CHAPTER VI

WITH THE TYNESIDE IRISH

OVER THE HEIGHTS OF LA BOISELLE, THROUGH

BAILIFF'S WOOD TO CONTALMAISON

The men of the Tyneside Irish battalions stood to arms in the assembly

trenches by the Somme on the morning of July 1, 1916. Suddenly the

face of the country was altered, in their sight, as if by a frightful

convulsion of Nature. Their ears were stunned by shattering

explosions, and looking ahead, they saw the earth in two places

upheaving, hundreds of feet high, in black masses of smoke. The ground

rumbled under their feet, so that many feared it would break apart and

bring the parapets down on top of them. Two mines had been sprung

beneath the first line of the German trenches to the south-west and

north-east of the heap of masonry and timber that once had been the

pretty little hamlet of La Boiselle. It was the signal to the

Division, which included the Tyneside Irish, that the hour of battle

had come.

The part in the general British advance allotted to the Division was

first to seize the heights on which La Boiselle stood. This was a few

miles beyond the town of Albert, held by the Allies, on the main road

to the town of Bapaume, in the possession of the Germans. Thence they

were to move forward to Bailiff's Wood, to the north-west of

Contalmaison, and to a position on the cross-roads to the north-east

of that village. Contalmaison lay about four miles distant, almost in

ruins amid its devastated orchards, and with the broken towers of its

chateau standing out conspicuously at the back. One brigade had to

take the first line of German trenches, other battalions of the

Division had to take the second and third lines, after which the

Tyneside Irish were to push on over all these lines to the farthest

point of the Brigade's objective, the second ridge on which

Contalmaison stood, where they were to dig themselves in and remain.

The Tyneside Irish had already had their baptism of fire, and had

proved themselves not unworthy of the race from which they have

sprung. Captain Davey--formerly editor of the _Ulster Guardian_ (a

Radical and Home Rule journal)--records a stirring incident of St.

Patrick's Day, 1916. On the night of March 15-16 a German patrol

planted a German flag in front of the Tyneside Irish, half-way across

"No Man's Land." It was determined to wipe out the insult. During the

day snipers were allowed to amuse themselves firing at the flag, and

it was not long before a lucky shot smashed the staff in two, and left

the German ensign trailing in the dust. But the real work was reserved

for the night. There were abundance of volunteers, but Captain Davey,

with pride in his own province, selected an Ulsterman for the

adventure. The man chosen was Second-Lieutenant C.J. Ervine, of

Belfast. Mr. Ervine, supported by two Tyneside Irishmen, set out on

the eve of St. Patrick's Day, and entered the gloomy depths of "No

Man's Land." An hour passed and they returned--but without the flag.

The enemy was too keenly on the alert. But in the early hours of St.

Patrick's Day Lieutenant Ervine set off again--this time by himself.

What happened is thus described by Captain Davey--

"For an hour and a half we waited for his return, expecting each

minute to hear the confounded patrol and machine-gun making the

familiar declaration that 'We will not have it.' So keen were

the sentries that even when relieved they would not leave their

posts. After an hour had passed, Mr. Ervine's sergeant, getting

impatient, went over the parapet and crawled to our wire so as

to see better. Punctually at a quarter to three a German

star-light went up, and by it we could see a dark form making in

our direction. In five minutes it reached our wire, and in ten

it was over the parapet. The Germans had been caught napping. In

less than half an hour, while the spoiler of the Huns stood by

in the crude garb of a Highlander in trench boots--for he had

fallen into a ditch full of water on the way and we bring no

change of clothing to the trenches--another officer and myself

had erected a flagstaff in a firing-bay and nailed to it was the

German ensign, while ABOVE it floated a green flag with the harp

which had been presented to our company before we left home. And

so we ushered in St. Patrick's Day!"

Captain Davey proceeds--

"Proudly the green banner floated out, while, of course, we

flattered ourselves that the black, white and red of Prussia

hung its head in shame below. It was not long before the Germans

showed that they were wide awake at last, and the bullets began

to sing about our newly-erected monument to Ireland and

Ireland's patron saint. But it was a stout flagstaff, and though

dozens of bullets struck it, nothing short of a shell could have

shifted it. And there it stood all day with the Green above the

Black, White and Red. It was no longer a case of 'Deutschland'

but of 'Ireland Uber Alles.' I don't know if any similar sight

has been seen in a British trench. I know the green flag has led

Irish troops to victory in this war, but I think this is the

first time the spectacle has been seen of the Irish ensign

hoisted above a captured German flag. At any rate the spectacle

was sufficiently novel to cause us to have admiring visitors all

day long from other parts of the line."

Unfortunately there is a sad pendant to this story of St. Patrick's

Day at the Front. Lieutenant Ervine, the gallant hero of the exploit,

died from wounds.

The country which faced the Tyneside Irish on July 1, 1916, had been

an agricultural country, inhabited by peasant cultivators before the

war. The ravages of war had turned it into a barren waste. The

productive soil was completely swept away. Nothing remained but the

raw, elemental chalk. It was bare of vegetation, save where, in

isolated spots, the hemlock, the thistle, and other gross weeds,

proclaimed the rankness of the ground, and also that the processes of

Nature ever go on unchecked, even in a world convulsed by human hate.

Not only were the villages pounded into rubbish by gun-fire, but the

woods--also numerous in these parts--appeared, as seen from a

distance, to be but mere clusters of gaunt and splintered tree stumps

devoid of foliage. Not a human being was to be seen. Yet that

apparently empty waste was infested with men--men turned into

burrowing animals like the badger, or, still more, like the weasel, so

noted for its ferocious and bloodthirsty disposition. In every

shattered wood, in every battered hamlet, in all the slopes and dips

by which the face of the country was diversified, they lie concealed,

tens of thousands of them, in an elaborately and cunningly contrived

system of underground defences, armed with rifles, bombs,

machine-guns, trench-mortars, and ready to spring out, with all their

claws and teeth displayed, on the approach of their prey, the man in

khaki. But, as things turned out, the man in khaki pared the nails of

Fritz, and broke his jawbone.

"Before starting, and when our guns were at their heaviest, there was

a good deal of movement, up and down, and talking in the trenches. A

running fire of chaff was kept up, and there was many a smart reply,

for Irish wit will out even in the face of death," said Lieutenant

James Hately, who was wounded in that battle. "Some of the fellows

were very quiet, but none the less determined. Most of us were

laughing. At the same time I felt sorry, for the thought would

obtrude itself on my mind that many of the poor chaps I saw around me

would never see home again. As for myself, curiously enough, it never

occurred to me that I would even be hit. Perhaps that was because I am

of a sanguine or optimistic disposition. I started off, like many

another officer, with a cigarette well alight. Many of the men were

puffing at their pipes. Officers and men exchanged 'good-lucks,'

'cheer-ohs' and other expressions of comradeship and encouragement."

Many were, naturally, in a serious mood. They felt too near to death

for the chaff of the billets or trenches to be seemly. They thought of

home, of dear ones, of life in the workshops and offices of Newcastle

and Sunderland, and the gay companions of favourite sports and

amusements, and, more poignant still, some recalled the last sight of

the cabin in Donegal, before turning down the lane to the valley and

the distant station, on their way to try their fortune in England.

Thus there was some restlessness and anxiety, but the company officers

in closest touch with the men agree that the general mood was

eagerness to get into grips with the enemy, and relish for the

adventure, without any great concern as to its results to themselves

individually. When the command was given, "up and over," the Brigade,

in fact, was like a huge electric battery fresh from a generating

station, for its immense driving force and not less for the lively

agitation of its varied emotions. Up and over the battalions went, and

moved forward in successive waves, the men in single file abreast, the

lines about fifty yards apart. For about two hundred yards or so

nothing of moment happened. Then they came under heavy fire. Shells

burst about them, shrapnel fell from above, bullets from rifle and

machine-gun tore through the air, or caused hundreds of little spurts

of earth to leap and dance about their feet. One of the men told me

that the shrieking and hissing of these deadly missiles reminded him

of banshees and serpents, a confused and grotesque association

appropriate to a battlefield as to a nightmare.

It must not be supposed that everything was carried with a rush and a

shout, at point of the bayonet. An impetuous advance is what the men

would have liked best. It would be most in tune with the ardour of

their feelings, and less a strain on their nerves. But there were many

reasons why that was impossible. The country, in its natural

formation, was upward sloping, and all dips and swells. It was broken

up into enormous shell-holes and mine-craters, seamed with zigzag

lines of white chalky rubble marking the German trenches, and strewn

with the wire of demolished entanglements, fallen trees and the

wreckage of houses. The men were heavily equipped in what is called

fighting order. They carried haversacks, water-bottles, gas-helmets,

bandoliers filled with cartridges, as well as rifles and bayonets.

Some were additionally burdened with bombs and hand grenades. Behind

them came the working parties with entrenching tools, such as picks

and shovels. Accordingly, the physical labour of the advance alone was

tremendous. It would have been stiff and toilsome work for the

strongest and most active, even if there had been no storm of shot and

shell to face besides. There was, furthermore, the danger in a too

hasty progress of plunging headlong into the curtain of high

explosives which the artillery, firing from miles behind, hung along

the front of the infantry, lifting it and moving it forward as the

lines were seen to advance.

Nevertheless the men went on steadily, undaunted by the fire and

tumult; and the shuddering earth; undaunted even by the spectacle of

the dead and dying of the battalions which preceded them in the

attack; shaken only by one horror--a horror unspeakable--that of

seeing fond comrades of their own falling bereft of life, as in a

flash, by a bullet through the brain or heart; or, worse still, just

as suddenly disappearing into bloody fragments amid the roar and smoke

of a bursting shell. Now and then men stopped awhile, trembling at the

sight and aghast; and, under the sway of impulses that were

irresistible, put their right hands over their faces as a protection

to their eyes--an appeal, expressed in action rather than in words,

that they might be mercifully spared their sight--or else made a

sweeping gesture of the arm, as if to brush aside the bullets which

buzzed about them like venomous insects.

The pace, therefore, was necessarily slow. It was rather a succession

of short rushes, a few yards at a time, with intervening pauses behind

such shelter as was available in order to recover breath. The right

soldierly quality is not to be over rash, but to adapt oneself to the

nature of the fighting and its scene; the circumstances of the moment,

the ever-varying requirements of the action. Such an advance, whatever

precautions be taken, entails great sacrifices. Every life that is

lost should be made to go as far as possible in the gaining of the

victory. Foolhardy movements, due to unreflecting bravery, were

accordingly discouraged. Advantage was to be taken of any cover

afforded by the natural features of the country or the state into

which it had been transformed by the pounding of high explosives. The

influence of the officers, so cool and alert were they, so suggestive

of capability in direction, was most reassuring and stimulating to the

men. On the other hand, the officers were relieved by the

intelligence, the amenable character of the men and their fine

discipline, from the worry and annoyance which company commanders have

so often to endure in the course of an action by the casual doings,

and the lack of initiative on the part of those under their charge.

Simple, biddable, gallant and faithful unto death, it was the wish of

the Tyneside Irish that, if they were to fall, their bodies might be

found, not in the line of the advance, but at the German positions to

the north-west of Contalmaison, out of both of which they had helped

to drive the enemy.

But now the lines or waves of men which had left the trenches in

extended formation were broken up into separate little bodies, all

independently engaged in various grim tasks. They had mounted La

Boiselle hill, and moved down into the valley which still intervened

between them and Bailiff's Wood and Contalmaison. Thus they were in

the very centre of the labyrinth of the enemy's system of defences. An

air of intolerable mystery and sinister hidden danger hung over it.

Was it not possible that those brutes, those dirty fighters, the

inventors of poisonous gas, liquid fire and flame jets, who had

established themselves in the very vitals of the place, might not have

other devilish inventions prepared for the wholesale massacre of their

adversaries? The thought arose in the minds of many, and caused a

vague sense of apprehension. The Germans, however, had no further

hellish surprises. Even so, the place was baneful and noxious enough.

The Germans had suffered terrible losses and were morally shaken by

the artillery bombardment--gigantic, devastating, thunderous--which

preceded the British advance. It is the fact, nevertheless, that most

of the survivors had enough courage and tenacity left doggedly to

contest every inch of the way. They lay concealed in all sorts of

cunning traps and contrivances, apart from their demolished trenches.

Machinery on the side of the British--in the form of big guns--had

done its part. The time had come for the play of human qualities, the

pluck, the endurance and the stout arm of the British infantry man.

Snipers had to be dislodged from their burrows; hidden machine-gun

posts had likewise to be found out and silenced. So the men of the

Tyneside Irish were rushing about in small parties, shooting,

bayoneting, clubbing, bombing; and the triumphant yells which arose

here and there proclaimed the discovery of yet another lair of the

foe.

Many a stirring story of personal adventure could be told. Sergeant

Knapp of Sunderland, who won his stripes in the advance, gives this

account of his experiences--

"I had just taken the machine-gun off my mate to give him a rest

when 'Fritz' opened fire on us from the left with a machine-gun,

which played havoc with the Irish. Then I heard my mate shout,

'Bill, I've been hit,' and when I looked round I saw I was by

myself; he, poor chap, had fallen like the rest. Now I had to do

the best I could, so I picked up a bag of ammunition for the gun

and started across 'No Man's Land.' Once I had to drop into a

shell-hole to take cover from machine-gun fire.

"After a short rest I pushed on again and got into the German

second line. By this time I was exhausted, for I was carrying a

machine-gun and 300 rounds of ammunition, besides a rifle and

120 rounds in my pouches, equipment, haversack and waterproof

cape, so I had a fair load. I stopped there for a few minutes

picking off stray Boches that were kicking about. Then along

came a chap, whom I asked to give me a help with the gun, which

he did. We had scarcely gone ten yards when a shell burst on top

of us. I stood still, I don't think I could have moved had I

wanted to. Then I looked around for my chum, but alas! man and

gun were missing. Where he went to I don't know, for I have not

seen him or my precious weapon since."

Who that has talked with many wounded soldiers has not found that

often they are unable to give any coherent account of their own

actions and feelings during a battle. In some cases it is due to an

unwillingness to revive haunting memories, a wish to banish out of

mind for ever the morbid, terrible and grotesque, the ugly aspects in

which many experiences in battle present themselves, surpassing the

nightmares of any opium eater. In other cases there is an obvious

distaste for posing. All one gallant Irish Tynesider would say to me

was, "Sure I only went on because I had to. Didn't the officers tell

us before we left the trenches that there was to be no going back?" He

brushed aside everything he had done that terrible day which got him

the Distinguished Conduct Medal, with the jocose assumption that he

was but the most unheroic of mortals, that he went to a place where he

would not have gone if he had had any choice in the matter. The

incommunicativeness of the soldier is also due to the fact that he

cannot recall his sensations. During an engagement his mind is in a

whirl. He has no disposition to note his thoughts and feelings in the

midst of the fighting. In fact, few men can analyse the processes of

their emotions in such a situation, either at the time or afterwards.

As a rule, an overmastering passion possesses the soldier to stab,

hack and annihilate the foe who want to take that life which he so

greatly desires to preserve. All else is confused and blurred--a vague

sense of desperate happenings shrouded in fire and smoke, out of which

there emerges, now and then, with sharp distinctness, some specially

horrible incident, such as the shattering of a comrade into bits.

But I have met with cases still more strange, where the mind was a

blank during the advance through the showering bullets and shrapnel

and the exploding shells. Even the simplest process of the

brain--memory, or self-consciousness--was dormant. The soldiers in

this mental condition appear to have been like the somnambulist who

does things mechanically as he walks in his sleep, and when aroused

has an impression of having passed through some unusual experience,

but what he cannot tell, so vague and formless is it all. Suddenly

all the senses of these hypnotised soldiers became wide awake and

alert. This happened when they caught sight of figures in skirted grey

tunics and flat grey caps with narrow red bands, emerging from

cavernous depths into the light of day, or unexpectedly came upon them

crouching in holes or behind mounds of earth away from the trenches.

Germans! Face to face with the Bosche at last! The effect was like

that of a sudden and peremptory blast of a bugle in a deep stillness.

Each Irish Tynesider braced up his nerves for bloody deeds. "My life,

or theirs," was the thought that sprang to his mind. Thus it was a

scene of appalling violence. It resounded with the clash of bayonets;

the crackle of musketry; the explosion of bombs; the rattle of

machine-guns; and in that confusion of hideous mechanical noises were

also heard the shriek of human anguish and the cry of victory.

It was in a wood not far off Contalmaison that the fighting was most

desperate and sanguinary of all. The place was full of Germans. The

paths and glades were blocked or barricaded with fallen trees. Beneath

the splintered and blackened trunks that were still standing, the

undergrowth, freed from the attentions of the woodman in the two years

of the war, was dense and tangled. Right through the wood were

trenches with barbed wire obstructions. At its upper end were

peculiarly strong outposts, which poured machine-gun fire through the

trees and bushes. It was commanded by batteries on two sides--from

Contalmaison on the right and Oviliers on the left. The attackers had

to penetrate this dreadful wood, scrambling, tearing, jumping,

creeping in the sultry and stifling heat of the day. There were

ferocious personal encounters. The form of fighting was one of the

most terrible to which this most hideous of wars has given rise.

Probably there has been nothing like it since early man fought those

horrid and extinct mammoth animals, the skeletons of which are now to

be seen in museums, what time they were alive and savage and ruthless

in their haunts in the primeval forest.

The battle was marked by ever-varying vicissitudes of advance and

repulse. "The German Guardsmen fought like tigers to hold it," is a

phrase in one letter of an Irish Tynesider. Our own official

despatches relating to the Somme battle also show that this part of

the German front--Oviliers, La Boiselle, Bailiff's Wood, Contalmaison,

Mametz Wood--was held by battalions of the Guards, composed of the

flower of the youth of Prussia, and standing highest in the mightiest

army in the world. These were not the kind of men to put up their

hands and cry "Kamerad, mercy!" at the sight even of that pitiless and

unnerving thing--a bayonet at the end of a rifle in the hands of a

brawny Irishman, with the fury of battle flaming in his eyes. They

held on tenaciously, and gave blow for blow. A long bombardment, night

and day, by modern heavy guns, is a frightful ordeal. Its objects are,

first, to kill wholesale; and, next, to paralyse the survivors with

the fear of death, so that they could but offer only a feeble

resistance to the advancing troops. Shaken and despairing men were,

therefore, encountered--filthy, unshaven, vile-looking, and so

mentally dazed as to act and talk like idiots. But they were not all

like that. So well-designed and powerful were their subterranean

defences that large numbers were unaffected by the visitations of the

high explosives, and through it preserved their courage and their

rage. Conspicuous among these were the Prussian Guards. They made

furious efforts to stop the advancing lines of the Tyneside Irish, and

that they were overpowered is a splendid testimony to the martial

qualities of our men. Think of it! Two years ago, or so, these young

lads of various industrial callings--farm hands, railway porters,

clerks, drapers' assistants, policemen, carters, messenger boys,

miners--would have regarded as preposterous the idea that at any time

of what seemed to them to be their predestined humdrum existence, or

in any period even of a conceivably mad and topsy-turvy world, they

would not only be soldiers but would encounter the Germans on the

fields of France; and--most incredible phantasy of all--defeat the

renowned Prussian Guards--men whose hearts from their earliest years

throbbed high at the thought that they were to be soldiers; men highly

disciplined and trained, belonging to the proudest regiments in the

German Army, and always ready and eager for the call of battle.

Bailiff's Wood and Contalmaison appear to have been the furthest

points reached on the first day of the Battle of the Somme. If they

did not then fall, the superb action of the Tyneside Irish made

breaches in these strongholds which, when widened and deepened by

subsequent assaults, led to their complete capture on July 10. As

Captain Downey, an officer of the Tyneside Irish says: "Our men paved

the way for various other British regiments who swept through some

days later." A few companies of one of these battalions which got into

Contalmaison on July 7, and were driven out, brought back some

Tyneside Irish and Scottish that were imprisoned in a German dug-out

in the village. They also found outside the village the bodies of

several Tyneside Irish, gallant fellows who died in the attempt to

push on to the point they had orders to reach.

The effectiveness of the attack by the Brigade on July 1 depended a

good deal upon the progress made by troops of other Divisions who were

co-operating on both sides. "On our left flank the parallel Division

was held up; on our right the Division moved slowly," says an officer

of the Irish Brigade. The difficulties of the advance would probably

have held up indefinitely any other troops in the world. But there is

never any danger of the momentum of an attack by Irish troops being

weakened through excessive caution against what is called "over

running." Indeed, it is a fault of their courage that they are

sometimes prone to act with too much precipitation, and, in fact, on

this occasion it was not so much that the Divisions to the right and

left were behind time as that the Irish Brigade were somewhat ahead of

it. The result, however, was that the Irish Tynesiders were exposed on

their right to a deadly enfilading fire that swept across from

Oviliers, which was not yet in British possession. Nevertheless, they

did not stop. "No matter who cannot get on, we must." That was the

order of the officers in command, and so dauntless was the response to

it that by one o'clock the men got to a point in front of

Contalmaison. Here what remained of the Brigade held on for some days

and nights, until the reserves came to their relief on July 4.

The casualties among all ranks were heavy. The officers, sharing every

hardship and being foremost in every danger, suffered most grievously.

"Our Brigadier, our colonels, our company commanders, were badly

wounded. Every officer, with the exception of two subalterns, was hit.

Some were hit in no less than three places. Yet they carried on. Those

too weak to walk crawled until they eventually gave up through loss of

blood. The losses among the N.C.O.s were just as large." This is the

testimony of Captain Downey. Lieut.-Colonel L. Meredith Howard of the

Tyneside Irish was severely wounded, and died two days afterwards.

Among the officers of the Brigade who fell in action was

Second-Lieutenant Gerald FitzGerald. A brother officer says, "He died

shouting to his men: 'Come on.'" His father was Lord Mayor of

Newcastle the year in which the Brigade was raised. Other officers

killed were Captain Kenneth Mackenzie of Kinsale, co. Cork, whose

father was formerly an Irish Land Commissioner; Lieutenant Louis

Francis Byrne of Newcastle, who was serving his articles as a

solicitor when war broke out; and Lieutenant J.R.C. Burlureaux, a

journalist.

The disappearance of so many of the officers was enough to have

dispirited and confused any body of men. Would it be possible for them

to extricate themselves from the fearful labyrinth in which they were

involved? Would there be any of them left for the final dash at their

objective? The non-commissioned officers rose splendidly to the

emergency. One battalion had not far advanced when all the officers

were shot down. Quartermaster-Sergeant Joseph Coleman took command and

continued onward. Soon he found himself with only three men left.

Everything seemed lost in his part of that scene of tumult and death

but for his coolness and gallantry. He went back, gathered up the

remnants of other scattered companies, and led a willing and eager

band to the capture of the position put down to the battalion in the

scheme of operations. For this Coleman got the Distinguished Conduct

Medal, and had it pinned on his breast by General Munro, the

Brigadier.

When the Brigade was relieved, their return to the haven behind the

lines was attended with almost as much danger as their advance to the

hell beyond the ridge had been. As the men ascended the slope of La

Boiselle, down which they had charged a few days before, the German

machine-guns were still rattling from the opposite hill, and snipers

were picking off the stragglers. The hideousness of the field of

action had also increased. The devastated ground, with its

shell-holes, its great gaping craters and its trenches, was now strewn

with the unsavoury litter of the wake of battle--discarded rifles,

helmets, packs, burst and unburst shells; boots, rags, meat-tins,

bottles and newspapers. Such of the wounded as could walk at all

limped along on the arms of comrades. Every one was inconceivably

dirty. Down their blackened faces were white furrows made by their

sweat. Thus they came back, the Irish Tynesiders, with bloody but

unbowed heads. "I saw our battalions file out from their bivouac under

cover of night, and, though each man knew of the deadly work before

him, the ready jest and witty retort were as abundant as ever," writes

Lieutenant F. Treanor, Quartermaster of one of the battalions of the

Tyneside Irish, and a native of Monaghan. "In the dressing-stations

afterwards I saw many of them, and there were still the same heroic

fortitude and the exchange of comments, many grimly humorous, as that

of one poor fellow who remarked, when asked if he had any souvenirs.

'Be danged, 'twas no place for picking up jewellery.'"

The Brigade received the highest praises from the Commander of the

Army Corps and the Commander of the Division, as well as from their

own General. The corps commander wrote: "The gallantry, steadiness and

resource of the Brigade were such as to uphold the very highest and

best traditions of the British Army." Major-General Ingouville-Williams,

who commanded the Division, wrote to the Tyneside committee--

"It is with the greatest pride and deepest regret that I wish to

inform you that the Division which included the Tyneside Irish covered

itself with glory on July 1, but its losses were very heavy. Every one

testifies to the magnificent work they did that day, and it is the

admiration of all. I, their commander, will never forget their

splendid advance through the German curtain of fire. It was simply

wonderful, and they behaved like veterans. Tyneside can well be proud

of them; and although they will sorrow for all my brave and faithful

comrades, it is some consolation to know they died not in vain, and

that their attack was of the greatest service to the Army on that

day."

Writing to his wife on July 3, 1916, Major-General Ingouville-Williams

said: "My Division did glorious deeds. Never have I seen men go

through such a hell of a barrage of artillery. They advanced as on

parade and never flinched. I cannot speak too highly of them. The

Division earned a great record, but, alas! at a great cost." On July

20 he also wrote to his wife: "Never shall I cease singing the praises

of my old Division, and I never shall have the same grand men to deal

with again." A few days later Major-General Ingouville-Williams died

for his country.

Seventy-three officers and men of the Tyneside Irish received

decorations. Four Distinguished Service Orders and twenty Military

Crosses went to the officers, eight Distinguished Conduct Medals and

forty Military Medals were received by the men, and a sergeant was

awarded the high Russian decoration of the Order of St. George. Among

the officers who received the Military Cross was Lieutenant T.M.

Scanlan, whose father, Mr. John E. Scanlan, Newcastle-on-Tyne, took a

prominent part in the raising of the Brigade. Lieutenant Scanlan

states that only eight men were left out of his platoon after July 1,

and six of them were awarded honours. All honour to the Brigade! Those

who helped to raise the battalions--Mr. Peter Bradley and Mr. N.

Grattan Doyle, the chairmen of the committee; Mr. Gerald Stoney and

Mr. John Mulcahy, the joint secretaries--have reason to be proud of

the magnificent quality of the men who responded to their call. Let it

stand as the last word of the story of their achievement that they

overthrew and trampled down the proud Prussian Guards, and relaxed the

grip which Germany had held for two years on a part of France.

The Irish on the Somme Being a Second Series of 'The Irish at the Front' · 第 6 / 16 章