "as usual at Styche, and I enjoy a very
comfortable existence, under your roof. My income enables me to keep house
while the family are in town; and when they come down, I am glad to see
them. Aunt Fanny is with me this winter. I am in hopes of seeing you here
again, and your most amiable lady, to whom I beg my most affectionate
compliments. O that these next ships might bring you over! But I am well
assured, your desire is towards your native country and your friends, and
that you will be with us as soon as you can. Styche is now leased to a
tenant; but as the term is expired within about two years, I think it will
be better not to renew it but only from year to year, that you may be able
to make such alterations as you please when you come to England. Mr.
Mackworth has consented to our having a road over the meadows, and we have
built a bridge for that purpose, which is a great convenience; many more
might be thought of and had, were you here with one of Rajah Dowlah's
millions. In the mean time, if you think of any thing that you would have
done, I shall think myself honoured by a commission from you."
Clive's return to India in 1755, and the successes which attended him
during the three following years, attracted more of the public notice from
being contrasted with the reverses which had attended the British arms in
Europe and America during this unpropitious period.
The success at Gheriah even, which (had the public mind not been full of
disappointment) would probably not have been mentioned, was spoken of in
all the newspapers of the day as an achievement of importance.
Mr. Smyth King, in a letter to Clive[117], observes, when alluding to this
event; "The news of your success could not have reached England at a
season more advantageous for the increase of your reputation; a season in
which there was a general clamour and indignation for the ignominy that
had been brought on our arms by the losses in the Mediterranean and North
America, of which you will hear so much: I need not say any thing. The
consequence has been driving out all the Ministry, Duke of Newcastle, Lord
Chancellor, Mr. Fox, &c. &c. Mr. Pitt, and a new set in the Treasury and
Admiralty, are now the steersmen: they have set out well at the opening of
Parliament: how long they will continue in the good course, time will
show. You will easily imagine how opportune and grateful the taking of
Gheriah was, notwithstanding the distance of the place, and its not being
so generally known. Colonel Clive was again in all the newspapers. I
believe you have made a maxim of what I have somewhere read, that 'a man
who has got himself a great name should every now and then strike some
_coup d'éclat_, to keep up the admiration of the people.'"
The capture of Calcutta, the taking of Chandernagore, the battle of
Plassey, and the dethronement and death of Suraj-u-Dowlah, with the
elevation of Meer Jaffier, were events which, at any time, would have
excited attention; but the impression they made was greatly increased by
the depressed state of the public mind at the moment when intelligence of
their occurrence reached England. They were hailed by all ranks, as
redeeming, in some degree, the national reputation that had been lost in
other quarters of the globe.
We meet, in a letter from his friend Mr. King, a concise and vivid
description of the causes which combined at this period to raise Clive's
fame in England.
"You are too well assured," that gentleman observes[118], "of the joy I
must have felt at the news of your great actions, for me to profess it:
they can add nothing to my admiration of your military capacity, which was
at the height, with what you had achieved for several years. I can only
tell you, what your love to your country will make you sorry for, that
your conduct shines with a peculiar brightness, from the unglorious doings
of our leaders of armies and admirals of fleets in Europe; and that the
name of a Clive is made use of in the public papers to reproach and
stimulate his superiors in rank, but not in fame. That you may judge how
little we have to boast of at home, I will give you a compendium of our
exploits since the beginning of the war.
"You already know Minorca is taken, for which Admiral Byng was shot, and
Blakeney, who defended it, adorned with a title and a riband, though it is
at this time undetermined whether his merit or demerit was the greater.
Lord Loudon went to America last year, with a great number of troops and a
strong fleet. All that we have heard from thence is, that the French have
taken several of our forts, but that we have taken none of theirs, nor
otherwise incommoded them.
"The Duke of Cumberland, in the beginning of the summer, put himself at
the head of a German army, to defend the Electorate of Hanover; but after
the loss of a battle, and being driven from post to post, was necessitated
to capitulate with the French General, Duke de Richelieu, and signed a
convention, whereby those favourite dominions are to be possessed by the
French King till he shall think proper to evacuate them. His Royal
Highness, a few days after his arrival in England, resigned all his
commissions. Ligonier is made Commander-in-chief of the army. Less than
two months ago, a fleet of about thirty ships of the line, commanded by
three admirals, attended with a number of transports, carrying ten
thousand land forces and three general officers, a noble train of
artillery, and every thing proportionable, sailed upon a secret
expedition; so secret, that it was never divulged, till this pompous
armada of near a hundred sail arrived at Spithead, then was it known that
the design had been against Rochelle; but that, after holding councils of
war for five days, in sight of the coast, it was judged proper to sail
home again and attempt nothing, for the Isle of Aix may be called nothing.
Thus has a million been expended to set the people in an uproar. The
Parliament is to meet in a fortnight; when it is expected they will find
out, as Shakspeare says,—
"'The cause of this effect,
Or rather say, the cause of this defect,
For this effect defective comes by cause!'"
The name of Clive was heard every where: we are assured the King himself
spoke of the Indian hero in the most flattering terms. Lord Ligonier
asked his Majesty, "Whether the young Lord Dunmore might go as a
volunteer to the army of the King of Prussia?" Leave was refused. "May
he not join the Duke of Brunswick?" was the next request. "Pshaw!" said
the King, "what can he learn there? If he want to learn the art of war,
let him go to Clive!"[119]
But a higher honour was reserved for Clive, and one he valued more than
all others. His name was not only brought forward, but held forth as an
example, by the celebrated William Pitt. That statesman, in his speech
on the Mutiny Bill, after adverting to the late disgraces which had
attended the British arms, said, "We had lost our glory, honour, and
reputation every where but in India. There the country had a heaven-born
general who had never learned the art of war, nor was his name enrolled
among the great officers who had for many years received their country's
pay. Yet was he not afraid to attack a numerous army with a handful of
men." After this he drew a character of Clive, which excited the
admiration of every one, but above all, of the father of the
distinguished individual whose name was honoured by such praise. The
above extract of Mr. Pitt's panegyric is from his letter to his
son[120], which is written in the pride of his heart, and concludes in
the following words: "Thus you are, with truth, honourably spoke of
throughout this nation: may you continue to be so, till you return to
your native country, and to the embraces of an aged father!"
Clive, in 1758, had written to his father to try whether he could not
obtain the appointment of General Governor of India. I do not find among
his manuscripts any copy of his letter on this subject, which is to be
regretted, as the notice taken of the suggestion by his friends proves,
that his clear and penetrating mind saw, and desired to avert, the evils
which were likely to result from the three presidencies (extended as our
connections with native states had become) continuing to be ruled by
distinct and independent authorities.
Clive's friends in England, to whom his father referred for advice, were
of opinion that the proposition would never be entertained by the Court
of Directors, and that regard for his interest should prevent its being
made. There was another reason for not agitating this question. A
motion[121] had some time before been brought forward in the Court of
Proprietors, to give Clive a sum of 6000_l._, which was opposed on the
ground of his having sufficient opportunities of acquiring fortune in
the course of the service. This had occurred before the news of the
battle of Plassey reached England. The reputation which that and
subsequent events gave Clive with the nation, and with his Majesty's
ministers, excited a spirit of jealousy amongst some of the Directors.
His father informs him that several leading men in the India House
appeared offended at the recommendations they had received of him from
persons of high rank and members of administration.
Clive knew the world, and was fully aware of the feelings which his
success was likely to produce; and judged wisely that his prospects of
future notice and reward might be impeded, instead of being promoted, by
the imprudent zeal of his friends. He was particularly apprehensive of
the effects of the natural feelings of his father, and wrote to Mr.
Belchier, one of his agents, to endeavour to repress the old gentleman's
desire to intrude the merits of his son upon all the great men of the
land.
"As this good news," he observes[122], "may set my father upon exerting
himself too much, and paying too many visits to the Duke of Newcastle,
Mr. Fox, and other great men, I desire you will endeavour to moderate
his expectations; for although I intend getting into Parliament, and
have hopes of being taken some notice of by his Majesty, yet, you know,
the merit of all actions is greatly lessened by being too much boasted
of. I know my father's disposition leads this way, which proceeds from
his affection for me."
It was not easy, however, to moderate either the language or the
expectations of a father whose pride in the public services of his son,
though great, was exceeded by the admiration and gratitude with which he
viewed the conduct of one, whose ties of duty and of love for his
parents and family appeared to gain additional strength as he advanced
in riches and in fame, and who seemed to place his chief happiness in
making those for whom he cherished regard or affection participators in
his own good fortune.
The moment, indeed, Clive found himself, from unexpected events,
abounding in wealth, his first object was to impart comfort to all who
had claims upon him, either from kindred or friendship. His gifts,
though liberal, had in them no spirit of prodigality. They were adapted
with judgment to the wants and dispositions of those on whom they were
bestowed: but it was the manner, even more than the substance, of his
acts which gave them value with those who loved him. His correspondence
with his family and friends will afford the best evidence of this fact.
Clive, in a letter[123] to his father, written shortly after the battle
of Plassey, giving him an account of the events which had occurred from
the capture of Chandernagore till the enthronement of Meer Jaffier,
informs him, that the Nabob's generosity will enable him to live in his
native country, in a manner much beyond his most sanguine expectation.
"I have ordered," he states in this letter, "2000_l._ to each[124] of my
sisters, and shall take care of my brothers in due time. I would advise
the lasses to marry as soon as possible, for they have no time to lose.
There is no occasion for you following the law any more: but more of
this when I have the pleasure of seeing you, which, I hope, will be in
twelve or fourteen months."
"You may order the Rector[125] to get every thing ready for the
reparation of old Styche. I shall bring his brother home with
15,000_l._, and also Mrs. Clive's brother. If I can get into Parliament,
I shall be very glad; but no more struggles against ministry: I choose
to be with them.
"Mrs. Clive will write my mother at large. My kind wishes attend her,
not forgetting my brothers and sisters."
When Clive resolved, as has elsewhere been stated, to defer his
departure for England, he directed his agents to add to the allowance
before given to his father and mother the sum of 500_l._ per annum, and
to keep a coach for them[126]: he also desired them to pay 25_l._ per
annum to each of his four aunts, and to two of Mrs. Clive's, to whose
other relations in England he gave liberal assistance. For her brother,
Captain Maskelyne, who was on the Madras establishment, Clive cherished
a very sincere regard; but I should conclude, from what appears in the
manuscripts in my possession that, though a pleasant and respectable
gentleman, Captain Maskelyne had little talent as an officer. His
conduct to part of the Nabob's family, while commanding at Arcot, had
been severely condemned by Mr. Pigot. We find amongst his letters to his
brother-in-law an indignant remonstrance against the treatment he had
met with from the Governor, who also wrote Clive fully upon the subject.
The latter in his reply[127] to Mr. Pigot states the great uneasiness
which the circumstance had caused him, but adds, that he derived
consolation from the belief, that it entirely proceeded from an error of
judgment. This instance, added to others, proves that, though the title
to Clive's regard rested more upon the heart than the head of the
individual by whom it was possessed, yet he was rigid in his principle
of never nominating any one to public station whose qualities did not
fit him to perform its duties. He regretted, as is shown by his letters,
that Captain Maskelyne did not accompany him to Bengal, as a member of
his family; but, instead of appointing him to one of the many high and
lucrative stations he had in his gift, he recommended him to go to
England, and added to his small means what he deemed necessary to place
him in independence[128]: and we are amused with the following passage,
in a letter[129] from Clive to his father:—"My brother-in-law, Captain
Maskelyne, goes by this conveyance, and will bring you this: he is worth
10,000_l._ or 11,000_l._ I beg you will assist in settling him in the
world, and in getting him a good wife."
In the same letter he observes, "Should you have occasion for money to
purchase commissions for my brothers, or to answer any other purpose
that may be for their advantage, you will apply to my attorneys, who I
desire may supply you accordingly."
The letter[130] from Mr. Clive to his son, acknowledging the receipt of
the accounts of his success, commences with one of those simple but
natural bursts of paternal affection that mock all imitation.
"Your last letter," he says, "gave me joy beyond all possibility of
expression. The whole kingdom is in transports for the glory and success
their countryman has gained. Come away, and let us rejoice together!"
In a subsequent letter, he dwells with true paternal feeling upon the
same subject.
"May Heaven," he writes[131], "preserve you safe to Old England, where
not only your friends and relations, but strangers who never saw you,
will congratulate you for the glorious actions you have done your
country. With what joy shall I embrace you! Oh, may I live to see that
day! Your mother and sisters are sitting with me round the fire,
drinking to your health and safe voyage."