LV.

The game is played, the Commune is _au complet_. In the first

arrondissement 21260 electors, are inscribed, and there were 9 voters!

Monsieur Vésinier had 2 votes, and Monsieur Vésinier was elected.

Monsieur Lacord—more clever still—has no votes at all, and, triumphing

by the unanimity of his electors, Monsieur Lacord will preside over the

Commune of Paris in future. A very logical arrangement. It must be

evident to all serious minds that the legislators of the Hôtel de Ville

have promulgated _in petto_ a law which they did not think it necessary

to make known, but which exists nevertheless, and most be couched

somewhat in the following terms:—“Clause 1st. The elections will not be

considered valid, if the number of voters exceed a thousandth part of

the electors entered.—Clause 2nd. Every candidate who has less than

fifteen votes will be elected; if he has sixteen his election will be a

matter of discussion.” The poll is just like the game called, “He who

loses gains, and he who gains loses!” and the probable advantages of

such an arrangement are seen at once. Now let us do a bit of Communal

reasoning. By whom was France led within an inch of destruction? By

Napoleon the Third. How many votes did Napoleon the Third obtain? Seven

millions and more. By whom was Paris delivered into the hands of the

Prussians? By the dictators of the 4th September. How many votes did

the dictators of the 4th September get for themselves in the city of

Paris? More than three hundred thousand. _Ergo_, the candidates who

obtain the greatest number of votes are swindlers and fools. The

Commune of Paris cannot allow such abuses to exist; the Commune

maintains universal suffrage—the grand basis of republican

institutions—but turns it topsy-turvy. Michon has only had half a

vote,—then Michon is our master!

Ah! you do not only make us tremble and weep, you make us laugh too.

What is this miserable parody of universal suffrage? What is this farce

of the will of the people being represented by a half a dozen electors?

The unknown individual, who owes his triumph to the kindness of his

concierge and his water-carrier, becomes a member of the Commune. I

shall be governed by Vésinier, with Briosne and Viard as supporters. Do

you not see that the few men, with any sense left, who still support

you, have refused to present themselves as candidates, and that even

amongst those who were mad enough to declare themselves eligible, there

are some who dispute the validity of the elections? No; you see nothing

of all this, or rather it suits you to be blind. What are right and

justice to you? Let us reign, let us govern, let us decree, let us

triumph. All is contained in that. Rogeard pleases us, so we’ll have

Rogeard. If the people won’t have Rogeard, so much the worse for the

people. Beautiful! admirable! But why don’t you speak out your opinion

frankly? There were some honest brigands (_par pari refertur_) in the

Roman States who were perhaps no better than you are, but at least they

made no pretension of being otherwise than lawless, and followed their

calling of brigands without hypocrisy. When, by the course of various

adventures, the band got diminished in numbers, they stuck no handbills

on the walls to invite people to elect new brigands to fill up the

vacant places; they simply chose among the vagabonds and such like

individuals those, who seemed to them, the most capable of dealing a

blow with a stiletto or stripping a traveller of his valuables, and the

band, thus properly reinforced, went about its usual occupations. The

devil! _Messieurs_, one must say what is what, and call things by their

names. Let us call a cat a cat, and Pilotel a thief. The time of

illusions is past; you need not be so careful to keep your masks on; we

have seen your faces. We have had the carnival of the Commune, and now

Ash-Wednesday is come. You disguised yourselves cunningly, _Messieurs_;

you routed out from the old cupboards and corners of history the

cast-off revolutionary rags of the men of ’98; and, sticking some

ornaments of the present fashion upon them,—waistcoats à la Commune and

hats à la Federation,—you dressed yourselves up in them and then struck

attitudes. People perceived, it is true, that the clothes that were

made for giants, were too wide for you pigmies; they hung round your

figures like collapsed balloons; but you, cunning that you were, you

said, “We have been wasted by persecution.” And when, at the very

beginning, some stains of blood were seen upon your old disguises; “Pay

no attention,” said you, “it is only the red flag we have in our

pockets that is sticking out.” And it happened that some few believed

you. We ourselves, in the very face of all our suspicions, let

ourselves be caught by the waving of your big Scaramouche sleeves, that

were a great deal too long for your arms. Then you talked of such

beautiful things: liberty, emancipation of workmen, association of the

working-classes, that we listened and thought we would see you at your

task before we condemned you utterly. And now we have seen you at your

task, and knowing how you work, we won’t give you any more work to do.

Down with your mask, I tell you! Come, false Danton, be Rigault again,

and let Sérailler’s[61] face come out from behind that Saint Just mask

he has on. You, Napoléon Gaillard, though you are a shoemaker, you are

not even a Simon. Drop the Robespierre, Rogeard! Off with the trappings

borrowed from the dark, grand days! Be mean, small, and ridiculous,—be

yourselves; we shall all be a great deal more at our ease when you are

despicable and we are despising you again.

Paris said to you yesterday just what I am telling you now. This almost

general abstention of electors, compared with the eagerness of former

times, is but the avowal of the error to which your masquerade has

given rise. And what does it prove but the resolution to mix in your

carnival no more? We see clearly through it now, I tell you, that the

saturnalia is wearing to its end. In vain does the orchestra of cannon

and mitrailleuses, under the direction of the conductor, Cluseret, play

madly on and invite us to the fête. We will dance no more, and there is

an end of it!

But it will be fatal to Paris if, after saying this, she sit satisfied.

Contempt is not enough, there must be abhorrence too, and actual

measures taken against those we abhor. It is not sufficient to neglect

the poll, one abstains when one is in doubt, but now that we doubt no

longer it is time to act. While wrongful work is being done, those that

stand aside with folded arms become accomplices. Think that for more

than a fortnight the firing has not ceased; that Neuilly and Asnières

have been turned into cemeteries; that husbands are falling, wives

weeping, children suffering. Think that yesterday, the 18th of April,

the chapel of Longchamps became a dependance—an extra dead-house—of the

ambulances of the Press, so numerous were that day’s dead. Think of the

savage decrees passed upon the hostages and the refractory, those who

shunned the Federates; of the requisitions and robberies; of the

crowded prisons and the empty workshops, of the possible massacres and

the certain pillage. Think of our own compromised honour, and let us be

up and doing, so that those who have remained in Paris during these

mournful hours, shall not have stood by her only to see her fall and

die.

Paris under the Commune The Seventy-Three Days of the Second Siege; with Numerous Illustrations, Sketches Taken on the Spot, and Portraits (from the Original Photographs) · 第 178 / 295 题