Such being the very limited, and perhaps somewhat equivocal advantages we

offer the Aborigines, we can hardly expect that much or permanent benefit

can accrue to them; and ought not to be disappointed if such is not the

case. [Note 108 at end of para.] At present it is difficult to say what

are the advantages held out to the natives by the schools, since they have

no opportunity of turning their instruction to account, and must from

necessity relapse again to the condition of savages, when they leave

school. Taken as children from their parents, against the wishes of

the latter, there are not means sufficient at the schools for keeping

them away from the ill effects of the example and society of the most

abandoned of the natives around. They are not protected from the power

or influence of their parents and relatives, who are always encouraging

them to leave, or to practise what they have been taught not to do.

The good that is instilled one day is the next obliterated by evil

example or influence. They have no future openings in life which

might lead them to become creditable and useful members of society;

and however well disposed a child may be, there is but one sad and

melancholy resource for it at last, that of again joining its tribe,

and becoming such as they are. Neither is there that disinclination

on the part of the elder children to resume their former mode of

life and customs that might perhaps have been expected; for whilst

still at school they see and participate enough in the sports,

pleasures, or charms of savage life to prevent their acquiring a distaste

to it; and when the time arrives for their departure, they are generally

willing and anxious to enter upon the career before them, and take their

part in the pursuits or duties of their tribe. Boys usually leave school

about fourteen, to join in the chase, or learn the practice of war. Girls

are compelled to leave about twelve, through the joint influence of

parents and husbands, to join the latter; and those only who have been

acquainted with the life of slavery and degradation a native female is

subject to, can at all form an opinion of the wretched prospect before

her.

[Note 108: The importance of a change in the system and policy adopted

towards the Aborigines, and the urgent necessity for placing the schools

upon a different and better footing, appears from the following extract

from a despatch from Governor Hutt to Lord Stanley, 21st January, 1843, in

which the difficulties and failure attending the present system are

stated. Mr. Hutt says (Parliamentary Reports, p. 416). "It is to the

schools, of course, that we must look for any lasting benefit to be

wrought amongst the natives, and I regret most deeply the total

failure of the school instituted at York, and the partial failure

of that at Guilford, both of which at FIRST promised so well. The

fickle disposition of these people, in youth as in older years,

incapacitate them from any long continued exertions, whether of

learning or labour, whilst from the roving lives of the parents in

search of food, the children, if received into the schools, must

be entirely supported at the public expense. This limits the sphere

of our operations, by restricting the number of the scholars who

can thus be taken charge of. Through the kindly co-operation of the

Wesleyan Society at Perth, and the zealous pastoral exertions of the Rev.

Mr. King at Fremantle, the schools at both these places have been

efficiently maintained; but in the country, and apart from the large

towns, to which the Aborigines have an interest in resorting in large

numbers for food and money, the formation of schools of a lasting

character will be for some time a work of doubt and of difficulty."]

There are two other points connected with the natives to which I will

briefly advert: the one, relative to the language in which the school

children are taught, the other, the policy, or otherwise, of having

establishments for the natives in the immediate vicinity of a town, or of

a numerous European population.

With respect to the first, I may premise, that for the first four years

the school at the location in Adelaide was conducted entirely in the

native tongue. To this there are many objections.

First, the length of time and labour required for the instructor to

master the language he has to teach in.

Secondly, the very few natives to whom he can impart the advantages of

instruction, as an additional school, and another teacher would be

required for every tribe speaking a different dialect.

Thirdly, the sudden stop that would be put to all instruction if the

preceptor became ill, or died, as no one would be found able to supply

his place in a country where, from the number, and great differences of

the various dialects, there is no inducement to the public to learn any

of them.

Fourthly, that by the children being taught in any other tongue than that

generally spoken by the colonists, they are debarred from the advantage

of any casual instruction or information which they might receive from

others than their own teachers, and from entering upon duties or

relations of any kind with the Europeans among whom they are living, but

whose language they cannot speak.

Fifthly, that, by adhering to the native language, the children are more

deeply confirmed in their original feelings and prejudices, and more

thoroughly kept under the influence and direction of their own people.

Among the colonists themselves there have scarcely been two opinions upon

the subject, and almost all have felt, that the system originally adopted

was essentially wrong. It has recently been changed, and the English is

now adopted instead of the native language. I should not have named this

subject at all, had I not been aware that the missionaries themselves

still retain their former impressions, and that although they have

yielded to public opinion on this point, they have not done so from a

conviction of its utility.

The second point to which I referred,--the policy, or otherwise, of

having native establishments near a populous European settlement, is a

much more comprehensive question, and one which might admit, perhaps, of

some reasons on both sides, although, upon the whole, those against it

greatly preponderate.

The following are the reasons I have usually heard argued for proximity

to town.

1st. It is said that the children sooner acquire the English language by

mixing among the towns people. This, however, to say the least, is a very

negative advantage, for in such a contact it is far more probable that

they will learn evil than good; besides, if means were available to

enable the masters to keep their scholars under proper restrictions,

there would no longer be even the opportunity for enjoying this very

equivocal advantage.

2nd. It is stated that the natives are sooner compelled to give up their

wandering habits, as there is no game near a town. This might be well

enough if they followed any better employment, but the contrary is the

case; and with respect to the school-children, the restriction would be

the correction of a bad habit, which they ought never to be allowed to

indulge in, and one which might soon be done away with entirely if

sufficient inducement were held out to the parents to put their children

to school, and allow them to remain there.

3rd. It is thought that a greater number of children can be collected in

the vicinity of a town than elsewhere. This may perhaps be the case at

present, but would not continue so if means were used to congregate the

natives in their own proper districts.

4th. It is said that provisions and clothing are cheaper in town and more

easily procured than elsewhere. This is the only apparently valid reason

of the whole, but it is very questionable whether it is sufficient to

counterbalance the many evils which may result from too close a

contiguity to town, and especially so as far as the adults are concerned.

With respect to the children, if kept within proper bounds, and under

proper discipline, it is of little importance where they may be located,

and perhaps a town may for such purposes be sometimes the best. With the

older natives however it is far different, and the evils resulting to

them from too close contact with a large European population, are most

plainly apparent; in,--

1st. The immorality, which great as it is among savages in their natural

state, is increased in a tenfold degree when encouraged and countenanced

by Europeans, and but little opening is left for the exercise of

missionary influence or exertions.

2nd. The dreadful state of disease which is superinduced, and which

tends, in conjunction with other causes as before stated, to bring about

the gradual extinction of the race.

3rd. The encouragement a town affords to idleness, and the opportunities

to acquire bad habits, such as begging, pilfering, drinking, etc. the

effects of which must also have a very bad moral tendency upon the

children.

The town of Adelaide appears capable of supporting about six hundred

natives on an average. Many of these obtain their food by going errands,

by carrying wood or water, or by performing other light work of a similar

kind. Many are supported by the offal of a place where so much animal

food is consumed; but by far the greater number are dependent upon

charity, and some few even extort their subsistence from women or

children by threats, if they have the opportunity of doing so without

fear of detection.

The number of natives usually frequenting the town of Adelaide averages

perhaps 300, but occasionally there are even as many as 800. These do not

belong to the neighbourhood of the town itself, for the Adelaide tribe

properly so called only embraces about 150 individuals. The others come

in detached parties from almost all parts of the colony. Some from the

neighbourhood of Bonney's Well, or 120 miles south; some from the

Broughton, or 120 miles north; some from the upper part of the Murray, or

nearly 200 miles east. Thus are assembled at one spot sometimes portions

of tribes the most distant from each other, and whose languages, customs

and ceremonies are quite dissimilar. If any proof were wanted to shew the

power of European influence in removing prejudices or effecting a total

revulsion of their former habits and customs, a stronger one could

scarcely be given than this motley assembly of "all nations and

languages." In their primitive state such a meeting could never take

place; the distant tribes would never have dreamt of attempting to pass

through the country of the intermediate ones, nor would the latter have

allowed a passage if it had been attempted.

I have remarked that in Adelaide many of the natives support themselves

by light easy work, or going errands; there are also a dozen, or fourteen

young men employed regularly as porters to storekeepers with whom they

spend two-thirds of their time, and make themselves very useful. At

harvest time many natives assist the settlers. At Encounter Bay during

1843, from 70 to 100 acres of wheat or barley, were reaped by them; at

Adelaide from 50 to 60 acres, and at Lynedoch Valley they aided in

cutting and getting in 200 acres. Other natives have occasionally

employed themselves usefully in a variety of ways, and one party of young

men collected and delivered to a firm in town five tons of mimosa bark up

to December 1843. At the native location during the year 1842, three

families of natives assisted by the school-children, had dug with the

spade the ground, and had planted and reaped more than one acre of maize,

one acre of potatoes, and half an acre of melons, besides preparing

ground for the ensuing year. On the Murray River native shepherds and

stock-keepers have hitherto been employed almost exclusively, and have

been found to answer well. Most of the settlers in that district have one

or more native youths constantly living at their houses.

In concluding an account of the present state and prospects of the

Aborigines and of the efforts hitherto made on their behalf, I may state

that I am fully sensible that to put the schools upon a proper footing

and to do away with the serious disadvantages I have pointed out as at

present attending them, or to adopt effective means for assembling,

feeding, or instructing the natives in their own respective districts

would involve a much greater expenditure than South Australia has

hitherto been able to afford from her own resources; and I have therefore

called attention to the subject, not for the purpose of censuring what it

is impossible to remedy without means; but in the sincere and earnest

hope that an interest in behalf of a people who are generally much

misrepresented, and who are certainly in justice entitled to expect at

our hands much more than they receive, will be excited in the breasts of

the British public, who are especially their debtors on many accounts.

I am aware that the subject of the Aborigines is one of a very difficult

and embarrassing nature in many respects, and I know that evils and

imperfections will occasionally occur, in spite of the utmost efforts to

prevent them. No system of policy can be made to suit all circumstances

connected with a subject so varied and perplexing, and especially so,

where every new arrangement and all benevolent intentions are restrained

or limited, by the deficiency of pecuniary means to carry out the object

in a proper manner. Already the subject of apprenticing the natives, or

teaching them a trade, has been under the consideration of the

Government, but has been delayed from being brought into operation by the

want of funds sufficient to carry the object into effect. It is intended,

I believe, to make the experiment as soon as means are available for that

purpose.

My duties as an officer of the Government having been principally

connected with the more numerous, but distant tribes of the interior, I

can bear testimony to the anxious desire of the Government to promote the

welfare of the natives.

I have equal pleasure in recording the great interest that prevails on

their behalf among their numerous friends in the colonies, and the

general kindness and good feeling that have been exhibited towards them

on the part of a large proportion of the colonists of Australia. It is in

the hope that this good feeling may be promoted and strengthened that I

have been led to enter into the details of the preceding pages. In

bringing before the public instances of a contrary conduct or feeling, I

by no means wish to lead to the impression that such are now of very

frequent or general occurrence, and I trust my motives may not be

misunderstood. My sole, my only wish has been to bring about an

improvement in the terms of intercourse, which subsists between the

settlers and the Aborigines. Whilst advocating the cause of the latter, I

am not insensible to the claims of the former, who leaving their native

country and their friends, cheerfully encounter the inconveniences,

toils, privations, and dangers which are necessarily attendant upon

founding new homes in the remote and trackless wilds of other climes.

Strongly impressed with the advantages, and the necessity of

colonization, I am only anxious to mitigate its concomitant evils, and by

effecting an amelioration in the treatment and circumstances of the

Aborigines, point out the means of rendering the residence or pursuits of

the settler among an uncivilized community, less precarious, and less

hazardous than they have been. My object has been to shew the result, I

may almost say, the necessary result of the system at present in force,

when taking possession of and occupying a country where there are

indigenous races. By shewing the complete failure of all efforts hitherto

made, to prevent the oppression and eventual extinction of these

unfortunate people, I would demonstrate the necessity of remodelling the

arrangements made on their behalf, and of adopting a more equitable and

liberal system than any we have yet attempted.

I believe that by far the greater majority of the settlers in all the

Australian Colonies would hail with real pleasure, the adoption of any

measures calculated to remove the difficulties, which at present beset

our relations with the Aborigines; but to be effectual, these measures,

at the same time that they afford, in some degree, compensation and

support to the dispossessed and starving native--must equally hold out to

the settler and the stockholder that security and protection, which he

does not now possess, but which he is fairly entitled to expect, under

the implied guarantee given to him by the Government, when selling to him

his land, or authorizing him to locate in the more remote districts of

the country.

From a long experience, and an attentive observation of what has been

going on around me, I am perfectly satisfied, that unless some great

change be made in our system, things will go on exactly as they have

done, and in a few years more not a native will be left to tell the tale

of the wrongs and sufferings of his unhappy race. I am equally convinced

that all one-sided legislation--all measures having reference solely to

the natives must fail. The complete want of success attending the

protecting system, and all other past measures, clearly shew, that unless

the interests of the two classes can be so interwoven and combined, that

both may prosper together; no real good can be hoped for from our best

efforts to ameliorate the condition of the savage. In all future plans it

is evident that the native must have the inducements and provocations to

crime destroyed or counteracted, as far as it may be practicable to

effect this, and the settler must be convinced that it is his interest to

treat the native with kindness and consideration, and must be able to

feel that he is no longer exposed to risk of life or property for

injuries or aggressions, which, as an individual, he has not induced.

I have now nearly discharged the duty I have undertaken--a duty which my

long experience among the natives, and an intimate acquaintance with

their peculiarities, habits, and customs, has in a measure almost forced

upon me. In fulfilling it, I have been obliged to enter at some length

upon the subject, to give as succinct an account as I could of the

unfavourable impressions that have often, but unjustly, been entertained

of the New Hollanders: of the difficulties and disadvantages they have

laboured under, of the various relations that have subsisted, or now

subsist between them and the colonists, of the different steps that have

been adopted by the Government or others, to ameliorate their condition,

and of the degree of success or otherwise that has attended these

efforts. I have stated, that from the result of my own experience and

observation, for a long series of years past, from a practical

acquaintance with the character and peculiarities of the Aborigines, and

after a deliberate and attentive consideration of the measures that have

been hitherto pursued, I have unwillingly been forced to the conviction,

that some great and radical defect has been common to all; that we have

not hitherto accomplished one single, useful, or permanent result; and

that unless a complete change in our system of policy be adopted for the

future, there is not the slightest hope of our efforts being more

successful in times to come, than they have been in times past. That I am

not alone or singular in the view which I take on this subject, may be

shewn from various sources, but most forcibly from the opinions or

statements of those, who from being upon the spot, and personally

acquainted with the real facts of the case, may be supposed to be most

competent to form just conclusions, and most worthy of having weight

attached to their opinions. The impression on the public mind in the

colonies, with respect to the general effect of the measures that have

heretofore been adopted, may be gathered from the many opinions or

quotations to which I have already referred in my remarks; many others

might be adduced, if necessary, but one or two will suffice.

The following extract is from a speech by A. Forster, Esq. at a meeting

held to celebrate the anniversary of the South Australian Missionary

Society, on the 6th September, 1843, and at which the Governor of the

Colony presided:--

"This colony had been established for nearly seven years, and during the

whole of that time the natives had been permitted to go about the streets

in a state of nudity. [Note 109 at end of para.] This was not only an

outrage on decency and propriety, but it was demoralising to the natives

themselves. Like Adam, after having come in contact with the tree of

knowledge, they had begun to see their own nakedness, and were ashamed

of it. If they could give them a nearer approach to humanity by clothing

them, if they could make them look like men, they would then, perhaps,

begin to think like men. What he complained of was, not that they were

in a low and miserable condition, but that no effort had been made to

rescue them from that condition."

[Note 109: And yet a law is passed, subjecting natives, who appear thus,

to punishment!--How are they to clothe themselves?]

"The circumstances, too, of the aborigines called upon them for increased

exertion. They were wasting away with disease--they were dying on the

scaffold--they were being shot down in mistake for native dogs, and their

bleeding and ghastly heads had been exhibited on poles, as scare-crows to

their fellows."

The report of the Missionary Society, read on the same occasion, says,

"Though it is undeniable that there is much to discourage in the small

results which can yet be reckoned from these efforts, and a variety of

secondary means might be brought to bear with great advantage on the

condition of the natives, still we must exercise faith in the power of

the Spirit of God, over the most savage soul, in subduing the wicked

passions and inclining the heart unto wisdom by exalted views of a future

state, and of the divine character and will."

Captain Grey's opinion of the little good that had ever been

accomplished, may be gathered from the following quotation, and which is

fully as applicable to the state of the natives in 1844, as it was in

1841. Vol. ii. p. 366, he says,

"I wish not to assert, that the natives have been often treated with

wanton cruelty, but I do not hesitate to say, that no real amelioration

of their condition has been effected, and that much of negative evil, and

indirect injury has been inflicted on them."

Upon the same subject, the Committee of Management of the Native School

at Perth, Swan River, Western Australia, state in their 3rd Annual

Report, dated 1844.

"With regard to the physical condition of the native children, and those

who are approaching to mature life, it may be observed, that they are

somewhat improving, though slowly, we trust surely. We find that to undo

is a great work; to disassociate them from their natural ideas, habits,

and practices which are characteristic of the bush life, is a greater

difficulty, for notwithstanding the provisions of sleeping berths in good

rooms, also of tables, etc. for their use, and which are peculiar to

civilised life, and with which they are associated, yet they naturally

verge towards, and cling to aboriginal education, and hence to squat on

the sand to eat, to sleep a night in the bush, to have recourse to a

Byly-a-duck man for ease in sickness; these to them seem reliefs and

enjoyments from these restraints which civilized life entails upon them."

"With regard to the mental improvement of the native children, we cannot

say much."

"As to the religious state of the pupils in the institution we have

signs, improvements, and encouragements, which say to us, 'Go on.'"

The following quotation from Count Strzelecki's work only just published

(1845), shews the opinion of that talented and intelligent traveller,

after visiting various districts of New South Wales, Port Phillip, Van

Diemen's Land, and Flinders' Island, and after a personal acquaintance

with, and experience among the Aborigines:--

"Thus, in New South Wales, since the time that the fate of the

Australasian awoke the sympathies of the public, neither the efforts of

the missionary, nor the enactments of the Government, and still less the

Protectorate of the "Protectors," have effected any good. The attempts to

civilize and christianize the Aborigines, from which the preservation and

elevation of their race was expected to result, HAVE UTTERLY FAILED,

though it is consolatory, even while painful, to confess, that NEITHER

THE ONE NOR THE OTHER ATTEMPT HAS BEEN CARRIED INTO EXECUTION, WITH THE

SPIRIT WHICH ACCORDS WITH ITS PRINCIPLES."

With such slight encouragement in colonies where the best results are

supposed to have been obtained, and with instances of complete failure in

others, it is surely worth while to inquire, why there has been such a

signal want of success?--and whether or not any means can be devised that

may hold out better hopes for the future? I cannot and I would not

willingly believe, that the question is a hopeless one. The failure of

past measures is no reason that future ones should not be more

successful, especially when we consider, that all past efforts on behalf

of the Aborigines have entirely overlooked the wrongs and injuries they

are suffering under from our mere presence in their country, whilst none

have been adapted to meet the exigencies of the peculiar relations they

are placed in with regard to the colonists. The grand error of all our

past or present systems--the very fons et origo mali appears to me to

consist in the fact, that we have not endeavoured to blend the interests

of the settlers and Aborigines together; and by making it the interest of

both to live on terms of kindness and good feeling with each, bring about

and cement that union and harmony which ought ever to subsist between

people inhabiting the same country. So far, however, from our measures

producing this very desirable tendency, they have hitherto,

unfortunately, had only a contrary effect. By our injustice and

oppression towards the natives, we have provoked them to retaliation and

revenge; whilst by not affording security and protection to the settlers,

we have driven them to protect themselves. Mutual distrusts and mutual

misunderstandings have been the necessary consequence, and these, as must

ever be the case, have but too often terminated in collisions or

atrocities at which every right-thinking mind must shudder. To prevent

these calamities for the future; to check the frightful rapidity with

which the native tribes are being swept away from the earth, and to

render their presence amidst our colonists and settlers, not as it too

often hitherto has been, a source of dread and danger, but harmless, and

to a certain extent, even useful and desirable, is an object of the

deepestinterest and importance, both to the politician and to the

philanthropist. I have strong hopes, that means may be devised, to bring

about, in a great measure, these very desirable results; and I would

suggest, that such means only should be tried, as from being just in

principle, and equally calculated to promote the interests of both races,

may, in their practical adoption, hold out the fairest prospect of

efficacy and success.

Chapter IX.

SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVEMENT OF SYSTEM ADOPTED TOWARDS THE NATIVES.

In the preceding chapters I have given a general outline of the

character, manners, and customs of the Aborigines of Australia, and of

the effects produced upon them by a contact with civilization.

I have thus endeavoured to lay before the public their present state and

future prospects, and as far as I am able, have attempted to explain what

appear to me the reasons that so little success has hitherto attended

Missionary, or other efforts, in their behalf. I would sincerely hope,

that the accounts which I have given, may not be altogether useless; but

that a certain knowledge of the real position of the natives, of the just

claims they have upon us, and of the little prospect that exists of any

real or permanent good being effected for them, until a great alteration

takes place in our system, and treatment, may be the means of attracting

attention to their condition, and of enlisting the sympathy of my

fellow-countrymen in their cause.

Englishmen have ever been ready to come forward to protect the weak, or

the oppressed; nor could they lend their aid to promote a greater, or a

nobler work, than that of endeavouring, to arrest the decay, and avert

the destruction which at present threatens the aboriginal races of our

Australian colonies; and to try at least to bring within the pale of

christianity and civilization, a people hitherto considered as the

lowest, and most irreclaimable of mankind, but whose natural capabilities

and endowments, are, I feel assured, by no means inferior to those of the

most favoured nations.

I shall now briefly suggest such alterations and additions, in the system

of instruction and policy adopted towards them, as appear to me likely to

prove beneficial.

I am aware, that in carrying out the improvements I propose, a greatly

increased expenditure on behalf of the natives would be necessary, beyond

what has hitherto been allowed by any of the Colonial Governments.

It appears to me, however, that they are justly entitled to expect, at

our hands, some compensation for the injuries our presence unavoidably

inflicts, and some alleviation of the consequent miseries they are

suffering under.

If we are sincere in our desires and efforts to promote the improvement,

or prevent the decay of this unfortunate people, we are bound to make our

measures sufficiently comprehensive to hold out some reasonable hope of

success, otherwise our labour and money are only thrown away.

I do not believe that there is any one practically acquainted with the

present state of our relations with the Aborigines, and the system

adopted towards them, its working, defects, and inaptitude to overcome

opposing difficulties, who would conscientiously assert that there is the

least prospect of any greater benefits resulting in future than have been

realized up to the present time.

There is another reason, independently of justice or humanity, one which,

with some, may perhaps have more weight, as a motive for extending and

amending our policy towards the natives. I mean self-interest. If our

measures were calculated to afford them that protection which we claim

for ourselves; and in place of those resources we have deprived them of,

to offer to them a certain and regular supply of food in their respective

districts, their wandering habits would be partially restrained, and a

degree of influence and authority acquired over the whole aboriginal

population, in contact with Europeans, which would counteract their

natural propensities. The flocks and herds of the settlers, and the lives

of his family and servants, would be as unmolested and uninjured as among

our own people. There would no longer occur those irritating aggressions,

or bloody retaliations, which have too often taken place heretofore,

between the black and the white man; and the misfortune of always having

the border districts in a state of excitement and alarm, would be

avoided, whilst the expense and inconvenience of occasionally sending

large parties of military and police, to coerce or punish transgressors

that they can rarely meet with, would be altogether dispensed with.

Unfortunately, the system I propose has been so little tried in

Australia, that but few instances of its practical results can be

adduced. There is one instance, however, which, from its coming nearer to

it than any other, may serve to exemplify the success that might be

expected. The case I allude to, is that of the establishment of the

Government post at Moorunde, upon the Murray, in October 1841, by His

Excellency Governor Grey. The circumstances which led to the formation of

this post, arose from the disturbed and dangerous state the river route

from New South Wales was in at the time, from the fearful losses that had

occurred both of life and property, and the dread entertained by many,

that the out-stations, which were formed along the line of hills fronting

the Murray, would be subject to irruptions from the natives.

Between the 16th of April, and 27th of August, or in about four months,

four several affrays had taken place between the Aborigines and

Europeans, in which many of the latter had been killed, and stock, drays,

and other property, had been taken to a great value, (in one instance

alone amounting to 5,000 sheep, besides drays and stores); on the other

hand the sacrifice of native life had been very great, and was admitted

in one case, to have amounted to thirty individuals, exclusive of many

who were perhaps mortally wounded. Four different parties had been sent

up the river during this short period, to punish aggressions. or protect

property. In one of these the Europeans were worsted and driven back by

the natives, in another a number amounting to sixty-eight Europeans, were

absent for upwards of six weeks, at an immense expense, and were then

obliged to return without bringing in a single culprit from the offending

tribes.

[Note 110: In this latter case, the Commissioner of Police, and the

greater number of his men, accompanied the expedition, leaving of course

the colony unprotected, and ordinary civil arrangements at a stand still

until their return. I have already remarked, the little chance there is,

of either the police or military ever succeeding in capturing native

offenders, and how very frequently it has occurred, that in their attempts

to do so, either through mistake, or from mismanagement, they have very

often been guilty of most serious and lamentable acts of injury and

aggression upon the innocent and the unoffending. As a mere matter of

policy, or financial arrangement, I believe it would in the long run,

be prudent and economical, to adopt a liberal and just line of treatment

towards the Aborigines. I believe by this means, we should gain a

sufficient degree of influence, to induce them always to GIVE UP OFFENDERS

THEMSELVES; and I believe that this is the ONLY MEANS by which we can ever

hope to ensure their CAPTURE.]

The line of route had become unsafe and dangerous for any party coming

from New South Wales; a feeling of bitter hostility, arising from a sense

of injury and aggression, had taken possession both of the natives and

the Europeans, and it was evident for the future, that if the European

party was weak, the natives would rob and murder them, and if otherwise,

that they would commit wholesale butchery upon the natives. It was to

remedy this melancholy state of affairs, that the Government station at

Moorunde was established, and his Excellency the Governor, did me the

honour to confide to my management the carrying out the objects proposed.

The instructions I received, and the principles upon which I attempted to

carry out those instructions, were exclusively those of conciliation and

kindness. I made it my duty to go personally amongst the most distant and

hostile tribes, to explain to them that the white man wished to live with

them, upon terms of amity, and that instead of injuring, he was most

anxious to hold out the olive branch of peace.

By the liberality of the Government, I had it in my power once every

month, to assemble all the natives who chose to collect, whether from

near or more distant tribes, and to give to each a sufficiency of flour

to last for about two days, and once in the year, at the commencement of

winter, to bestow upon some few of the most deserving, blankets as a

protection against the cold.

How far success attended the system that was adopted, or the exertions

that were made, it is scarcely perhaps becoming in me to say: where the

object, however, is simply and solely to try to benefit the Aborigines,

and by contrasting the effects of different systems, that have been

adopted towards them, to endeavour to recommend the best, I must, even at

the risk of being deemed egotistical, point out some of the important and

beneficial results that accrued at Moorunde.

In the first place, I may state that the dread of settling upon the

Murray, has so far given place to confidence, that from Wellington (near

the Lake), to beyond the Great South Bend, a distance of more than 100

miles, the whole line of river is now settled and occupied by stock,

where, in 1841, there was not a single European, a herd of cattle, or a

flock of sheep; nay, the very natives who were so much feared then, are

looked upon now as an additional inducement to locate, since the services

of the boys or young men, save in great measure the expense of European

servants. There are few residents on the Murray, who do not employ one or

more of these people, and at many stations, I have known the sheep or

cattle, partially, and in some instances, wholly attended to by them.

For three years I was resident at Moorunde, and during the whole of that

time, up to November, 1844, not a single case of serious aggression,

either on the persons or property of Europeans had ever occurred, and but

very few offences even of a minor character. The only crime of any

importance that was committed in my neighbourhood, was at a sheep

station, about 25 miles to the westward, where somefew sheep were stolen,

by a tribe of natives during the absence or neglect of the men attending

them. By a want of proper care and precaution, temptation was thrown in

the way of the natives, but even then, it was only some few of the young

men who were guilty of the offence; none of the elder or more influential

members of the tribe, having had any thing to do with it. Neither did the

tribe belong to the Murray river, although they occasionally came down

there upon visits. There was no evidence to prove that the natives had

stolen the sheep at all; the only fact which could be borne witness to,

was that so many sheep were missing, and it was supposed the natives had

taken them. As soon as I was made acquainted with the circumstances, I

made every inquiry among the tribe suspected, and it was at once admitted

by the elder men that the youths had been guilty of the offence. At my

earnest solicitations, and representations of the policy of so doing, the

culprits, five in number, WERE BROUGHT IN AND DELIVERED UP BY THEIR

TRIBE. No evidence could be procured against them, and after remanding

them from time to time as a punishment, I was obliged to discharge them.

I may now remark, that upon inquiry into the case, and in examining

witnesses against the natives, it came out in evidence, that at the same

station, and not long before, a native HAD BEEN FIRED AT, (with what

effect did not appear,) simply because he SEEMED to be going towards the

sheep-folds, which were a long way from the hut, and were directly in the

line of route of any one either passing towards Adelaide, or to any of

the more northern stations. Another case occurred about the same time,

and at the same station, where an intelligent and well-conducted native,

belonging to Moorunde, was sent by a gentleman at the Murray to a

surgeon, living about sixty miles off, with a letter, and for medicines.

The native upon reaching this station, which he had to pass, was

ASSAULTED AND OPPOSED BY A MAN, ARMED WITH A MUSKET, and if not fired at,

(which he said he was,) was at least intimidated, and driven back, and

PREVENTED FROM GOING FOR THE MEDICINES FOR THE INDIVIDUAL WHO WAS ILL. I

myself knew the native who was sent, to be one of the most orderly and

well-conducted men we had at the Murray; in fact he had frequently, at

different times, been living with me as an attache to the police force.

In the second place, I may state, that during the time I have held office

at Moorunde, I have frequently visited on the most friendly terms, and

almost alone, the most distant and hostile tribes, where so short a time

before even large and well-armed bodies of Europeans could not pass

uninterrupted or in safety. Many of those very natives, who had been

concerned in affrays or aggressions, have since travelled hundreds of

miles and encountered hunger and thirst and fatigue, to visit a white

man's station in peace, and on friendly terms.

Thirdly, I may observe, that ever since I went to the Murray, instead of

shewing signs of enmity or hostility, the natives have acted in the most

kind and considerate manner, and have upon all occasions, when I have

been travelling in less known and more remote districts, willingly

accompanied me as guides and interpreters, introducing me from one tribe

to another, and explaining the amicable relations I wished to establish.

In one case, a native, whom I met by himself, accompanied me at once,

without even saying good-bye to his wife and family, who were a mile or

two away, and whom, as he was going to a distance of one hundred and

fifty miles and back, he was not likely to see for a great length of

time. He was quite content to send a message by the first native he met,

to say where he was going. In my intercourse with the Aborigines I have

always noticed that they would willingly do any thing for a person whom

they were attached to. I have found that an influence, amounting almost

to authority, is produced by a system of kindness; and that in cases

where their own feelings and wishes were in opposition to the particular

object for which this influence might be exercised, that the latter would

almost invariably prevail. Thus, upon one occasion in Adelaide, where a

very large body of the Murray natives were collected to fight those from

Encounter Bay, I was directed by the Government to use my influence to

prevent the affray. Upon going to their encampment late at night, I

explained the object of my visit to them, and requested them to leave

town in the morning, and return to their own district, (90 miles away.)

In the morning I again went to the native camp, and found them all ready,

and an hour afterwards there was not one in Adelaide. Another strong

instance of the power that may be acquired over the natives occurred at

Moorunde, in 1844:--Several tribes were assembled in the neighbourhood,

and were, as I was told, going to fight. I walked down towards their huts

to see if this was the case, but upon arriving at the native camps I

found them deserted, and all the natives about a quarter of a mile away,

on the opposite side of a broad deep sheet of water caused by the floods.

As I reached the edge of the water I saw the opposing parties closing,

and heard the cry of battle as the affray commenced; raising my voice to

the utmost, I called out to them, and was heard, even above the din of

combat. In a moment all was as still as the grave, a canoe was brought

for me to cross, and I found the assembled tribes fully painted and

armed, and anxiously waiting to know what I was going to do. It was by

this time nearly dark, and although I had no fears of their renewing the

fight again for the night, I knew they would do so early in the morning;

I accordingly directed them to separate, and remove their encampments.

One party I sent up the river, a second down it, a third remained where

they were, and two others I made recross the water, and go up to encamp

near my own residence. All this was accomplished solely by the influence

I had acquired over them, for I was alone and unarmed among 300 natives,

whose angry passions were inflamed, and who were bent upon shedding each

others' blood.

By the assistance of the natives, I was enabled in December 1843, to

ascend the Darling river as far as Laidley's Ponds (above 300 miles from

Moorunde) when accompanied only by two other Europeans, and should have

probably been enabled to reach Mount Lyell (100 miles further) but that a

severe attack of illness compelled me to return. My journey up the

Darling had, however, this good effect, that it opened a friendly

communication with natives who had never before come in contact with the

white man, except in enmity or in contest, and paved the way for a

passage upon friendly terms of any expedition that might be sent by that

route to explore the continent. Little did I anticipate at the time, how

soon such an expedition was to be undertaken, and how strongly and how

successfully the good results I so confidently hoped for were to be fully

tested.

In August 1844, Captain Sturt passed up the Murray to explore the country

north-west of the Darling, and whilst at Moorunde, on his route, was

supplied with a Moorunde boy to accompany his party to track stock, and

also with a native of the Rufus named And-buck, to go as guide and

interpreter to the Darling. The latter native had accompanied me to

Laidley's Ponds in December 1843, and had come down to Moorunde,

according to a promise he then made me, to visit me in the winter, and go

again with me up the Darling, if I wished it. At Laidley's Ponds I found

the natives very friendly and well conducted, and one of them, a young

man named Topar, was of such an open intelligent disposition that

although my own acquaintance with him was of very short duration, I did

not hesitate to recommend him strongly to my friend Captain Sturt, as

likely to be a willing and useful assistant. The following report from

Captain Sturt, dated from Laidley's Ponds, will best shew how far I was

justified in expecting that a friendly intercourse might be maintained

even with the Darling natives, and to what distance the influence of the

Government station at Moorunde had extended, upon the conciliatory system

that had been adopted, limited though it was by an inadequacy of funds to

provide for such a more extended and liberal treatment of the Aborigines

as I should wish to have adopted.

"Sir,--Feeling assured that the Governor would be anxious to hear from me

as soon as possible after the receipt of my letters from Lake Victoria, I

should have taken the earliest opportunity of forwarding despatches to

his Excellency after I had ascertained whether the reports I had heard of

the massacre of a party of overlanders at the lagoons on the Darling was

founded in fact or not; but having been obliged to cross over from the

ana-branch of the Darling to that river itself for water,--and its

unlooked-for course having taken me greatly to the eastward, I had no

opportunity by which to send to Moorunde, although I was most anxious to

allay any apprehensions my former letter might have raised as to the

safety of my party. I tried to induce several natives to be the bearers

of my despatches, but they seemed unwilling to undertake so long a

journey; the arrival, therefore, of a messenger from Moorunde was a most

welcome occurrence, as he proposes returning to that place immediately,

and will be the bearer of this communication to you.

"In continuing, for his Excellency's information, the detail of the

proceedings of the expedition under my orders since I last addressed you,

I have the honour to state that I had advanced a considerable way up the

Darling before I ascertained satisfactorily the true grounds of the

report I had heard at Lake Victoria, and was enabled to dismiss all

further anxiety on the subject from my mind.

"It referred to the affray which took place on the Darling, opposite to

Laidley's Ponds, between Major Mitchell and the natives; and I conclude

that the circumstance of our being about to proceed to the same place,

recalled a transaction which had occurred eight years ago to their minds;

for we can trace a connection between the story we heard at the Lake, and

what we have heard upon the spot; but all the circumstances were at first

told to us with such minuteness, that coupling them with the character

Major Mitchell has given of the Darling natives, and the generally

received opinion of their ferocity and daring, we could hardly refuse

giving a certain degree of credit to what we heard; more especially as it

was once or twice confirmed by natives with whom we communicated on our

way up the river. I really feared we should come into collision with

these people, despite my reluctance to proceed to extremities; but it

will be satisfactory to his Excellency, as I trust it will to Lord

Stanley, to know that we have passed up the Darling on the most friendly

terms with the native tribes, insomuch that I may venture to hope that

our intercourse with them will be productive of much good. So far from

the show of any hostility, they may have invariably approached us

unarmed, nor have we seen a weapon in the hands of a native since we

touched upon the river. THEY HAVE CONSTANTLY SLEPT AT OUR FIRES, AND

SHEWN BY THEIR MANNER THAT THEY HAD EVERY CONFIDENCE IN US, BRINGING

THEIR WIVES AND CHILDREN TO THE CAMP, NOR AT ANY TIME GIVING US THE LEAST

ANNOYANCE, BUT ALWAYS SHEWING A WILLINGNESS TO SAVE US TROUBLE, AND TO DO

WHATEVER WE DESIRED THEM TO DO. NOTHING INDEED COULD HAVE BEEN MORE

SATISFACTORY TO US THAN OUR INTERCOURSE WITH THESE POOR PEOPLE, OR MORE

AMUSING THAN THE SPIRITS AND FEELINGS TO WHICH THEY HAVE GIVEN WAY BEFORE

US, WHEN UNCONTROLLED BY FEAR. MANY INDEED HAVE CONTINUED WITH US FOR

SOME TIME, AND HAVE EVINCED SINCERE AND MARKED SORROW AT LEAVING US. I

have made it a rule to give blankets to the old and infirm, and tomahawks

and knives to the young men, and they perfectly understand the reason of

this distinction. Finding too, that they consider kangaroos as their own

property, we have almost invariably given them all the animals the dogs

have killed, and have endeavoured to convince them that we wish to be

just, and have the kindest feelings toward them. In this humane duty I

have been most cordially assisted both by Mr. Poole and Mr. Browne, and I

must add, by the conduct of my men towards the natives, which reflects

very great credit upon them. WE HAVE RECEIVED VERY GREAT ASSISTANCE FROM

OUR GUIDES, WHO HAVE ALWAYS SMOOTHED THE WAY TO OUR COMMUNICATION WITH

THE DIFFERENT TRIBES; and I have earnestly to recommend Nadbuck, who has

accompanied us from Moorunde to this place, to the favour of the

Governor, and to request that he may be rewarded in such manner as his

Excellency thinks fit, from the funds of the expedition. We find that Mr.

Eyre's influence has extended to this place, and that he is considered in

the highest light by all the natives along the Darling. In their physical

condition they are inferior to the natives of the Murray in size and

strength, but we have seen many very handsome men, and, although

diminutive in stature, exceedingly well proportioned. The tribe at

Williorara, Laidley's Ponds, numbers about eighty souls; the greater

proportion women and children. One of them, Topar, accompanies us to the

hills with another native, Toonda, who has been with us since we left

Lake Victoria, and who is a native of this tribe. He is a very singular

and remarkable man, and is rather aged, but still sinewy and active;

Topar is young, and handsome, active, intelligent, and exceedingly good

natured;--with them I hope we shall be able to keep up our friendly

relations with the natives of the interior.

"I have to request that you will thank his Excellency for the prompt

assistance he would have afforded us; but I am sure it will be as

gratifying to him as it is to us to know that it is not required.

"As I reported to you in my letter of the 17th of September, I left Lake

Victoria on the following day, and crossing the country in a

south-easterly direction, reached the Murray after a journey of about

fifteen miles, over plains, and encamped on a peninsula formed by the

river and a lagoon, and on which there was abundance of feed. We had

observed numerous tracks of wild cattle leading from the brush across the

plains to the river, and at night our camp was surrounded by them. I

hoped, therefore, that if I sent out a party in the morning. I should

secure two or three working bullocks, and I accordingly detached Mr.

Poole and Mr. Browne, with Flood, my stockman, and Mack, to run them in;

but the brush was too thick, and in galloping after a fine bull, Flood's

carbine went off, and carried away and broke three of the fingers of his

right hand. This unfortunate accident obliged me to remain stationary for

a day; but we reached the junction of the ana-branch of the Darling with

the Murray, on the 23rd, and then turned for the first time to the

northward.

"We found the ana-branch filled by the back waters of the Murray, and ran

up it for two days, when the water in it ceased, and we were obliged to

cross over to the Darling, which we struck on an east course, about

eighteen miles above its junction with the Murray. It had scarcely any

water in its bed, and no perceptible current--but its neighbourhood was

green and grassy, and its whole aspect pleasing. On the 27th, we thought

we perceived a stronger current in the river, and observed small sticks

and grass floating on the water, and we were consequently led to believe

that there was a fresh in it; and as we had had rain, and saw that the

clouds hung on the mountains behind us, we were in hopes the supply the

river was receiving came from Laidley's Ponds. On the following morning

the waters of the Darling were half-bank high, and from an insignificant

stream it was at once converted into a broad and noble river, sweeping

everything away on its turbid waters at the rate of these or four miles

an hour. The river still continues to rise, and is fast filling the

creeks and lagoons on either side of it. The cattle enjoy the most

luxuriant feed on the banks of the river--there being abundance of grass

also in the flats, which far surpass those of the Murray both in richness

of soil, and in extent. I cannot but consider the river as a most

valuable feature of the interior: many a rich and valuable farm might be

established upon it. Its seasons appear to be particularly favourable,

for we have had gentle rains ever since we came upon it. Its periodical

flooding is also at a most favourable period of the year, and its waters

are so muddy that the deposit must be rich, and would facilitate the

growth of many of the inter-tropical productions, as cotton, indigo--the

native indigo growing to the height of three feet--maize, or flax;

whilst, if an available country is found in the interior, the Darling

must be the great channel of communication to it. The country behind the

flats is sandy and barren, but it would in many places support a certain

number of stock, and might be found to be of more value than appearances

would justify me in stating, and I would beg to be understood, in

speaking of the Darling, that I only speak of it as I have seen it. The

summer sun probably parches up the vegetation and unclothes the soil; but

such is the effect of summer heat in all similar latitudes, and that spot

should be considered the most valuable where the effect of solar heat can

be best counteracted by natural or artificial means. I had hoped, as I

have stated, that the Darling was receiving its accession of waters from

the Williorara (Laidley's Ponds); but on arriving on its banks we were

sadly disappointed to find, instead of a mountain stream, a creek only

connects the river with Cowandillah Lake; instead of supplying the

Darling with water it was robbing it, and there was scarcely a blade of

vegetation on its banks. I was, therefore, obliged to return to the

Darling, and to encamp until such time as I should determine on our next

movement. From some hills above the camp, we had a view of some ranges to

the north-west and north, and I detached Mr. Poole on the 4th to

ascertain the nature of the country between us and them, before I

ventured to remove the party; more especially as the natives told us the

interior beyond the ranges was perfectly impracticable. This morning Mr.

Poole returned, and informed me that, from the top of the ranges he

ascended, he had a view of distant ranges to the north and north-west, as

far as he could see; that from south-west to west to 13 degrees east of

north, there was water extending, amidst which there were numerous

islands; that there was a very distant high peak, which appeared to be

surrounded by water, which shewed as a dark blue line along the horizon.

The country between him and the more distant ranges appeared to be level,

and was similar in aspect to the plains we had traversed when approaching

the hills, which were covered with spear grass, a grass of which the

animals are fond, and thin green shrubs.

"I will not venture a conjecture as to the nature of the country whose

features have been thus partially developed to us. How far these waters

may stretch, and what the character of the ranges is, it is impossible to

say, but that there is a good country at no great distance, I have every

reason to hope. Mr. Poole states that the small scolloped parroquets

passed over his head from the north-west in thousands; and he observed

many new birds. I am therefore led to hope, that, as these first are

evidently strong on the wing on their arrival here, that the lands from

which they come are not very remote from us. So soon as I shall have

verified my position in a satisfactory manner,--which a clouded sky has

hitherto prevented my doing,--we shall move to the ranges, and leaving my

drays in a safe place, shall proceed with the horse teams to a closer

examination of the country, and, if I should find an open sea to

north-west, shall embark upon it with an ample supply of provisions and

water, and coast it round. The reports of the fine interior, which we

have heard from the natives, are so contradictory, that it is impossible

to place any reliance in them; but Toonda informs us that the water Mr.

Poole has seen is fresh--but as we are not more than two hundred and

fifteen feet above the sea, and are so near Lake Torrens, I can hardly

believe that such can be the case. It is a problem, however, that will

now very soon be solved, and I most sincerely trust this decided change

in the barrenness of the land will lead us to a rich and available

country.

"I have great pleasure in reporting to you the continued zeal and anxiety

of my officers, and the cheerful assistance they render me. I have found

Mr. Piesse of great value, from his regular and cautious issue of the

stores and provisions; and Mr. Stewart extremely useful as draftsman.

Amongst my men, I have to particularise Robert Flood, my stockman, whose

attention to the horses and cattle has mainly insured their fitness for

service and good condition; and I have every reason to feel satisfied

with the manner in which the men generally perform their duties.

"I have to apologize for the hurried manner in which this letter is

written, and beg to subscribe myself,

"Sir, your most obedient servant,

"CHARLES STURT."

With reference to the above report, I may mention in explanation, that,

after I had accompanied the exploring party as far as the Rufus, and

returned from thence to Moorunde, a rumour was brought to Captain Sturt

by some natives from the Darling, of a massacre said to have taken place

up that river near Laidley's Ponds. From being quite unacquainted with

the language not only of the Darling natives, but also of the Rufus

interpreter or the Moorunde boy, Captain Sturt's party had been only able

to make out the story that was told to them by signs or by the aid of

such few words of English as the boy might have learnt at Moorunde. They

had naturally fallen into some error, and had imagined the natives to be

describing the recent murder of a European party coming down the Darling

with stock, instead of their narrating, as was in reality the case, an

old story of the affray with Major Mitchell some years before. As Captain

Sturt was still at the Rufus (150 miles from Moorunde) when he received

the account, as he imagined, of so sanguinary an affray, he felt anxious

to communicate the occurrence to the Colonial Government as early as

possible, and for this purpose, induced two natives to bring down

despatches to Moorunde. Upon their arrival there, the policeman was

absent in town, and I had no means of sending in the letters to the

Government, but by natives. Two undertook the task, and walked from

Moorunde to Adelaide with the letters, and brought answers back again to

the station within five days, having walked 170 miles in that period,

Moorunde being 85 miles from Adelaide.

Again upon the Government wishing to communicate with Captain Sturt,

letters were taken by the natives up to the Rufus, delivered over to

other natives there, and by them carried onwards to Captain Sturt,

reaching that gentleman on the eleventh day after they been sent from

Moorunde, at Laidley's Ponds, a distance of 300 miles.

By this means a regular intercourse was kept up with the exploring party,

entirely through the aid and good feeling of the natives, up to the time

I left the colony, in December, 1844, when messengers who had been sent

up with despatches were daily expected back with answers. For their very

laborious and harassing journeys, during which they must suffer both some

degree of risk in passing through so many other tribes on their line of

route, and of hunger and other privations in prosecuting them, the

messengers are but ill requited; the good feeling they displayed, or the

fatigues they went through, being recompensed only by the present of a

SMALL BLANKET AND A FEW POUNDS OF FLOUR. With these facts before us can

we say that these natives are a ferocious, irreclaimable set of savages,

and destitute of all the better attributes of humanity? yet are they

often so maligned. The very natives, who have now acted in such a

friendly manner, and rendered such important services to Europeans, are

the SAME NATIVES who were engaged in the plundering of their property,

and taking away their lives when coming over land with stock. Such is the

change which has been effected by kindness and conciliation instead of

aggression and injury; and such, I think, I may in fairness argue, would

generally be the result if SIMILAR MEANS were more frequently resorted

to.

As yet Moorunde is the only place where the experiment has been made of

assembling the natives and giving food to them; but as far as it has been

tried, it has been proved to be eminently successful. I am aware that the

system is highly disapproved of by many of the colonists, and the general

feeling among them appears to be that nothing should be given where

nothing is received, or in other words, that a native should never have

any thing given to him until he does some work for it. I still maintain

that the native has a right to expect, and that we are IN JUSTICE BOUND

to supply him with food in any of those parts of the country that we

occupy, and to do this, too, WITHOUT demanding or requiring any other

consideration from him than we have ALREADY received when we TOOK FROM

HIM his possessions and his hunting grounds. It may be all very proper to

get him to work a little if we can--and, perhaps, that MIGHT follow in

time, but we have no right to force him to a labour he is unused to, and

WHICH HE NEVER HAD TO PERFORM IN HIS NATURAL STATE, whilst we have a

right to supply him with what he has been accustomed to, BUT OF WHICH WE

HAD DEPRIVED HIM--FOOD.

If in our relations with the Aborigines we wish to preserve a friendly

and bloodless intercourse; if we wish to have their children at our

schools to be taught and educated; if we hope to bring the parents into a

state that will better adapt them for the reception of christianity and

civilization; or if we care about staying the rapid and lamentable

ravages which a contact with us is causing among their tribes, we must

endeavour to do so, by removing, as far as possible, all sources of

irritation, discontent, or suffering. We must adopt a system which may at

once administer to their wants, and at the same time, give to us a

controlling influence over them; such as may not only restrain them from

doing what is wrong, but may eventually lead them to do what is right--an

influence which I feel assured would be but the stronger and more lasting

from its being founded upon acts of justice and humanity. It is upon

these principles that I have based the few suggestions I am going to

offer for the improvement of our policy towards the natives. I know that

by many they will be looked upon as chimerical or impracticable, and I

fear that more will begrudge the means necessary to carry them into

effect; but unless something of the kind be done--unless some great and

radical change be effected, and some little compensation made for the

wrongs and injuries we inflict--I feel thoroughly satisfied that all we

are doing is but time and money lost, that all our efforts on behalf of

the natives are but idle words--voces et preterea nihil--that things will

still go on as they have been going on, and that ten years hence we shall

have made no more progress either in civilizing or in christianizing them

than we had done ten years ago, whilst every day and every hour is

tending to bring about their certain and total extinction.

SUGGESTIONS FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE ABORIGINES.

1st. It appears that the most important point, in fact almost the only

essential one, in the first instance, is to gain such an influence or

authority over the Aborigines as may be sufficient to enable us to induce

them to adopt, or submit to any regulations that we make for their

improvement, and that to effect this, the means must be suited to their

circumtances and habits.

2ndly. It is desirable that the means employed should have a tendency to

restrain their wandering habits, and thus gradually induce them to locate

permanently in one place.

3rdly. It is important that the plan should be of such a nature as to

become more binding in its influence in proportion to the length of time

it is in operation.

4thly. It should hold out strong inducements to the parents, willingly to

allow their children to go to, and remain at the schools.

5thly. It should be such as would operate, in some degree, in weaning the

natives from towns or populous districts.

6thly. It should offer some provision for the future career of the

children upon their leaving school, and its tendency should be of such a

character as to diminish, as far as practicable, the attractions of a

savage life.

7thly. It is highly important that the system adopted should be such as

would add to the security and protection of the settlers, and thereby

induce their assistance and co-operation, instead, as has too often been

the case hitherto with past measures, of exciting a feeling of irritation

and dislike between the two races.

I believe that all these objects might be accomplished, in a great

degree, by distributing food regularly to all the natives, in their

respective districts.

[Note 111: The whole of my remarks on the Aborigines having been hurriedly

compiled, on board ship, during the voyage from Australia, it was not

until my arrival in England that I became aware that a plan somewhat

similar to this in principle, was submitted to Lord John Russell by a Mr.

J. H. Wedge, and was sent out to the colony of New South Wales, to be

reported upon by the authorities. I quote the following extract from Mr.

La Trobe's Remarks on Mr. Wedge's letter, as shewing an opinion differing

from my own (Parliamentary Papers, p. 130). "With reference to the supply

of food and clothing, it has not been hitherto deemed advisable to

furnish them indiscriminately to all natives visiting the homesteads. In

one case, that of the Western Port District, the assistant protector has

urged that this should be the case; but I have not felt myself

sufficiently convinced of the policy or expediency of such measure to

bring it under his Excellency's notice."]

I have previously shewn, that from the injuries the natives sustain at

our hands, in a deprivation of their usual means of subsistence, and a

banishment from their homes and possessions, there is at present no

alternative for them but to remain the abject and degraded creatures they

are, begging about from house to house, or from station to station, to

procure food, insulted and despised by all, and occasionally tempted or

driven to commit crimes for which a fearful penalty is enacted, if

brought home to them. I have given instances of the extent to which the

evils resulting from the anomalous state of our relations with them are

aggravated by the kind of feeling which circumstances engender on the

part of the Colonists towards them. I have pointed out the tendency of

their own habits and customs, to prevent them from rising in the scale of

improvement, until we can acquire an influence sufficient to counteract

these practices; and I have shewn that thus situated, oppressed,

helpless, and starving, we cannot expect they should make much progress

in civilization, or pay great regard to our instructions, when they see

that we do not practice what we recommend, and that we have one law for

ourselves and another for them. The good results that have been produced

when an opposite and more liberal system has been adopted (limited as

that system was) has also been stated. It is only fair to assume,

therefore, that these beneficial effects may be expected to accrue in an

increasing ratio in proportion to our liberality and humanity.

My own conviction is, that by adopting the system I recommend, an almost

unlimited influence might be acquired over the native population. I

believe that the supplying them with food would gradually bring about the

abandonment of their wandering habits, in proportion to the frequency of

the issue, that the longer they were thus dependent upon us for their

resources, the more binding our authority would be; that when they no

longer required their children to assist them in the chase or in war,

they would willingly allow them to remain at our schools; that by only

supplying food to natives in their own districts they would, in some

measure, be weaned from the towns; that by restraining the wandering

habits of the parents in this way, there would be fewer charms and less

temptation to the children to relapse from a comparative state of

civilization into one of barbarism again; and that, by supplying the

wants of the natives, and taking away all inducements to crime, a

security and protection would be afforded to the settlers which do not

now exist, and which, under the present system, can never be expected,

until the former have almost disappeared before their oppressors.

Many subordinate arrangements would be necessary to bring the plan into

complete operation, and from its general character it could not, perhaps,

be carried out every where at once, but if such arrangements were made,

only in a few districts every year, much would be done towards eventually

accomplishing the ends desired.

At Moorunde flour was only regularly issued once in the month, but that

is not often enough to attain the full advantages of the system, still

less to remedy the evils the natives are subject to, or restrain their

wandering propensities. Upon the Murray the natives are peculiarly

situated, and have greater facilities for obtaining their natural food

than in any other part of the country. They were consequently in a

position more favourable for making an experiment upon, than those of the

inland districts, where a native is often obliged to wander over many

miles of ground for his day's subsistence, and where large tribes cannot

remain long congregated at the same place. In these it would therefore be

necessary to make the issues of food much more frequently, and I would

proportion this frequency to the state of each district with regard to

the number of Europeans, and stock in it; and the facility there might be

for procuring native food. On the borders of the colony, where the

natives are less hemmed in, the issue might take place once every

fortnight, gradually increasing the number of the issues in approaching

towards Adelaide as a centre. At the latter, and in many other of the

districts where the country is thoroughly occupied by Europeans, it would

be necessary, as it would only be just, to supply the natives with food

daily, and I would extend this arrangement gradually to all the

districts, as funds could be obtained for that purpose. It is possible

that if means at the same time were afforded of teaching them industrial

pursuits, a proportion of the food required might eventually be raised by

themselves, but it would not be prudent to calculate upon any such

resources at first.

Having now explained what I consider the first and most important

principle, to be observed in all systems devised for the amelioration of

the Aborigines, viz. that of endeavouring to adapt the means employed to

the acquisition of a strong controlling influence over them, and having

shewn how I think this might best be obtained, I may proceed to mention a

few collateral regulations, which would be very essential to the

effective working of the system proposed.

First. It would be necessary for the sake of perspicuity to suppose the

country divided into districts, agreeing as nearly as could be

ascertained with the boundaries of the respectives tribes. In these

districts a section or two of land, well supplied with wood and water,

should be chosen for the Aborigines; such lands, if possible, to be

centrically situated with regard to the tribes intended to assemble

there, but always having reference to their favourite places of resort,

or to such as would afford the greatest facilities for procuring their

natural food. I do not apprehend that these stations need be very

numerous at first: for the whole colony of South Australia nine or ten

would probably be sufficient at present; thus stations such as I have

described, at Adelaide, Encounter Bay, The Coorong, Moorunde, the Hutt

River, Mount Bryant, Mount Remarkable, and Port Lincoln would embrace

most of the tribes of Aborigines at present in contact with the settlers;

others could be added, or these altered, as might be thought desirable or

convenient.

Secondly. In order to carry due weight when first established, and until

the natives get well acquainted with Europeans and their customs, it

would be essential that each station should be supported by two or more

policemen. These might afterwards be reduced in number, or withdrawn,

according to the state of the district.

[Note 112: "It is absolutely necessary, for the cause of humanity and good

order, that such force should exist; for as long as distant settlers

are left unprotected, and are compelled to take care of and avenge

themselves, so long must great barbarities necessarily be committed,

and the only way to prevent great crimes on the part of the natives,

and massacres of these poor creatures, as the punishment of such crimes,

is to check and punish their excesses in their infancy; it is only after

becoming emboldened by frequent petty successes that they have hitherto

committed those crimes, which have drawn down so fearful a vengeance upon

them."--GREY, vol ii. p. 379.]

Under any circumstances a police is necessary in all the country

districts, nor do I think on the whole, many more policemen would be

required than there are at out-stations at present. They would only have

to be quartered at the native establishments.

Thirdly. It would be absolutely requisite to have experienced and proper

persons in charge of each of the locations; as far as practicable, it

would undoubtedly be the most desirable to have these establishments

under missionaries. In other cases they might be confided to the

protectors of the Aborigines, and to the resident or police magistrates.

All officers having such charge should be deemed ex-officio to be

protectors, and as many should be in the commission of the peace as

possible.

Many other necessary and salutary regulations, would naturally occur in

so comprehensive a scheme, but as these belong more to the detail of the

system, it may be desirable to allude only to a few of the most

important.

It would be desirable to keep registers at all the stations, containing

lists of the natives frequenting them, their names, and that of the tribe

they belong to.

Natives should not be allowed to leave their own districts, to go to

Adelaide, or other large towns, unless under passes from their respective

protectors, and if found in Adelaide without them, should be taken up by

the police and slightly punished.

[Note 113: Natives, from a distance, are in the habit of going at certain

times of the year into Adelaide, and remaining three or four months at a

time. They are said by Europeans to plunder stations on the line of route

backwards and forwards, and to threaten, and intimidate women and

children living in isolated houses near the town. There is no doubt but

that they have sometimes driven away the natives properly belonging to

Adelaide, and have been the means, by their presence, of a great decrease

in the attendance of the children of the Adelaide tribes at the school.

The protector has more than once been obliged to make official

representations on this subject, and to request that measures might be

taken to keep them away.]

Deaths, Births, and Marriages, should be duly registered, and a gratuity

given on every such occasion, to ensure the regulation being attended to.

Rewards should be given, (as an occasional present, of a blanket for

instance), to such parents as allowed their children to go to and remain

at school during the year.

Rewards should be bestowed for delivering up offenders, or for rendering

any other service to the Government.

Light work should be offered to such as could be induced to undertake it,

and rewards, as clothing, or the like, should be paid in proportion to

the value of the work done, and BEYOND THE MERE PROVIDING THEM with food.

Gifts might also be made to those parents, who consented to give up the

performance of any of their savage or barbarous ceremonies upon their

children.

Young men should be encouraged to engage themselves in the service of

settlers, as shepherds or stockkeepers, and the masters should be induced

to remunerate their services more adequately than they usually do.

The elder natives should be led as far as could be, to make articles of

native industry for sale, as baskets, mats, weapons, implements, nets,

etc., these might be sent to Adelaide and sold periodically for their

benefit.

Such and many other similar regulations, would appear to be advantageous,

and might be adopted or altered from time to time, as it should be deemed

desirable.

Upon the subject of schools for the native children, it appears that much

benefit would be derived from having them as far separated as possible

from other natives, and that the following, among others, would be

improvements upon the plans in present use.

1st. That the school buildings should be of such size and arrangement, as

to admit of all the scholars being lodged as well as boarded, and of the

boys and girls having different sleeping rooms.

2ndly. That the schools should have a sufficiency of ground properly

enclosed around them, for the play-grounds, and that no other natives

than the scholars should be admitted within those precincts, except in

the presence of the master, when relatives come to see each other; but

that on no account should any natives be permitted to encamp or sleep

within the school grounds.

3rdly. That the children should not be allowed or encouraged to roam

about the towns, begging, or to ramble for any purpose outside their

boundaries, where they are likely to come under the influence of the

other natives. This is particularly necessary with respect to girls,

indeed the latter should never be allowed to be absent from school at

all, by themselves.

4thly. To compensate in some degree, for what may at first appear to them

an irksome or repulsive restraint, playthings should occasionally be

provided for those children who have behaved well, and all innocent

amusement be encouraged, and as often as might be convenient, the master

should accompany his scholars out into the country for recreation, or

through the town, or such other public places, as might be objects of

interest or curiosity.

5thly. That a stimulus to exertion, should be excited by prizes, being

given to children distinguishing themselves at certain stages of their

progress, such as a superior article of dress, a toy, or book, or

whatever might be best adapted to the age or disposition of the child.

6thly. That parents should never be allowed to withdraw the children,

contrary to their wishes, after having once consented to allow them to

remain there.

7thly. That children of both sexes, after having received a proper degree

of instruction, and having attained a certain age, should be bound out as

apprentices for a limited term of years, to such as were willing to

receive them, proper provision being made for their being taught some

useful occupation, and being well treated.

8thly. Encouragement should be offered to those who have been brought up

at the schools to marry together when their apprenticeships are out, and

portions of land should be preserved for them and assistance given them

in establishing themselves in life. At first perhaps it might be

advisable to have these settlements in the form of a village and

adjoining the school grounds, so that the young people might still

receive the advantage of the advice or religious instruction of the

missionaries or such ministers as attended to this duty at the schools.

9thly. The children should be taught exclusively in the English language

and on Sundays should always attend divine service at some place of

public worship, accompanied by their masters.

In carrying into effect the above or any other regulations which might be

found necessary for the welfare and improvement of the children. I

believe that a sufficient degree of influence would be acquired over the

parents by the system of supplying them with food, which I have

recommended to induce a cheerful consent, but it would be only prudent to

have a legislative enactment on the subject, that by placing the

school-children under the guardianship of the protectors, they might be

protected from the influence or power of their relatives; after these had

once fully consented to their being sent to school to be educated.

[Note 114: "The best chance of preserving the unfortunate race of New

Holland lies in the means employed for training their children: the

education given to such children should consist in a very small part of

reading and writing. Oral instruction in the fundamental truths of the

Christian religion will be given by the missionaries themselves. The

children should be taught early; the boys to dig and plough, and the

trades of shoemakers, tailors, carpenters and masons; the girls to sew and

cook and wash linen, and keep clean the rooms and furniture. The more

promising of these children might be placed, by a law to be framed for

this purpose, under the guardianship of the Governor and placed by him at

a school, or in apprenticeship, in the more settled parts of the colony.

Thus early trained, the capacity of the race for the duties and

employments of civilized life would be fairly developed."--Letter from

Lord John Russell to Sir G. Gipps; Parliamentary Report on

Aborigines, p. 74.]

There is yet another point to be considered with respect to the

Aborigines, and upon the equitable adjustment of which hinges all our

relations with this people, whilst upon it depends entirely our power of

enforcing any laws or regulations we may make with respect to them, I

allude to the law of evidence as it at present stands with respect to

persons incompetent to give testimony upon oath.

It is true that in South Australia an act has very recently passed the

legislative council to legalize the unsworn testimony of natives in a

court of justice, but in that act there occurs a clause which completely

neutralizes the boon it was intended to grant, and which is as follows,

"Provided that no person, whether an Aboriginal or other, SHALL BE

CONVICTED OF ANY OFFENCE by any justice or jury upon the SOLE TESTIMONY

of any such uncivilized persons." 7 and 8 Victoria, section 5.

Here then we find that if a native were ill-treated or shot by an

European, and the whole tribe able to bear witness to the fact, no

conviction and no punishment could ensue: let us suppose that in an

attempt to maltreat the native, the European should be wounded or injured

by him, and that the European has the native brought up and tried for a

murderous attack upon him, how would it fare with the poor native? the

oath of the white man would overpower any exculpatory unsworn testimony

that the native could bring, and his conviction and punishment would be

(as they have been before) certain and severe.

Without attempting to assign a degree of credence to the testimony of a

native beyond what it deserves, I will leave it to those who are

acquainted with Colonies, and the value of an oath among the generality

of storekeepers and shepherds, to say how far their SWORN evidence is, in

a moral point of view, more to be depended upon than the unsworn parole

of the native. I would ask too, how often it occurs that injuries upon

the Aborigines are committed by Europeans in the presence of those

competent to give a CONVICTING TESTIMONY, (unless where all, being

equally guilty, are for their own sakes mutually averse to let the truth

be known)? or how often even such aggressions take place under

circumstances which admit of circumstantial evidence being obtained to

corroborate native testimony?

Neither is it in the giving of evidence alone, that the native stands at

a disadvantage as compared with a white man. His case, whether as

prosecutor or defendant, is tried before a jury of another nation whose

interests are opposed to his, and whose prejudices are often very strong

against him.

I cannot illustrate the position in which he is placed, more forcibly,

than by quoting Captain Grey's remarks, vol. ii. p. 381, where he says:--

"It must also be borne in mind, that the natives are not tried by a jury

of their peers, but by a jury having interests directly opposed to their

own, and who can scarcely avoid being in some degree prejudiced against

native offenders."

The opinion of Judge Willis upon this point may be gathered from the

following extract, from an address to a native of New South Wales, when

passing sentence of death upon him:--

"The principle upon which this court has acted in the embarrassing

collisions which have too frequently arisen between the Aborigines and

the white Europeans, has been one of reciprocity and mutual protection.

On the one hand, the white man when detected (WHICH I FEAR SELDOM

HAPPENS), has been justly visited with the rigour of the law, for

aggressions on the helpless savages; and, on the other, the latter has

been accountable for outrages upon his white brethren. As between the

Aborigines themselves, the court has never interfered, for obvious

reasons. Doubtless, in applying the law of a civilized nation to the

condition of a wild savage, innumerable difficulties must occur. The

distance in the scale of humanity between the wandering, houseless man of

the woods, and the civilized European, is immeasurable! FOR PROTECTION,

AND FOR RESPONSIBILITY IN HIS RELATION TO THE WHITE MAN THE BLACK IS

REGARDED AS A BRITISH SUBJECT. In theory, this sounds just and

reasonable; but in practice, how incongruous becomes its application! As

a British subject, he is presumed to know the laws, for the infraction of

which he is held accountable, and yet he is shut out from the advantage

of its protection when brought to the test of responsibility. As a

British subject, he is entitled to be tried by his PEERS. Who are the

peers of the black man? Are those, of whose laws, customs, language, and

religion, he is wholly ignorant--nay, whose very complexion is at

variance with his own--HIS peers? He is tried in his native land by a

race new to him, and by laws of which he knows nothing. Had you, unhappy

man! had the good fortune to be born a Frenchman, or had been a native of

any other country but your own, the law of England would have allowed you

to demand a trial by half foreigners and half Englishmen. But, by your

lot being the lowest, as is assumed, in the scale of humanity, you are

inevitably placed on a footing of fearful odds, when brought into the

sacred temple of British justice. Without a jury of your own

countrymen--without the power of making adequate defence, by speech or

witness--you are to stand the pressure of every thing that can be alleged

against you, and your only chance of escape is, not the strength of your

own, but the weakness of your adversary's case. Surrounded as your trial

was with difficulties, everything, I believe, was done that could be done

to place your case in a proper light before the jury. They have come to a

conclusion satisfactory, no doubt, to their consciences. Whatever might

be the disadvantages under which you laboured, they were convinced, as I

am, that you destroyed the life of Dillon; and as there was nothing

proved to rebut the presumption, of English law, arising from the fact of

homicide being committed by you, they were constrained to find you guilty

of murder. There may have been circumstances, if they could have been

proved, which would have given a different complexion to the case from

that of the dying declaration of the deceased, communicated to the Court

through the frail memory of two witnesses, who varied in their relation

of his account of the transaction. This declaration, so taken, was to be

regarded as if taken on oath, face to face with your accuser; and,

although you had not the opportunity of being present at it, and of

cross-examining the dying man, yet by law it was receivable against you."

In vol. ii. p 380, Captain Grey says:--

"I have been a personal witness to a case in which a native was most

undeservedly punished, from the circumstance of the natives, who were the

only persons who could speak as to certain exculpatory facts, not being

permitted to give their evidence."

Under the law lately passed in South Australia, the evidence of natives

would be receivable in a case of this kind, in palliation of the offence.

Although it is more than questionable how far such evidence would weigh

against the white man's oath; but for the purpose of obtaining redress

for a wrong, or of punishing the cruelty, or the atrocity of the European

[Note 115 at end of para.], no amount of native evidence would be of the

least avail. Reverse the case, and the sole unsupported testimony of a

single witness, will be quite sufficient to convict even unto death, as

has lately been the case in two instances connected with Port Lincoln,

where the natives have been tried at different times for murder,

convicted, and two of them hung, upon the testimony of one old man, who

was the only survivor left among the Europeans, but who, from the natural

state of alarm and confusion in which he must have been upon being

attacked, and from the severe wounds he received, could not have been in

an advantageous position, for observing, or remarking the identity of the

actual murderers, among natives, who, even under more favourable

circumstances are not easily recognizable upon a hasty view, and still

less so, if either they, or the observer, are in a state of excitement at

the time. Is it possible for the natives to be blind to the unequal

measure of justice, which is thus dealt out, and which will still continue

to be so as long as the law remains unchanged?

[Note 115: Governor Hutt remarks, in addressing Lord Glenelg on this

subject:--"In furtherance of the truth of these remarks, I would request

your Lordship particularly to observe, that here is one class of Her

Majesty's subjects, who are DEBARRED A TRUE AND FAIR TRIAL BY JURY,

whose evidence is inadmissible in a court of justice, and who consequently

may be the victims of any of the most outrageous cruelty and violence,

and yet be UNABLE, FROM THE FORMS AND REQUIREMENTS OF THE LAW, to obtain

redress, and whose quarrels, ending sometimes in bloodshed and death,

it is unjust, as well as inexpedient, to interfere with.

"A jury ought to be composed of a man's own peers. Europeans, in the case

of a native criminal, cannot either in their habits or sympathies be

regarded as such, and his countrymen are incapable of understanding or

taking upon themselves the office of juror."]

I have no wish to give the native evidence a higher character than it

deserves, but I think that it ought not to be rendered unavailable in a

prosecution; the degree of weight or credibility to be attached to it,

might be left to the court taking cognizance of the case, but if it is

consistent and probable, I see no reason why it should not be as strong a

safeguard to the black man from injury and oppression, as the white man's

oath is to him. There are many occasions on which the testimony of

natives may be implicitly believed, and which are readily distinguishable

by those who have had much intercourse with this people--unaccustomed to

the intricacies of untruth, they know not that they must be consistent to

deceive, and it is therefore rarely difficult to tell when a native is

prevaricating.

Among the natives themselves, the evil effects resulting from the

inability of their evidence to produce a conviction are still more

apparent and injurious. [Note 116 at end of para.] It has already been

shewn how highly important it is to prevent the elders from exercising

an arbitrary and cruel authority over the young and the weak, and how

necessary that the latter should feel themselves quite secure from

the vengeance of the former, when endeavouring to throw off the

trammels of custom and prejudice, and by embracing our habits and

pursuits, making an effort to rise in the scale of moral and physical

improvement. Whatever alteration therefore we may make in our system

for the better, or however anxious we may be for the welfare and the

improvement of the Aborigines, we may rest well assured that our

efforts are but thrown away, as long as the natives are permitted

with impunity to exercise their cruel or degrading customs upon

each other, unchecked and unpunished. We may feel equally certain that

these oppressions and barbarities can never be checked or punished but by

means of their own unsupported testimony against each other, and until

this can be legally received, and made available for that purpose, there

is no hope of any lasting or permanent good being accomplished.

[Note 116: Upon the inability of natives to give evidence in a court of

justice, Mr. Chief Protector Robinson remarks, in a letter to His Honour,

the Superintendent of Port Phillip, dated May, 1843--"The legal

disabilities of the natives have been a serious obstacle to their civil

protection; and I feel it my duty, whilst on this subject, respectfully to

bring under notice the necessity that still exists for some suitable

system of judicature for the governance and better protection of the

aboriginal races. 'As far as personal influence went, the aboriginal

natives have been protected from acts of injustice, cruelty, and

oppression; and their wants, wishes, and grievances have been faithfully

represented to the Government of the colony,' and this, under the

circumstances, was all that could possibly be effected. There is,

however, reason to fear that the destruction of the aboriginal natives

has been accelerated from the known fact of their being incapacitated

to give evidence in our courts of law. I have frequently had to deplore,

when applied to by the Aborigines for justice in cases of aggression

committed on them by white men, or by those of their own race, my

inability to do so in consequence of their legal incapacity to give

evidence. It were unreasonable, therefore, under such circumstances,

to expect the Aborigines would respect, or repose trust and confidence

in the Protectors, or submit to the governance of a department unable

efficiently to protect or afford them justice. Nor is it surprising they

should complain of being made to suffer the higher penalties of our law,

when deprived (by legal disability) of its benefits. Little difficulty

has been experienced in discovering the perpetrator where the blacks

have been concerned, even in the greater offences, and hence the ends

of justice would have been greatly facilitated by aboriginal evidence.

It is much to be regretted the Colonial Act of Council on aboriginal

evidence was disallowed."]

The following very forcible and just remarks are from Captain Grey's

work, vol. ii. pages 375 to 378:--

"I would submit, therefore, that it is necessary from the moment the

Aborigines of this country are declared British subjects, they should, as

far as possible, be taught that the British laws are to supersede their

own, so that any native who is suffering under their own customs, may

have the power of an appeal to those of Great Britain; or to put this in

its true light, that all authorized persons should, in all instances, be

required to protect a native from the violence of his fellows, even

though they be in the execution of their own laws.

"So long as this is not the case, the older natives have at their

disposal the means of effectually preventing the civilization of any

individuals of their own tribe, and those among them who may be inclined

to adapt themselves to the European habits and mode of life, will be

deterred from so doing by their fear of the consequences, that the

displeasure of others may draw down upon them.

"So much importance am I disposed to attach to this point, that I do not

hesitate to assert my full conviction, that whilst those tribes which are

in communication with Europeans are allowed to execute their barbarous

laws and customs upon one another, so long will they remain hopelessly

immersed in their present state of barbarism: and however unjust such a

proceeding might at first sight appear, I believe that the course pointed

out by true humanity would be, to make them from the very commencement

amenable to the British laws, both as regards themselves and Europeans;

for I hold it to be imagining a contradiction to suppose, that

individuals subject to savage and barbarous laws, can rise into a state

of civilization, which those laws have a manifest tendency to destroy and

overturn.

"I have known many instances of natives who have been almost or quite

civilized, being compelled by other natives to return to the bush; more

particularly girls, who have been betrothed in their infancy, and who, on

approaching the years of puberty, have been compelled by their husbands

to join them.

"To punish the Aborigines severely for the violation of laws of which

they are ignorant, would be manifestly cruel and unjust; but to punish

them in the first instance slightly for the violation of these laws would

inflict no great injury on them, whilst by always punishing them when

guilty of a crime, without reference to the length of period that had

elapsed between its perpetration and their apprehension, at the same time

fully explaining to them the measure of punishment that would await them

in the event of a second commission of the same fault, would teach them

gradually the laws to which they were henceforth to be amenable, and

would shew them that crime was always eventually, although it might be

remotely, followed by punishment.

"I imagine that this course would be more merciful than that at present

adopted; viz. to punish them for a violation of a law they are ignorant

of, when this violation affects a European, and yet to allow them to

commit this crime as often as they like, when it only regards themselves;

for this latter course teaches them, not that certain actions, such, for

instance, as murder, etc. are generally criminal, but only that they are

criminal when exercised towards the white people, and the impression,

consequently excited in their minds is, that these acts only excite our

detestation when exercised towards ourselves, and that their criminality

consists, not in having committed a certain odious action, but in having

violated our prejudices."

Many instances have come under my own personal observation, where natives

have sought redress both against one another and against Europeans, but

where from their evidence being unavailable no redress could be afforded

them. Enough has however been now adduced to shew the very serious evils

resulting from this disadvantage, and to point out the justice, the

policy, the practicability, and the necessity of remedying it.

In bringing to a close my remarks on the Aborigines, their present

condition and future prospects, I cannot more appropriately or more

forcibly conclude the subject than by quoting that admirable letter of

Lord Stanley's to Governor Sir G. Gipps, written in December, 1842; a

letter of which the sentiments expressed are as creditable to the

judgment and discrimination, as they are honourable to the feelings and

humanity of the minister who wrote it, and who, in the absence of

personal experience, and amidst all the conflicting testimony or

misrepresentation by which a person at a distance is ever apt to be

assailed and misled, has still been able to separate the truth from

falsehood, and to arrive at a rational, a christian, and a just opinion,

on a subject so fraught with difficulties, so involved in uncertainty,

and so beset with discrepancies.

In writing to Sir G. Gipps, Lord Stanley says (Parliamentary Reports, pp.

221, 2, 3):--

"DOWNING-STREET, 20TH DECEMBER, 1842.

"SIR,

"I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatches of the

dates and numbers mentioned in the margin, reporting the information

which has reached you in respect to the aboriginal tribes of New South

Wales, and the result of the attempts which have been made, under the

sanction of Her Majesty's Government, to civilize and protect these

people.

"I have read with great attention, but with deep regret, the accounts

contained in these despatches. After making every fair allowance for the

peculiar difficulty of such an undertaking, it seems impossible any

longer to deny that the efforts which have hitherto been made for the

civilization of the Aborigines have been unavailing; that no real

progress has yet been effected, and that there is no reasonable ground to

expect from them greater suceess in future. You will be sensible with how

much pain and reluctance I have come to this opinion, but I cannot shut

my eyes to the conclusion which inevitably follows from the statements

which you have submitted to me on the subject.

"Your despatch of the 11th March last, No. 50, contains an account of the

several missions up to that date, with reports likewise from the chief

Protector and his assistants, and from the Crown Land Commissioners. The

statements respecting the missions, furnished not by their opponents, nor

even by indifferent parties, but by the missionaries themselves, are, I

am sorry to say, as discouraging as it is possible to be. In respect to

the mission at Wellington Valley, Mr. Gunther writes in a tone of

despondency, which shews that he has abandoned the hope of success. The

opening of his report is indeed a plain admission of despair; I sincerely

wish that his facts did not bear out such a feeling. But when he reports,

that after a trial of ten years, only one of all who have been attached

to the mission 'affords some satisfaction and encouragement;' that of the

others only four still remain with them, and that these continually

absent themselves, and when at home evince but little desire for

instruction; that 'their thoughtlessness, and spirit of independence,

ingratitude, and want of sincere, straightforward dealing, often try us

in the extreme;' that drunkenness is increasing, and that the natives are

'gradually swept away by debauchery and other evils arising from their

intermixture with Europeans,' I acknowledge that he has stated enough to

warrant his despondency, and to shew that it proceeds from no momentary

disappointment alone, but from a settled and reasonable conviction.

"Nor do the other missions hold out any greater encouragement. That at

Moreton Bay is admitted by Mr. Handt to have made but little progress, as

neither children nor adults can be persuaded to stay for any length of

time; while that at Lake Macquarie had, at the date of your despatch,

ceased to exist, from the extinction or removal of the natives formerly

in its vicinity. The Wesleyan Missionaries at Port Phillip,

notwithstanding an expenditure in 1841 of nearly 1,300 pounds, acknowledge

that they are 'far from being satisfied with the degree of success which

has attended our labours,' and 'that a feeling of despair sometimes takes

possession of our minds, and weighs down our spirits,' arising from the

frightful mortality among the natives.

"In the face of such representations, which can be attributed neither to

prejudice nor misinformation, I have great doubts as to the wisdom or

propriety of continuing the missions any longer. I fear that to do so

would be to delude ourselves with the mere idea of doing something; which

would be injurious to the natives, as interfering with other and more

advantageous arrangements, and unjust to the colony, as continuing an

unnecessary and profitless expenditure.

"To this conclusion I had been led by your despatch, No. 50, but

anticipating that the protectorate system would promise more beneficial

results, I postponed my instructions in the matter until I should receive

some further information.

"Your despatches of the 16th and 20th May have furnished that further

information, although they contradict the hopes which I had been led to

entertain. After the distinct and unequivocal opinion announced by Mr. La

Trobe, supported as it is by the expression of your concurrence, I cannot

conceal from myself that the failure of the system of protectors has been

at least as complete as that of the missions.

"I have no doubt that a portion of this ill success, perhaps a large

portion, is attributable to the want of sound judgment and zealous

activity on the part of the assistant protectors. Thus the practice of

collecting large bodies of the natives in one spot, and in the immediate

vicinity of the settlers, without any previous provision for their

subsistence or employment, was a proceeding of singular indiscretion.

That these people would commit depredations rather than suffer want, and

that thus ill-blood, and probably collisions, would be caused between

them and the settlers, must, I should have thought, have occurred to any

man of common observation; and no one could have better reason than Mr.

Sievewright to know his utter inability to control them. When such a

course could be adopted, I am not surprised at your opinion that the

measures of the protectors have tended 'rather to increase than allay the

irritation which has long existed between the two races.'

"But after allowing for the effect of such errors, and for the

possibility of preventing their recurrence, there is yet enough in Mr. La

Trobe's reports to shew that the system itself is defective, at least in

the hands of those whose services we are able to command. I am unwilling,

at this distance from the scene, and without that minute local knowledge

which is essential, to give you any precise instructions as to the course

which under present circumstances should be pursued: but I have the less

hesitation in leaving the matter in your hands, because your whole

correspondence shews that no one feels more strongly than yourself the

duty as well as the policy of protecting, and, if possible, civilizing

these Aborigines, and of promoting a good understanding between them and

the white settlers. At present, though I am far from attributing to the

white settlers generally an ill disposition towards the natives, there is

an apparent want of feeling among them, where the natives are concerned,

which is much to be lamented. Outrages of the most atrocious description,

involving sometimes considerable loss of life, are spoken of, as I

observe in these papers, with an indifference and lightness which to

those at a distance is very shocking. I cannot but fear that the feeling

which dictates this mode of speaking, may also cause the difficulty in

discovering and bringing to justice the perpetrators of the outrages

which from time to time occur. With a view to the protection of the

natives, the most essential step is to correct the temper and tone

adopted towards them by the settlers. Whatever may depend on your own

personal influence, or on the zealous co-operation of Mr. La Trobe, will

I am sure be done at once, and I will not doubt that your efforts in this

respect will be successful. In regard to the missions and the protectors,

I give you no definite instructions. If at your receipt of this despatch

you should see no greater prospect of advantage than has hitherto

appeared, you will be at liberty to discontinue the grants to either as

early as possible; but if circumstances should promise more success for

the future, the grants may be continued for such time as may be necessary

to bring the matter to a certain result. In the meantime, agreeing as I

do, in the general opinion, that it is indispensable to the protection of

the natives that their evidence should, to a certain extent at least, be

received in the courts of law, I shall take into my consideration the

means by which this can be effected in the safest and most satisfactory

manner.

"I cannot conclude this despatch without expressing my sense of the

importance of the subject of it, and my hope that your experience may

enable you to suggest some general plan by which we may acquit ourselves

of the obligations which we owe towards this helpless race of beings. I

should not, without the most extreme reluctance, admit that nothing can

be done; that with respect to them alone the doctrines of Christianity

must be inoperative, and the advantages of civilization incommunicable. I

cannot acquiesce in the theory that they are incapable of improvement,

and that their extinction before the advance of the white settler is a

necessity which it is impossible to control. I recommend them to your

protection and favourable consideration with the greatest earnestness,

but at the same time with perfect confidence: and I assure you that I

shall be willing and anxious to co-operate with you in any arrangement

for their civilization which may hold out a fair prospect of success.

"I have, etc.

"(signed)

"STANLEY."

* * * * *

EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES OF NATIVE ORNAMENTS, WEAPONS, IMPLEMENTS,

AND WORKS OF INDUSTRY.

PLATE I.--ORNAMENTS.

1. Ku-ru-un-ko--tuft of emu feathers used in the play spoken of, page

228.

2. Three tufts of feathers tied in a bunch, with two kangaroo teeth, worn

tied to the hair.

3. Tufts of feathers, used as a flag or signal, elevated on a spear;

similar ones are worn by the males, of eagle or emu feathers over the

pubes.

4. Let-ter-rer--kangaroo teeth worn tied to the hair of young males and

females after the ceremonies of initiation.

5 and 6. Coverings for the pubes, worn by females, one is of fur string in

threads, the other of skins cut in strips.

7. Tufts of white feathers worn round the neck.

8. Tufts of feathers stained red, worn round the neck.

9. Tufts of feathers stained red, with two kangaroo teeth to each tuft,

also worn round the neck.

10. A piece of bone worn through the septum nasi.

11. Tufts of feathers worn round the neck, one is black, the other

stained red.

12. Tufts of feathers stained red, with four kangaroo teeth in a bunch,

worn round the neck.

13. Necklace of reeds cut in short lengths.

14. Band for forehead, feathers and swan's-down.

15. Man-ga--band for forehead, a coil of string made of opossum fur.

16. Mona--net cap to confine the hair of young men of opossum fur.

17. Korno--widow's mourning cap made of carbonate of lime, moulded to the

head, weight 8 1/2lbs.

18. Dog's-tail, worn as an appendage to the beard, which is gathered

together and tied in a pigtail.

PLATE II.--WEAPONS.

1. Spear barbed on both sides, of hard wood, 10 1/2 feet long, used in war

or hunting.

2. Similar to the last but only barbed on one side, used for same

purposes.

3. Kar-ku-ru--smooth spear of hard wood, 10 1/2 feet, used for

punishments, as described page 222, also for general purposes.

4. Short, smooth, hard wood spear, 7 1/2 feet long, used to spear fish in

diving.

5. Reed spear with barbed hard wood point, used for war with the throwing

stick--the way of holding it, and position of the hand are shewn.

6. Hard wood spear with grass-tree end, 8 feet long, used with the

throwing stick for general purposes.

7. Hard wood spear with single barb spliced on, 8 feet long, used from

Port Lincoln to King George's Sound for chase or war, it is launched with

the throwing stick.

8. Ki-ko--reed spear, hard wood point, 6 to 7 feet long, used with the

throwing-stick to kill birds or other game.

9. Hard wood spear, grass-tree end, barbed with flint, used with the

throwing-stick for war.

10. The head of No. 9 on a arger scale.

11. The head of No. 1 on a larger scale.

12. The head of a Lachlan spear, taken from a man who was wounded there,

the spear entered behind the shoulder in the back, and the point reached

to the front of the throat, it had to be extracted by cutting an opening

in the throat and forcing the spear-head through from behind--the man

recovered.

13. The head of No. 7 on a larger scale.

PLATE III.--WEAPONS.

1. Nga-waonk, or throwing-stick, about 2 feet long, and narrow.

2. Ditto but hollowed and conical.

3. Ditto straight and flat.

4. Ditto narrow and carved.

5. Ditto broad in the centre.

6. Sorcerer's stick, with feathers and fur string round the point

7. Ditto plain.

8. The Darling Wangn, (boomerang) carved, 1 foot 10 inches.

9. The Darling war Wangn, 2 feet 1 inch.

10. Battle-axe.

11. Ditto

12. Ditto

13. Ditto

14. The lower end of the throwing-stick, shewing a flint gummed on as a

chisel.

15. The Tar-ram, or shield made out of solid wood, 2 feet 7 inches long,

1 foot broad, carved and painted.

16. A side view of ditto

17. War-club of heavy wood, rounded and tapering.

18. Port Lincoln Wirris, or stick used for throwing at game, 2 feet.

19. Murray River Bwirri, or ditto ditto

20. War club, with a heavy knob, and pointed.

21. Port Lincoln Midla, or lever, with quartz knife attached to the end.

22. Murray river war club.

PLATE IV.--IMPLEMENTS.

1. Tat-tat-ko, or rod for noosing wild fowl, 16 feet long, vide p. 310.

2. Moo-ar-roo, or paddle and fish spear, 10 to 16 feet, vide p. 263.

3. Chisel pointed hard wood stick, from 3 to 4 feet long, used by the

women for digging.

4. Ngakko, or chisel pointed stick, 3 feet long, used by the men.

5. Mun--canoe of bark, vide p. 314.

6. 7, 8. Varieties of Mooyumkarr, or sacred oval pieces of wood, used at

night, by being spun round with a long string so as to produce a loud

roaring noise for the object of counteracting any evil influences, and

for other purposes.

9. 10, 11, 12. Needles, etc. from the fibulas of kangaroos, wallabies,

emus, etc.

13. Kangaroo bone, used as a knife.

14. Stone with hollow in centre for pounding roots.

15. Stone hatchet.

16. Distaff with string of hair upon it.

17. Lenko, or net hung round the neck in diving to put muscles, etc. in.

18. Kenderanko, net used in diving, vide p. 260.

19. Drinking cup made of a shell.

20. Drinking cup, being the scull of a native with the sutures closed

with wax or gum.

PLATE V.--WORKS OF INDUSTRY.

1. Lukomb, or skin for carrying water, made from the skins of opossums,

wallabie, or young kangaroo; the fur is turned inside, and the legs,

tail, and neck, are tied up; they hold from 1 quart to 3 gallons.

2. Pooneed-ke--circular mat, 1 foot 9 inches in diameter, made of a kind

of grass, worn on the back by the women, with a band passed round the

lower part and tied in front, the child is then slipped in between the

mat and the back, and so carried.

3. Kal-la-ter--a truncated basket of about a foot wide at the bottom,

made also of a broad kind of grass, used for carrying anything in, and

especially for taking about the fragile eggs of the Leipoa.

4. A wallet, or man's travelling bag, made of a kangaroo skin, with the

fur outside.

5. A small kal-la-ter.

6. Pool-la-da-noo-ko, or oval basket made of broad-leaved grass, used for

carrying anything; from its flat make, it fits easily to the back.

7. An Adelaide oblong and somewhat flattish basket, made of a kind of

rush.

8. The Rok-ko, or net bag, made of a string manufactured from the rush,

it is carried by the women, and contains generally all the worldly

property of the family, such as shells and pieces of flint for

knives--bones for needles--sinews of animals for thread--fat and red

ochre for adorning the person--spare ornaments or belts--white pigment

for painting for the dance--a skin for carrying water--a stone for

pounding roots--the sacred implements of the husband carefully folded up

and concealed--a stone hatchet--and many other similar articles. The size

of the rok-ko varies according to the wealth of the family; it is

sometimes very large and weighty when filled.