[1] See Jones on _The Tyrian Period of America_.
[2] _Var. Hist._, lib. III, cap. xviii.
[3] See Plato's _Critias and Timæas_.
[4] _De Mundo_, cap. III. See _Prince Henry the Navigator_, chap. VII,
by Major: London, 1868.
[5] _Odyssey_, book IV, l. 765.
[6] See _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 90.
[7] Strobo. lib. III.--_Plutarch._
[8] Pliny's _Natural History_, lib. VI, cap. 37.
[9] See p. 137.
[10] _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 137.
[11] After this mention by Pliny, the Canaries, or Fortunate Isles, are
lost sight of for a period of thirteen hundred years. In the reign of
Edward III of England, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, one
Robert Machin sailed from Bristol for France, carrying away a lady of
rank, who had eloped with him, and was driven by a storm to the
Canaries, where he landed, and thus rediscovered the lost Fortunate
Isles. This fact is curiously established by Major, in the _Life of
Prince Henry_, so that it can no longer be regarded as an idle tale (see
pp. 66-77). In 1341, a voyage was also made to the Canaries, under the
auspices of King Henry of Portugal. The report, so widely circulated by
De Barros, that the islands were rediscovered by Prince Henry is
therefore incorrect. His expedition reached Porto Santo and Madeira in
1418-20.
[12] He also speculates upon the probability of this continent having
been visited by Christian missionaries. See vol. VI, p. 410.
[13] Kingsborough's _Mexican Antiquities_, vol. VI, p. 285.
[14] Ibid., p. 332.
[15] _Monastikon Britannicum_, pp. 131-2-187-8. The fact that the word
_America_ is here used, seems quite sufficient to upset the legend.
[16] The Irish were early known as Scots, and O'Halloran derives the
name from Scota, high priest of Phoenius, and ancestor of Mileseuis.
Me quoque vicins pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
Munivit Stilicho. Totam cum Scotus Iernem,
Movit et infesto spumavit remige Thetys.
By him defended, when the neighboring hosts
Of warlike nations spread along our coasts;
When Scots came thundering from the Irish shores,
And the wide ocean foamed with hostile oars.
[17] Speaking of Britain and Ireland, Tacitus says of the latter, that
"the approaches and harbors are better known, by reason of commerce and
the merchants."--_Vit. Agri._, c. 24. The Irish, doubtless, mingled with
the Carthagenians in mercantile transactions, and from them they not
unlikely received the rites of Druidism.
[18] As the tradition of a Welch voyage to America under Prince Madoc,
relates to a period _following_ the Icelandic voyages, the author does
not deem it necessary to discuss the subject. This voyage by the son of
Owen Gwyneth, is fixed for the year 1170, and is based on a Welch
chronicle of no authority. See _Hackluyt_, vol. III, p. 1.
[19] _Turkish Spy_, vol. VIII, p. 159.
[20] See "Northmen in Iceland," _Sociètà des Antiquaires du Nord, Seance
du 14 Mai_, 1859, pp. 12-14.
[21] It is sometimes, though improperly, called the _Norse_.
[22] In the time when the Irish monks occupied the island, it is said
that it was "covered with woods between the mountains and the shores."
[23] _Setstakkar._ These were wooden pillars carved with images usually
of Thor and Odin. In selecting a place for a settlement these were flung
overboard, and wherever they were thrown up on the beach, there the
settlement was to be formed. Ingolf, the first Norse settler of Iceland,
lost sight of the seat-posts after they were thrown into the water, and
was obliged to live for the space of three years at Ingolfshofdi. In
another case a settler did not find his posts for _twelve_ years,
nevertheless he changed his abode then. In Frithiof's Saga (American
edition) chap. III, p. 18, we find the following allusion:
"Through the whole length of the hall shone forth the table of oak wood,
Brighter than steel, and polished; the pillars twain of the high seats
Stood on each side thereof; two gods deep carved out of elm wood:
Odin with glance of a king, and Frey with the sun on his forhead."
[24] Ari Hinn Frode, or the Wise. The chief compiler of the famous
_Landnama Book_, which contains a full account of all the early settlers
in Iceland. It is of the same character, though vastly superior to the
English _Doomsday Book_, and is probably the most complete record of the
kind ever made by any nation.
It contains the names of 3000 persons, and 1,400 places. It gives a
correct account of the genealogies of the families, and brief notices of
personal achievements. It was begun by Frode (born 1067, died 1148), and
was continued by Kalstegg, Styrmer and Thordsen, and completed by Hauk
Erlandson, Lagman, or Governor of Iceland, who died in the year 1334.
[25] "Thus saith the holy priest Bede.... Therefore learned men think
that it is Iceland which is called Thule.... But the holy priest
Bede died DCCXXXV. years after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ,
more than a hundred years before Iceland was inhabited by the
Northmen."--_Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 202. This extract is followed
by the statement of Ari Frode, and shows that the Irish Christians
retired to Iceland at a very early day. The Irish monk Dicuil also
refers to this solitary island, which, about the year 795, was visited
by some monks with whom he had conversed.
[26] All the information which we possess relating to the discovery by
Gunnbiorn is given in the body of this work, in extracts from
_Landanamabok_.
[27] Claudius Christophessen, the author of some Danish verses relating
to the history of Greenland, supposes that Greenland was discovered in
the year 770, though he gave no real reason for his belief. _M. Peyrere_
also tells us of a Papal Bull, issued in 835, by Gregory IV, which
refers to the conversion of the Icelanders and Greenlanders. Yet this is
beyond question fraud. Gunnbiorn was undoubtedly the first to gain a
glimpse of Greenland.
[28] The Northmen reckoned by _winters_.
[29] See the Saga of Eric the Red.
[30] The statement, found in several places, that he discovered Vinland
while on his way to Greenland, is incorrect. The full account of his
voyages shows that his Vinland voyage was an entirely separate thing.
[31] The author designs shortly to give some full account of the early
Christianity on the Western Continent in a separate work, now well
advanced towards completion. It will include both the _Pre_ and
_Post_-Columbian eras.
[32] Gissur the White and Hialte, went on the same errand to Iceland in
the year 1000, when the new religion was formally adopted at the public
Thnig.
[33] It will be seen hereafter that he went and established himself in
Vinland.
[34] See _Memoires des Antiquaires du Nord_, p. 383.
[35] The location of Gardar is now uncertain. At one time it was
supposed to have been situated on the eastern coast; but since it became
so clear that the east coast was never inhabited, that view has been
abandoned, though the name appears in old maps.
[36] See Crantz's _Greenland_, vol. I, p. 252.
[37] These inscriptions are all in fair runic letters, about which there
can be no mistake, and are totally unlike the imaginary runes, among
which we may finally feel obliged to class those of the Dighton rock.
[38] See Egede's _Greenland_, p. xxv; Crantz's _Greenland_, vol. I, pp.
247-8; Purchas, _His Pilgrimes_, vol. III, p. 518; _Antiquitates
Americanæ_, p. 300.
[39] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. xxxix.
[40] For the account of the manuscripts upon which our knowledge of
Greenland is founded, see _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 255.
[41] In that year parties are known to have contracted marriage at
Gardar, from whom Finn Magnussen and other distinguished men owe their
descent.
[42] Egede's _Greenland_, p. xlvii.
[43] Ibid., xlviii.
[44] Crantz's _Greenland_, vol. I, p. 264.
[45] Crantz's _Greenland_, p. 274.
[46] Ibid., p. 279.
[47] Hans Egede was a clergyman in priest's orders, and minister of the
congregation at Vogen in the northern part of Norway, where he was
highly esteemed and beloved. He spent fifteen years as a missionary in
Greenland, and died at Copenhagen, 1758.
[48] The motto on the sword of Roger Guiscard was:
"_Appulus et Calaber Siculus mihi Servit et Afer._"
[49] See Laing's _Heimskringla_, vol. II, p. 450. This refers to his
swimming match with Kiarten the Icelander, in which the king was beaten.
[50] See Saga of Saint (not king) Olaf.
[51] _Des Antiquaires du Nord_, 1859.
[52] Ledehammer. The point of land near the house of Lede, just below
Drontheim.
[53] Laing's _Heimskringla_, vol. I, p. 457. It is related that while
they were planking the ship, "it happened that Thorberg had to go home
to his farm upon some urgent business; and as he stayed there a long
time, the ship was planked upon both sides when he came back. In the
evening the king went out and Thorberg with him, to see how the ship
looked, and all said that never was seen so large and fine a ship of
war. Then the king went back to the town. Early the next morning the
king came back again to the ship, and Thorberg with him. The carpenters
were there before them, but all were standing idle with their hands
across. The king asked, 'What is the matter?' They said the ship was
ruined; for somebody had gone from stem to stern, and cut one deep notch
after another down the one side of the planking. When the king came
nearer he saw that it was so, and said with an oath, 'The man shall die
who has thus ruined the ship out of malice, if he can be found, and I
will give a great reward to him who finds him out.' 'I can tell you,
king,' says Thorberg, 'who has done this piece of work.' 'I don't think
that any one is so likely to find it out as thou art.' Thorberg says: 'I
will tell you, king, who did it, I did it myself.' The king says, 'Thou
must restore it all to the same condition as before, or thy life shall
pay for it.' Then Thorberg went and chipped the planks until the deep
notches were all smoothed and made even with the rest; and the king and
all present declared that the ship was much handsomer on the side of the
hull which Thorberg had chipped, and bade him shape the other side in
the same way and gave him great thanks for the improvement."
[54] A few years ago two very ancient vessels which probably belonged to
the seventh century were exhumed on the coast of Denmark, seven thousand
feet from the sea, where they were scuttled and sunk. The changes in the
coast finally left them imbedded in the sand. One vessel was seventy-two
feet long, and nine feet wide amid ships. The other was forty-two feet
long, and contained two eight-sided spars, twenty-four feet long. The
bottoms were covered with mats of withes for the purpose of keeping them
dry. Among the contents was a Damascened sword, with runes, showing that
the letter existed among the Northmen in the seventh century.
[55] The people of Iceland were always noted for their superiority in
this respect over their kinsmen in Denmark and Norway. There is one
significant fact bearing on this point, which is this: that, while a few
of the people of Iceland went at an early period to engage in piratical
excursions with the vikings of Norway, not a single pirate ship ever
sailed from Iceland. Such ways were condemned altogether at an early
day, while various European nations continued to sanction piracy down to
recent periods. Again it should be remembered that in Iceland duelling
was also solemnly declared illegal as early as 1011, and in Norway the
following year; while in England it did not cease to be a part of the
judicial process until 1818. See Sir Edmund Head's _Viga-Glum Saga_, p.
120.
[56] Those who imagine that these manuscripts, while of pre-Columbian
origin, have been tampered with and interpolated, show that they have
not the faintest conception of the state of the question. The accounts
of the voyages of the Northmen to America form the _framework_ of Sagas
which would actually be destroyed by the elimination of the narratives.
There is only one question to be decided, and that is the _date_ of
these compositions.
[57] The fact that Mr. Bancroft has in times past expressed opinions in
opposition to this view will hardly have weight with those persons
familiar with the subject. When that writer composed the first chapter
of his _History of the United States_, he might have been excused for
setting down the Icelandic narratives as shadowy fables; but, with all
the knowledge shed upon the subject at present, we have a right to look
for something better. It is therefore unsatisfactory to find him
perpetuating his early views in each successive edition of the work,
which show the same knowledge of the subject betrayed at the beginning.
He tells us that these voyages "rest on narratives _mythological_ in
form, and _obscure_ in meaning," which certainly cannot be the case.
Furthermore they are "not contemporary;" which is true, even with regard
to Mr. Bancroft's _own_ work. Again, "The chief document is an
interpolation in the history of Sturleson." This cannot be true in the
sense intended, for Mr. Bancroft conveys the idea that the principal
narrative _first_ appeared in Sturleson's history when published at a
_late day_. It is indeed well known that one version, but _not_ the
principal version, was interpolated in Peringskiold's edition of
Sturleson's _Heimskringla_, printed at Copenhagen. But Bancroft teaches
that these relations are of a modern date, while it is well known that
they were taken _verbatim_ from _Codex Flatöiensis_, finished in the
year 1395. He is much mistaken in supposing that the northern
Antiquarians think any more highly of the narratives in question,
because they once happened to be printed in connection with Sturleson's
great work. He tells us that Sturleson "could hardly have neglected the
discovery of a continent," if such an event had taken place. But this,
it should be remembered, depends upon _whether or not the discovery was
considered of any particular importance_. This does _not_ appear to have
been the case. The fact is nowhere dwelt upon for the purpose of
exalting the actors. Besides, as Laing well observes, the discovery of
land at the west had nothing to do with his subject, which was the
history of the kings of Norway. The discovery of America gave rise to a
little traffic, and nothing more. Moreover the kings of Norway took no
part, _were not the patrons of the navigators_, and _had no influence
whatever in instituting a single voyage_. Mr. Bancroft's last objection
is that Vinland, the place discovered, "has been sought in all
directions from Greenland and the St. Lawrence to Africa." This
paragraph also conveys a false view of the subject, since the location
of Vinland was as well known to the Northmen as the situation of
Ireland, with which island they had uninterrupted communication. It is
to be earnestly hoped that in the next edition, Mr. Bancroft may be
persuaded to revise his unfounded opinions.
Washington Irving has expressed the same doubt in his Life of Columbus,
_written before the means of examining this question were placed within
his reach_, and in the appendix of his work he mixes the idle tales of
St. Brandan's Isle with the authentic histories of the Northmen. A very
limited inquiry would have led him to a different estimate.
[58] The word rune comes from _ryn_, a furrow. Odin has the credit of
the invention, yet they are probably of Phenician origin. They were
sometimes used for poetical purposes. Halmund, in the Grettir Saga (see
Sabing Baring Gould's _Iceland_), says to his daughter: "Thou shalt now
listen whilst I relate my deeds, and sing thereof a song, which thou
shalt afterwards cut upon a staff." This indicates the training the
memory must have undergone among the Northmen.
[59] For a list of many Icelandic works, see the Introduction of Laing's
_Heimskringla_.
[60] See Sir Edmund Head's _Viga Glum Saga_, pp. viii and ix.
[61] Ibid. Of course there was more or less poetry, yet poetry is
something that is early developed among the rudest nations, while good
prose tells that a people have become highly advanced in mental culture.
[62] As early as 1411, there was a considerable trade between Bristol
and Iceland, and Columbus visited Iceland in the spring of the year
1477, where he _might_ have met Magnus Eyolfson, the bishop of Skalholt,
or learned from some other scholar the facts in relation to the early
Icelandic discoveries. Though Rafn supposes that by his visit, his
opinions, previously formed regarding the existence of the Western
continent, were confirmed, this is not altogether clear, for the reason
that Columbus was not seeking a new continent, but a route to the
Indies, which he believed he should find by sailing west. Accordingly
when he found land he called it the _West_ Indies, supposing that he had
reached the extreme boundary of the _East_ Indies. Irving tells us that
Columbus founded his theory on (1), the nature of things; (2), the
authority of learned writers; (3), the reports of navigators.
[63] Adam of Bremen even heard of the exploits of the Northmen in
Vinland, and made mention of that country. But as it _might_ be said
that his work did not appear until after the voyage of Columbus, and
that the reference may be an interpolation, the author does not rest
anything upon it. Still he unquestionably knew of the voyages of the
Northmen, as he lived near the time they were made, and wrote his
ecclesiastical history in about the year 1075, after he had made a visit
to King Sweno of Denmark, and had accumulated much material. The passage
in question is as follows: "Besides, it was stated [by the king] that a
region had been discovered by many in that [the western] ocean, which
was called Winland, because vines grow there spontaneously, making
excellent wine; for that fruits, not planted, grow there of their own
accord, we know not by false rumor, but by the certain testimony of the
Danes."
The very ancient Faroese ballad of Finn the Handsome (see Rafn's
_Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 319), also contains references to Vinland,
which indicates that the country was known as well by the Irish as by
the Icelanders.
[64] _History of New England_, vol. II, p. 53.
[65] The liability of the best historians to fail into error, is
illustrated by Paley, who shows the serious blunders in the accounts of
the Marquis of Argyle's death, in the reign of Charles II: "Lord
Clarendon relates that he was condemned to be _hanged_, which was
performed the _same_ day; on the contrary, Burnet, Woodrow, Heath,
Echard concur in stating that he was _beheaded_, and that he was
condemned upon Saturday and executed on Monday."--_Evidences of
Christianity_, part III, chap. i. So Mr. Bancroft found it impossible to
give with any accuracy the location of the French colony of St. Savion,
established on the coast of Maine, by Saussaye, in 1613. Bancroft tells
us that it was on the north bank of the Penobscot, while it is perfectly
well known that it was located on the island of Mount Desert, a long way
off in the Atlantic Ocean.
[66] Dighton Rock known as the Writing Rock, is situated six and a half
miles south of Taunton, Mass., on the east side of Taunton river, formed
by Assonnet Neck. It lies in the edge of the river, and is left dry at
low water. It is a boulder of fire graywack, twelve feet long and five
feet high, and faces the bed of the river. Its front is now covered with
chiseled inscriptions of what appear to be letters and outlines of men,
animals and birds. As early as the year 1680, Dr. Danforth secured a
drawing of the upper portion; Cotton Mather made a full copy in 1712;
and in 1788, Professor Winthrop, of Harvard College, took a full-sized
impression on prepared paper. Various other copies have been made at
different times, all of which present substantially the same features.
Yet in the interpretation of the inscription there has been little
agreement. The old rock is a riddle, dumb as the Sphinx. A copy of the
inscription was shown to a Mohawk chief, who decided that it was nothing
less than the representation of a triumph by Indians over a wild beast
which took place on this spot. Mr. Schoolcraft also showed a copy to
Chingwank, an Algonquin well versed in picture-writing, who gave a
similar interpretation. The Roman characters in the central part of the
composition he was finally induced to reject, as having no connection
with the rest. And whoever compares this inscription with those of
undeniably Indian origin found elsewhere, cannot fail to be impressed
with the similarity. Nevertheless, members of the Royal Society of
Antiquarians, to whose notice it was brought by the Rhode Island
Historical Society, felt strongly persuaded that the rock bears evidence
of the Northman's visit to these shores. Mr. Laing, the accomplished
translator of the _Heimskringla_, in discussing the theories in regard
to the inscription, says, that the only real resemblance to letters is
found in the middle of the stone, in which antiquarians discover the
name of Thorfinn, that is, Thorfinn Karlsefne, the leader of the
expedition which came to New England in 1007. Just over these letters is
a character supposed to be Roman also, which may signify NA, or MA, the
letter A being formed by the last branch of M. Now MA in Icelandic is
used as an abbreviation of _Madr_, which signifies the original settler
of a country. Close to these two letters are several numerals, construed
to mean _one hundred and fifty-one_. And according to the account of the
voyage, Thorfinn lost _nine_ of the hundred and sixty men with whom it
is presumed he started, and therefore _one hundred and fifty-one_ would
exactly express the number with him at the time he is supposed to have
cut the inscription. This, then, would mean altogether, that Thorfinn
Karlsefne established himself here with one hundred and fifty-one men.
Yet, as the testimony of this rock is not needed, we may readily forego
any advantage that can be derived from its study. Besides, the history
of similar cases should serve to temper our zeal. In the time of Saxo
Grammatticus (1160), there was a stone at Hoby, near Runamoe, in the
Swedish province of Bleking, which was supposed to be sculptured with
runes. At a late day copies were furnished the antiquarians, who came to
the conclusion, as Laing tells us, that it was a genuine inscription,
referring to the battle of Braaville, fought in the year 680. It
afterwards turned out that the apparent inscription was made by the
disintegration of veins of a soft material existing in the rock. Yet the
Dighton inscription is beyond question the work of man. Mr. A. E.
Kendal, writing in 1807, says that there was a tradition that Assonnet
Neck, on which tongue of land the rock is situated, was once a place of
banishment among the Indians. He states, further, that the Indians had a
tradition to the effect, that in ancient times some _white_ men in a
_bird_ landed there and were slaughtered by the aborigines. They also
said thunder and lightening issued from the bird, which fact indicates
that this event, if it occurred at all, must be referred to the age of
gunpowder. Mr. Kendal mentions the story of a ship's anchor having been
found there at an early day. In former years the rock was frequently dug
under by the people, in the hope of finding concealed treasures. It is
said that a small rock once existed near by which also bore marks of
human hands. The Portsmouth and Tiverton Rocks, described by Mr. Webb
(_Antiquitates Americanæ_, pp. 355-71), are doubtless Indian
inscriptions; while that on the island of Monhegan, off the coast of
Maine, may perhaps be classed with the rock of Hoby. Yet after all, it
is possible that the _central_ portion of the inscription on the Dighton
Rock, may be the work of the Northmen. That two distinct parties were
concerned in making the inscription is clear from the testimony of the
Indians, who did not pretend to understand the portion thought to refer
to Karlsefne. For the full discussion, see _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p.
378, _et seq._
[67] _Memoirs des Antiquaires du Nord_, 1839-9, p. 377.
[68] The Old Mill at Newport stands on an eminence in the centre of the
town, being about twenty-four feet high, and twenty-three feet in
diameter. It rests upon eight piers and arches. It has four small
windows, and, high up the wall, above the arches, was a small fire
place. It is first distinctly mentioned in the will of Governor Benedict
Arnold, of Newport, where it is called, "my stone-built wind mill." It
is known that during the eighteenth century it served both as a mill and
powder house. Edward Pelham, who married Governor Arnold's
granddaughter, in 1740 also called it "an old stone mill." Peter Easton,
who early went to live in Newport, wrote in 1663, that "this year we
built the first windmill;" and August 28, 1675, he says, "A storm blew
down our windmill." What Easton relates occurred before Governor Arnold
writes about his stone windmill, and it is not unreasonable to suppose
that when the one spoken of by Easton was destroyed he built something
more substantial. Yet we cannot say that this was actually the case. The
old tower existing at the beginning of the settlement may have been
adapted by him for the purposes of a mill, when the one mentioned by
Easton was destroyed.
The family of the Governor is said to have come from Warwickshire,
England, and one of his farms was called the Leamington farm, as is
supposed, from the place by that name near Warwick. In addition to this,
in the Chesterton Parish, three miles from Leamington, there is an old
windmill similar in construction to that at Newport. It is supposed that
it was erected on pillars for pneumatic reasons, and also that carts
might thus go underneath and be loaded and unloaded with greater ease.
And it has been suggested, that _if_ Gov. Arnold came from Warwickshire,
of which the proof is not given, and _if_ the Chesterton Mill was
standing at the time of his departure for New England, he might have
built a mill at Newport after the same model. Yet this is something we
know little about. And whence came the Chesterton Mill itself? There was
a _tradition_ that it was built after a design by Inigo Jones, but this
is only a tradition. That structure also might have belonged to the
class of Round Towers in Ireland, of which one at least was built by
Northmen. All is therefore, in a measure, doubtful. It will hardly help
the Northmen to class this Newport relic with their works. See Palfrey's
_New England_, vol. I, pp. 57-9.
[69] Many have supposed that the skeleton in armor, dug up near Fall
River, was a relic of the Northmen, and one of those men killed by the
natives in the battle with Karlsefne. But it would be far more
reasonable to look for traces of the Northmen among the Indians of
Gaspe, who, at an early day, were distinguished for an unusual degree of
civilization. Malte Brun tells us that they worshiped the sun, knew the
points of the compass, observed the position of some of the stars, and
traced maps of their country. Before the French missionaries went among
them they worshiped the figure of the Cross, and had a tradition that a
venerable person once visited them, and during an epidemic cured many by
the use of that symbol. See Malte Brun's _Geography_ (English edition),
vol. V, p. 135. Malte Brun's authority is Father Leclerc's _Nouvelle
Relation de la Gaspesie_, Paris, 1672.
[70] _The Landnama-bok._ This is probably the most complete record of
the kind ever made by any nation. It is of the same general character as
the English _Doomsday Book_, but vastly superior in interest and value.
It contains the names of three thousand persons and one thousand four
hundred places. It gives a correct account of genealogies of the first
settlers, with brief notices of their achievements. It was commenced by
the celebrated Frode, the Wise, who was born 1067, and died 1148, and
was continued by Kalstegg, Styrmer and Thordsen, and completed by Hauk
Erlendson, _Lagman_, or Governor of Iceland, who died in the year 1334.
[71] Gunnbiorn appears to have been a Northman who settled in Iceland at
an early day. Nothing more is known of him.
[72] Torfæus says that these rocks lie six sea miles out from
Geirfuglesker, out from Reikiavek, and twelve miles south of Garde in
Greenland, yet they cannot now be found. It is not too much to suppose
that they have been sunk by some of those fearful convulsions which have
taken place in Iceland; yet it is quite as reasonable to conclude that
these rocks were located elsewhere, probably nearer the east coast,
which was formerly more accessible than now. In the version of the
Account of Greenland, by Ivar Bardason (see _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p.
301), given from a _Faroese Manuscript_, and curiously preserved by
Purchas, _His Pilgrimage_, vol. III, p. 518, we read as follows:
"_Item_, men shall know, that, between _Island_ and _Greenland_, lyeth a
Risse called _Gornbornse-Skare_. There were they wont to haue their
passage for _Gronland_. But as they report there is Ice upon the same
Risse, come out of the Long North Bottome, so that we cannot use the
same old Passage as they thinke."
[73] Torfæus says (_Greenlandia_, p. 73), that "Eric the Red first lived
in Greenland, but it was discovered by the man called Gunnbiorn. After
him Gunnbiorn's Rocks are called."
[74] The translation is literal or nearly so, and the sense is obscure.
[75] This shows that others had been there before. They were doubtless
Icelanders who were sailing to Greenland. The place of concealment
appears to have been an excavation covered with stone or wood. That the
people were sometimes accustomed to hide money in this way, is evident.
We read in the Saga of Eric the Red, that this person at first intended
to go with his son, Leif, on his voyage to discover the land seen by
Heriulf, and which Leif named Vinland. On his way to the ship, Eric's
horse stumbled, and he fell to the ground seriously injured, and was
obliged to abandon the voyage. He accepted this as a judgment for
having, as one preparation for his absence, buried his money, where his
wife, Thorhild, would not be able to find it.
[76] This is believed to have been about February, which affords one of
many indications that the climate of that region has become more
rigorous than formerly. The fact that water did not freeze, indicates
mild weather, which we might infer from the rigging of their vessels,
and the preparation for sea. In regard to the term Goe, _Grönland's
Historiske Mindesmærker_ (vol. I, p. 7), says: "This name was before
used in Denmark, which Etatsraad Werlauf has discovered on the
inscription of a Danish Rune-Stone."
[77] The facts that they engaged in hunting, and that they built a cabin
to live in, might at first lead some to suppose that the place contained
a forest or more or less trees, to supply wood. Yet this does not
follow, as drift wood might supply all their wants for building
purposes, where they could not obtain or use stone. Regarding drift
wood, Crantz says, in speaking of Greenland: "For as He has denied this
frigid, rocky region the growth of trees, He has bid the storms of the
ocean to convey to its shores a great deal of wood, which accordingly
comes floating thither, part without ice, but the most part along with
it, and lodges itself between the islands. Were it not for this, we
Europeans should have no wood to burn there.... Among this wood are
great trees torn up by the roots, which by driving up and down for many
years, and dashing and rubbing on the ice, are quite bare of branches.
A small part of this drift wood are willows, alder and birch trees,
which come out of the bays in the south; also large trunks of aspen
trees, ... but the greatest part is pine and fir. We find also, a good
deal of a sort of wood, finely veined, and with few branches; this, I
fancy, is larchwood.... There is also a solid, reddish wood of a more
agreeable fragrancy than the common fir, with visible cross veins, which
I take to be the same species as the beautiful silver firs, or zirbel,
that have the smell of cedar, and grow on the high Grison hills, and the
Switzers wainscot their rooms with them."--_History of Greenland_, vol.
I, p. 37.
[78] If any confirmation were needed of the truth of this narrative, or
of the killing of Snæbiorn and Thorod, we might look for it in the
equally well known fact, that after the return of the voyagers to
Iceland, the death of these two men was fearfully revenged by their
friends.
[79] In the southwest of Norway.
[80] See Colonization of Iceland, in the Introduction.
[81] See notes to Introduction.
[82] It is now impossible to identify these localities. The old view,
that what is called the East-bygd, or District, was on the eastern coast
of Greenland, is now abandoned. It is probable that no settlement was
ever effected on the east coast, though once it was evidently more
approachable than now. See Graah's _Expedition_.
[83] As we certainly know that Christianity was established in Iceland
in the year A. D. 1000, the final settlement of Eric and his followers
must have taken place during the year assigned, viz: 985.
[84] See _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 15, note _a_.
[85] Evidently an error. See _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 15, note 3.
[86] This king propagated Christianity by physical force, and marked the
course of his missionary tours with fire and blood; which might have
been expected from a barbarian just converted from the worship of Odin
and Thor.
[87] These thralls were slaves, though slavery in Iceland assumed
peculiar features. The following from the _Saga of Gisli the Outlaw_,
shows the relation that slaves held to freemen. We read, that on one
occasion, Gisli had borrowed a famous sword of Koll, and the latter
asked to have it back, but Gisli in reply asks if he will sell it,
receiving a negative reply. Then he says: "I will give thee thy freedom
and goods, so that thou mayest fare whither thou wilt with other men."
This is also declined, when Gisli continues: "Then I will give thee thy
freedom, and lease, or give thee land, and besides I will give thee
sheep, and cattle and goods, as much as thou needest." This he also
declines, and Kol, when Gisli asks him to name a price, offering any sum
of money, besides his freedom, and "a becoming match, if thou hast a
liking for any one." But Kol refused to sell it at any price, which
refusal led to a fight, and in the first onset, the slave's axe sank
into Gisli's brain, while the disputed sword, Graysteel, clove the thick
skull of Kol. See the _Saga of Gisli the Outlaw_, p, 6, Edinburgh, 1866.
Also the Saga of Eric Red, where Thorbiorn thinks it an indignity that
Einar should ask for the hand of his daughter in marriage, Einar being
the son of a slave.
[88] Original settler or freeholder, whose name and possessions were
recorded in the _Landnama-bok_.
[89] This poem no longer exists. Its subject, the _Hafgerdingar_, is
described as a fearful body of water, "which sometimes rises in the sea
near Greenland in such a way that three large rows of waves inclose a
part of the sea, so that the ship that finds itself inside, is in the
greatest danger."--_Grönland's Historiske Mindismærker_, vol. I, p. 264.
There does not appear to be any better foundation for this motion of the
Hafgerdingar than of the old accounts of the Maelstrom, once supposed to
exist on the coast of Norway. The Hafgardingar may have originated from
seeing the powerful effect of a cross sea acting on the tide.
[90] To this translation may be added another in metre, by Beamish:
O thou who triest holy men!
Now guide me on my way;
Lord of the earth's wide vault, extend
Thy gracious hand to me.
This appears to be the earliest Christian prayer thus far found in
connection with this period of American history.
[91] _Æyrar._ This is not the name of a place--for Heriulf dwelt in
Iceland at a place called Dropstock--but of a natural feature of ground;
_eyri_, still called an ayre in the Orkney islands, being a flat, sandy
tongue of land, suitable for landing and drawing up boats upon. All
ancient dwellings in those islands, and probably in Iceland also, are
situated so as to have the advantage of this kind of natural wharf, and
the spit of land called an ayre, very often has a small lake or pond
inside of it, which shelters boats.--_Laing._
[92] The details of this voyage are very simple, yet whoever throws
aside his old time prejudices, and considers the whole subject with the
care which it deserves, cannot otherwise than feel persuaded that Biarne
was driven upon this Continent, and that the land seen was the coast of
that great territory which stretches between Massachusetts and
Newfoundland, for there is no other land to answer the description. Of
course, no particular merit can be claimed for this discovery. It was
also accidental, something like the discovery of America by Columbus,
who, in looking for the East Indies, stumbled upon a new world. Yet
Biarne's discovery soon led to substantial results.
[93] Considerable has been said at various times in opposition to these
accounts, because cattle and sheep, and sometimes horses, are mentioned
in connection with Greenland. Some have supposed that, for these
reasons, the Saga must be incorrect. Yet, in more modern times, there
has been nothing to prevent the people from keeping such animals, though
it has been found better to substitute dogs for horses. Crantz says,
that in "the year 1759, one of our missionaries brought three sheep with
him from Denmark to New Herrnhuth. These have so increased by bringing
some two, some three lambs a year, that they have been able to kill some
every year since, to send some to Lichtenfels, for a beginning there,
and, after all, to winter ten at present. We may judge how vastly sweet
and nutritive the grass is here, from the following tokens: that tho'
three lambs come from one ewe, they are larger, even in autumn, than a
sheep of a year old in Germany." He says that in the summer they could
pasture two hundred sheep around New Herrnhuth; and that they formerly
kept cows, but that it proved too much trouble.--_History of Greenland_,
vol. I, p. 74.
[94] He must have gone over to Greenland from Norway then, as in the
year 1000, he returned and introduced Christianity into Greenland. The
language used is indefinite.
[95] One recension of the Saga of Eric the Red, states that he went with
Leif on his voyage to Vinland. Finn Magnusen says that the error arose
from a change of one letter in a pair of short words. See _Grönland's
Historiske Mindesmærker_, vol. I, p. 471.
[96] Horses could be kept in Greenland now, only with much expense. It
appears that anciently it was not so. Undoubtedly there has been more or
less of change in climate. Geologists find evidence that at one period,
a highly tropical climate must have existed in the northern regions.
[97] Superstition was the bane of the Northman's life. He was also a
firm believer in Fate. The doctrines of Fate held the finest Northern
minds in a vice-like grasp, so that in many cases their lives were
continually overshadowed by a great sorrow. One of the saddest
illustrations of this belief, may be found in the _Saga of Grettir the
Strong_ (given in Baring-Gould's work on Iceland), a Saga in which the
doctrine appears with a power that is well nigh appalling.
[98] Some suppose that he was a German, others claim that he was a Turk,
as his name might indicate.
[99] Snowy mountains, _Jöklar miklir_, such as Chappell mentions having
been seen on the coast, June 14, 1818.
[100] Helluland, from _Hella_, a flat stone, an abundance of which may
be found in Labrador and the region round about.
[101] This agrees with the general features of the country. The _North
American Pilot_ describes the land around Halifax, as "low in general,
and not visible twenty miles off; except from the quarter-deck of a
seventy-four. Apostogon hills have a long, level appearance, between
Cape Le Have and Port Medway, the coast to the seaward being level and
low, and the shores with white rocks and low, barren points; from thence
to Shelburne and Port Roseway, are woods. Near Port Haldiman are several
barren places, and thence to Cape Sable, which makes the southwest point
into Barrington Bay, a low and woody island."--_Antiquitates Americanæ_,
p. 423.
[102] Markland is supposed, with great reason, to be Nova Scotia, so
well described, both in the Saga, and in the _Coast Pilot_. Markland
means woodland. Two days sail thence, brought them in view of Cape Cod,
though very likely the sailing time is not correct.
[103] This island has given the interpreters considerable trouble, from
the fact that it is said to lie to the northward of the land. And
Professor Rafn, in order to identify this island with Nantucket, shows
that the north point of the Icelandic compass lay towards the east. But
this does not fairly meet the case. There would, perhaps, have been no
difficulty in the interpretation, if the Northern Antiquarians had been
acquainted with the fact, that in early times an island existed
northward from Nantucket, on the opposite coast of Cape Cod. This
island, together with a large point of land which now has also
disappeared, existed in the times of Gosnold, who sailed around Cape
Cod, in 1602. The position of this island, together with the point of
land, is delineated in the map given in the Appendix. At one time, some
doubt existed in regard to the truthfulness of the accounts, for the
reason that those portions of land described, no longer existed. Yet
their positions were laid down with scientific accuracy; the outer
portion of the island being called Point Care, while the other point was
called Point Gilbert. Neither Archer nor Brereton in their accounts of
Gosnold's voyage, give the name of the island; but Captain John Smith,
in 1614, calls it "Isle Nawset." Smith's _History of Virginia_, vol. II,
p. 183. This island was of the drift formation, and as late as half a
century ago, a portion of it still remained, being called Slut Bush. The
subject has been very carefully gone into by Mr. Otis, in his pamphlet
on the _Discovery of an Ancient Ship on Cape Cod_. Professor Agassiz,
writing December 17, 1863, says: "Surprising and perhaps incredible as
the statements of Mr. Amos Otis may _appear_, they are nevertheless the
direct and natural inference of the observations which may be easily
made along the eastern coast of Cape Cod. Having of late felt a special
interest in the geological structure of that remarkable region, I have
repeatedly visited it during the past summer, and, in company with Mr.
Otis, examined, on one occasion, with the most minute care, the evidence
of the former existence of Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert. I found it as
satisfactory as any geological evidence can be. Besides its scientific
interest," he adds, "this result has some historical importance. At all
events it fully vindicates Archer's account of the aspect of Cape Cod,
at the time of its discovery in 1602, and shows him to have been a
truthful and accurate observer." But possibly the vindication may extend
back even to the Northmen, whom the learned professor and his colaborers
did not have in mind; especially as this discovery will help very
materially to explain their descriptions. Now, in the first account of
Thorfinn Karlsefne's passage around this part of the Vinland, it is said
that they called the shore _Wonder-strand_, "because they were so long
going by," Yet any one in sailing past the coast to-day will not be
struck with its length. But by glancing at the reconstructed map of Cape
Cod (see Appendix), the reader will find that the coast line is greatly
increased, so that in order to pass around the cape, the navigator must
sail a long distance; and, comparing this distance travelled with the
distance actually gained, the Northmen might well grow weary, and call
it Wonder-strand. This quite relieves the difficulty that was felt by
Professor Rafn, who labored to show that the island in question was
Nantucket, notwithstanding the fact that it lay too far east. For a
fuller knowledge of Isle Nauset, see _New England Historic and
Genealogical Register_, vol. XVIII, p. 37; and _Massachusetts Historical
Collections_, vol. VIII, series III, pp. 72-93.
[104] In speaking of the immediate vicinity of _Wonder-strand_, the
second account of Thorfinn's expedition says, "There were places without
harbors," which has always been the case, this coast being dangerous;
yet it is said above that "they landed to wait for good weather." This
would be impracticable _now_, except at Chatham; yet at that day,
notwithstanding the absence of harbors, they would find accommodation
for their small vessel somewhere between the island and the mainland.
From Bradford's _History_, p. 217, we learn that in 1626-7, there was at
this place "a small blind harbore" that "lyes aboute y^e middle of
Manamoyake Bay," which to-day is filled up by recently formed sandy
wastes and salt meadows. This "blind harbore," had at its mouth a
treacherous bar of sand. If this harbor had existed in the days of the
Northmen, they would not of necessity discover it; and hence while Leif
might have landed here and found protection, Thorfinn, in his much
larger ship, might have found it needful to anchor, as he appears to
have done, in the grounds between Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert, while
explorations were being made on the land.
[105] "Honey dew," says Dr. Webb, "occurs in this
neighborhood."--_Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 443.
[106] This sound may have been the water between Point Gilbert and Isle
Nauset.
[107] Archer says in his account of Gosnold's voyage: "Twelve leagues
from [the end of] Cape Cod, we descried a point [Point Gilbert] with
some beach, a good distance off." It is said that the ness, or cape,
went out _northward_ but we must remember that _eastward_ is meant.
[108] This is precisely the course they would steer after doubling that
ness or cape which existed in Gosnold's day, and which he named Point
Gilbert. The author does not agree with Professor Rafn, in making this
point to be at the eastern entrance to Buzzard's bay. If he had known of
the existence of the Isle Nauset, he would not have looked for the ness
in that neighborhood. At that time Cape Malabar probably did not exist,
as we know how rapidly land is formed in that vicinity; yet it would not
have attracted notice in comparison with the great broad point mentioned
by Archer.
[109] After passing Point Gilbert, shoal water may almost anywhere be
found, which appears to have been the case anciently.
[110] The river was evidently Seaconnet passage and Pocasset river.
[111] This lake is Mount Hope Bay. The writer of the Saga passes over
that part of the voyage immediately following doubling of the ness. The
tourist in travelling that way by rail will at first take Mount Hope Bay
for a lake.
[112] Salmon were formerly so plentiful in this vicinity, that it is
said a rule was made, providing that masters should not oblige their
apprentices to eat this fish more than twice a week.
[113] It is well known that cattle in that vicinity can pass the winter
with little or no shelter, and the sheep on Nantucket, can, when
necessary, take care of themselves.
[114] This is an exaggeration, or, possibly, the writer, who was not
with the expedition, meant to convey the idea that there was no frost,
compared with what was experienced in Greenland and Iceland. The early
narrator of the voyage unquestionably tried to make a good impression as
regards the climate. In so doing, he has been followed by nearly all who
have come after him. Eric the Red told some almost fabulous stories
about the climate of Greenland; and yet, because his accounts do not
agree with facts, who is so foolish as to deny that he ever saw
Greenland? And with as much reason we might deny that Leif came to
Vinland. With equal reason, too, we might deny that Morton played the
rioter at Merry Mount; for he tells us in his _New English Canaan_, that
coughs and colds are unknown in New England. Lieutenant Governor Dudley
of Massachusetts complained of these false representations in his day.
[115] This passage was misunderstood by Torfæus, the earliest writer who
inquired into these questions, and he was followed by Peringskiold,
Malte-Brun and others, who, by their reckoning, made the latitude of
Vinland somewhere near Nova Scotia. Yet the recent studies of Rafn and
Finn Magnussen, have elucidated the point: "The Northmen divided the
heavens or horizons, into eight principal divisions, and the times of
the day according to the sun's apparent motion through these divisions,
the passage through each of which they supposed to occupy a period of
three hours. The day was therefore divided into portions of time
corresponding with these eight divisions, each of which was called an
_eykt_, signifying an eighth part. This _eykt_ was again divided, like
each of the grand divisions of the heavens, into two smaller and equal
portions, called _stund_ or _mal_. In order to determine these divisions
of time, the inhabitant of each place carefully observed the diurnal
course of the sun, and noted the terrestrial objects over which it
seemed to stand. Such an object, whether artificial or natural, was
called by the Icelanders, _dagsmark_ (daymark). They were also led to
make these daymarks by a division of the horizon according to the
principal winds, as well as by the wants of their domestic economy. The
shepherd's rising time, for instance, was called _Hirdis rismál_, which
corresponds with half-past four o'clock A. M., and this was the
beginning of the natural day of twenty-four hours. Reckoning from
_Hirdis rismál_ the eight _stund_ or eighth half _eykt_ ended at just
half-past four P. M.; and therefore this particular period was called
[Greek: kat' exochên], EYKT. This _eykt_, strictly speaking, commenced
at three o'clock P. M., and ended at half-past four P. M., when it was
said to be in _eyktarstadr_ or the termination of the _eykt_. The
precise moment that the sun appeared in this place indicated the
termination of the artificial day (_dagr_), and half the natural day
(_dagr_), and was therefore held especially deserving of notice: the
hours of labor, also, are supposed to have ended at this time. Six
o'clock A. M. was called _midr morgun_; half-past seven A. M., _Dagmal_;
nine A. M., _Dagverdarmal_. Winter was considered to commence in Iceland
about the seventeenth of October, and Bishop Thorlacius, the calculator
of the astronomical calendar, fixes sun-rise in the south of Iceland, on
the seventeenth of October, at half past seven A. M. At this hour,
according to the Saga, it rose in Vinland on the shortest day, and set
at half-past four P. M., which data fix the latitude of the place at 41°
43´ 10´´, being nearly that of Mount Hope Bay." See _Mem. Antiq. du
Nord_, 1836-7, p. 165. Rafn's calculation makes the position 41° 24´
10´´. It is based on the view that the observation was made in Vinland
when only the upper portion of the disc had appeared above the horizon.
The difference, of course, is not important. Thus we know the position
of the Icelandic settlement in New England. See _Antiquitates
Americanæ_, p. 436.
[116] In those turbulent times children were not brought up at home, but
were sent to be trained up in the families of trusty friends. This was
done to preserve the family line. Often, in some bloody feud, a whole
household would be destroyed; yet the children being out at foster,
would be preserved, and in due time come to represent the family. In
Leif's day, heathenism and lawlessness were on the decline. We have a
true picture given us by Dasent, of the way in which children were
treated in the heathen age.
He says: "With us, an old house can stand upon a crooked, as well as
upon a straight support. But in Iceland, in the tenth century, as in all
the branches of that great family, it was only healthy children that
were allowed to live. The deformed, as a burden to themselves, their
friends, and to society, were consigned to destruction by exposure to
the violence of the elements. This was the father's stern right, and,
though the mothers of that age were generally blessed with robust
offspring, still the right was often exercised. As soon as it was born,
the infant was laid upon the bare ground, and, until the father came and
looked at it, heard and saw that it was strong in lung and limb, took it
up in his arms, and handed it over to the nurse; its fate hung in the
balance, and life or death depended upon the sentence of its sire. That
danger over, it was duly washed, signed with the Thunderer's [Thor's]
holy hammer--the symbol of all manliness and strength--and solemnly
received into the family as the faithful champion of the ancient gods.
When it came to be named, there was what we should call the christening
ale. There was saddling, mounting and riding among kith and kin. Cousins
came in bands from all points of the compass: dependents, freedmen and
thralls all mustered strong. The ale is broached, the board is set, and
the benches are thronged with guests; the mirth and revelry are at the
highest, when in strides into the hall, a being of awful power, in whom
that simple age set full faith. This was the Norne, the wandering
prophetess, sybil, fortune teller, a woman to whom it was given to know
the weirds of men, and who had come to do honor to the child, and tell
his fortune.... After the child was named, he was often put out to
foster with some neighbor, his father's inferior in power, and there he
grew up with the children of the house, and contracted those friendships
and affections which were reckoned better and more binding than the ties
of blood."--_Antiquaires du Nord_, 1859, pp. 8-9.
[117] There is nothing in this to indicate that Tyrker was intoxicated,
as some have absurdly supposed. In this far off land he found grapes,
which powerfully reminded him of his native country, and the association
of ideas is so strong, that when he first meets Leif, he breaks out in
the language of his childhood, and, like ordinary epicures, expresses
his joy, which is all the more marked on account of his grotesque
appearance. Is not this a stroke of genuine nature, something that a
writer, framing the account of a fictitious voyage, would not dream of?
[118] Grapes grow wild almost everywhere on this coast. They may be
found on Cape Cod ripening among the scrub oaks, even within the reach
of the ocean spray, where the author has often gathered them.
[119] In Peringskiold's _Heimskringla_, which Laing has followed in
translating Leif's voyage for his appendix, this statement of the
cutting of wood is supplemented by the following statement: "There was
also self-sown wheat in the fields, and a tree which is called massur.
Of all these they took samples; and some of the trees were so large that
they were used in houses." It is thought that the massur wood was a
species of maple. Others have declared that it must have been mahogany,
and that therefore the account of Leif's discovery is false. They forget
that even George Popham, in writing home to his patron from Sagadahoc,
in 1607, says that among the productions of the country are "nutmegs and
cinnamon." Yet shall we infer from this that Popham never saw New
England?
[120] See Adam of Bremen's testimony in the Introduction.
[121] It will be noticed that they were close upon the Greenland coast.
[122] They were evidently Norwegian traders who were shipwrecked while
approaching the coast and sailing for the Greenland ports.
[123] Gissur, called the White, was one of the greatest lawyers of
Iceland. We read that "there was a man named Gissur White, he was Teit's
son, Kettlebiarne the Old's son, of Mossfell [Iceland]. Bishop Isleif
was Gissur's son. Gissur the White kept house at Mossfell, and was a
great Chief."--_Saga of Burnt Nial_, vol. I, p. 146.
[124] Hialte was doubtless the same person who entered the swimming
match with King Olaf. See Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson.
[125] This is an error, unless the writer means that the voyage to
Vinland, afterwards undertaken, was a part of the same general
expedition. Leif went to Greenland first, as we have already seen.
[126] These pagans did not always yield even so readily as Eric. Some in
Norway became martyrs to the faith of Odin. See _Saga of Olaf
Tryggvesson_ (_passim_), in vol. I _of Heimskringla_.
[127] See note to foregoing account.
[128] These appear to have been married men or secular clergy.
[129] This clearly indicates a voyage around Cape Cod.
[130] This cape was evidently, not Point Gilbert, but the terminus of
Cape Cod, known as Race Point, a dangerous place for navigation. It
would seem that this was the place referred to, for the reason that the
next place mentioned is the east shore, meaning the shore near Plymouth,
which is readily seen from the end of Cape Cod in a clear day. It was
undoubtedly the vicinity of Race Point that they called Kialarness, or
Keel Cape.
[131] Here the version in _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 42, is followed,
instead of Peringskiold, whose version does not mention the point of
land. This place is regarded as Point Alderton, below Boston Harbor.
Thorvald evidently sailed along the shore to this point, which is the
most remarkable on the east coast.
[132] These screens were made of planks which could be quickly arranged
above the bulwarks, thus affording additional protection against arrows
and stones.
[133] These people are sometimes called Smællingar, or small men. Others
deduce their name from _skræla_, to dry, alluding to their shriveled
aspect; and others from _skrækia_ to _shout_. It is evident from the
accounts of Egede and Crantz, that they formerly inhabited this part of
the country, but were gradually obliged to go northward. It is well
known that in other parts of America, these migrations were common. And
these people were more likely to take a refuge in Greenland than the
Northmen themselves.
[134] The conduct of Thorvald indicates magnanimity of character,
thinking first of his men, and afterwards of himself.
[135] Christianity was introduced by Leif, Thorvald's brother, in
1001-2.
[136] This is evidently an error, for Christianity was introduced by
Leif, _before_ he sailed on his voyage to Vinland. Errors like this
abound in all early annals, and why should the Icelandic chronicles be
free from them? Every such case will be impartially pointed out. The
treatment of this passage by Smith, in his _Dialogues on the Northmen_,
p. 127, is far from being candid. He translates the passage thus: "But
Eric the Red had died without professing Christianity," and refers the
English reader to the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, _Antiquitates
Americanæ_, pp. 119-20, as if he would there find a reason for his
rendering of the text, which is unequivocal, and is translated literally
above. On turning to the authority in question, we find nothing more
said than that "Eric was slow to give up his [pagan] religion," and that
the affair caused a separation between him and his wife. That he was
_slow_ to give up his pagan belief, would seem to indicate that he _did_
give it up eventually. Moreover, we have the direct statement that he
was baptized. Second Narrative of Leif, p. 38.
[137] Norway lay east of Iceland, and hence the people of that country
were sometimes called Eastmen.
[138] Winter began October 17. See p. 32, note 6.
[139] They probably had diminutive horses in Greenland, like this of
Iceland to-day.
[140] Thorstein Black was a pagan, who nevertheless saw the superior
value of the new faith.
[141] We must here remember the simplicity of manners, which then (as
now) prevailed among the Icelanders. The tourist in Iceland is always
surprised by the absence of all prudery.
[142] Whoever inclines to dismiss this whole narrative as an idle
fiction, must remember that all history is more or less pervaded by
similar stories. The Rev. Cotton, Mather, in his _Magnalia of New
England_, gives the account of a great number of supernatural events of
no better character than this related in the Saga. Some are ludicrous in
the extreme, and others are horrible, both in their inception and end.
Among other stories, is that of Mr. Philip Smith, deacon of the church
at Hadley, Mass., and a member of the General Court, who appears to have
been bewitched. He was finally obliged to keep his bed. Then it is said
that the people "beheld fire sometimes on the bed; and when the
beholders began to discourse of it, it vanished away. Divers people
actually felt something often stir in the bed, at a considerable
distance from the man; it seemed as big as a cat, but they could never
grasp it. Several trying to lean on the bed's head, tho' the sick man
lay wholly still, the bed would shake so as to knock their heads
uncomfortably. A very strong man could not lift the sick man, to make
him lie more easily, tho' he apply'd his utmost strength unto it; and
yet he could go presently and lift the bedstead and a bed, and a man
lying on it, without any strain to himself at all. Mr. Smith dies....
After the _opinion_ of all had _pronounc'd_ him dead, his countenance
continued as lively as though he had been alive.... Divers noises were
heard in the room where the corpse lay; as the clattering of chairs and
stools, whereof no account could be given."--_Magnalia_, ed. 1853, vol.
I, p. 455. The account is vouched for by the author, who was one of the
most learned divines of his day. Another is given, among the multitude
of which he had the most convincing proof. He writes: "It was on the
second day of May, in the year 1687, that a most ingenious, accomplish'd
and well-dispos'd young gentleman, Mr. Joseph Beacon by Name, about 5
o'clock in the morning, as he lay, whether sleeping or waking he could
not say (but he judged the latter of them), had a view of his brother,
then at London, although he was himself at our Boston, distanc'd from
him a thousand leagues. This his brother appear'd to him in the morning
(I say) about 5 o'clock, at Boston, having on him a Bengale gown, which
he usually wore, with a napkin ty'd about his head; his _countenance_
was very pale, ghastly, deadly, and he had a bloody wound on the side of
his forhead. 'Brother,' says the affrighted Joseph, 'Brother,' answered
the apparition. Said Joseph, 'What's the matter Brother? how came you
here?' The apparition replied: 'Brother I have been most barbarously and
inhumanly murdered by a debauch'd fellow, to whom I never did any wrong
in my life.' Whereupon he gave a particular description of the murderer;
adding, 'Brother, this fellow, changing his name, is attempting to come
over to New England, in _Foy_ or _Wild_: I would pray you on the arrival
of either of these, to get an order from the governour to seize the
person whom I now have describ'd, and then do you indict him for the
murder of your brother.' And so he vanished." Mather then adds an
account, which shows that Beacon's brother was actually murdered as
described, dying within the very hour in which his apparition appeared
in Boston. He says that the murderer was tried, but, with the aid of his
friends, saved his life. Joseph himself, our author says, died "a pious
and hopeful death," and gave him the account written and signed with his
own hand. And now, while New England history abounds with stories like
this, men incline to question an Icelandic writer, because he
occasionally indulges in fancies of the same sort. Rather should we
look for them, as authentic contemporary signs.
[143] Thorhild's Church. See _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 119.
[144] Literally, Biarne _Butter-tub_, from which we may, perhaps, infer
his personal peculiarity.
[145] Throughout this narrative of Thorfinn, the name of Eric occurs
where that of Leif should be given. Eric died five years before Thorfinn
came over to Greenland. This account having been written in Iceland, the
author made a very natural mistake in supposing that Eric was still at
the head of the family. The proper change has been made in the
translation, to avoid confusion.
[146] _Yule_ was a pagan festival, held originally in honor of Thor, the
god of War, at the beginning of February, which was the opening of the
Northman's year. But as Christianity had been established in Greenland
for five years, the festival was now probably changed to December, and
held in honor of Christ.
[147] Widow of Thorstein Ericson. Rafn thinks, as she is mentioned in
this Saga by two names, Gudrid and Thurid, that one was her name in
childhood, and the other in her maturer years, when Christianity came to
have a practical bearing. Her father's name was Thorbiorn, derived from
Thor. It was supposed that those who bore the names of gods would find
in these names a charm or special protection from danger.
[148] This is a mistake, Eric's son was dead. It must have been another
Thorvald.
[149] The Northmen had two ways of reckoning a hundred, the short and
the long. The long hundred was a hundred and twenty. We read in Tegner's
_Frithiof's Saga_:
"But a house for itself was the banquet hall, fashioned in fir wood;
Not five hundred, though told _ten dozen_ to every hundred,
Filled that chamber so vast, when they gathered for Yule-tide carousing."
_American ed._, chap. III, p. 13.
Professor Rafn infers that the long hundred was here meant, because he
thinks that the inscription on Dighton Rock indicates CLI., the number
of men Karlsefne had with him, after losing nine.
[150] The present island of Disco, also called by the Northmen, Biarney,
or Bear island.
[151] The northern coast of America was called Helluland the Great, and
Newfoundland, Helluland, or Little Helluland.--_Antiquitates Americanæ_,
p. 419.
[152] Supposed from the distance to be the Isle of Sable.
[153] Leif had left the keel of his vessel here on the point of this
cape, which was Cape Cod. In calling it by this name, they simply
followed his example.
[154] This bay was the bay then situated between Point Gilbert and Isle
Nauset, which Professor Agassiz proves to have existed. The writers do
not mention this island in either of the accounts of Thorfinn's voyage;
but it has been shown that Isle Nauset lay close to the shore, so that
they would not know that it _was_ an island without particular
examination; and if they were aware of its existence, it was not
necessary to speak of it. Leif landed upon it, therefore it was
mentioned by the author who wrote the account of his voyage. Yet
Thorfinn's chroniclers help to prove its existence, by showing that
beyond Wonder-strand there was a bay where they could safely ride at
anchor for three days.
It must be noticed that the events are not set down in their exact
order, for after the writer gets the vessels into the bay, he goes back
to speak of the landing of the Scots. Gosnold anchored in this same
place in the night, and in the morning he remarked the number of coves,
or as he calls them "breaches," in the land. The Saga mentions the same
thing, saying that the land "became indented with coves." These coves
have now disappeared, yet the testimony of Gosnold shows how accurately
the Northmen observed this part of the coast. Like Gosnold, they found
it convenient and safe to lie here for a while.
[155] This is the first time we hear of slaves being brought into
Vinland. We have already seen that with the proud Northman, slavery was
a reality. One of the near relatives of Ingolf, the first Northman who
settled in Iceland, was murdered by his Scotch (Irish) slaves.
[156] This was Nantucket or Martha's Vineyard, then probably united,
forming one island.
[157] Nantucket island, which then was probably united with Martha's
Vineyard.
[158] _Straumey_, or Straum Isle, which, perhaps, indicates their
knowledge of the Gulf stream.
[159] The gull, or some similar bird is here referred to.
[160] Buzzards Bay. The general positions are fixed by the astronomical
calculations from the data given in Leif's voyage. See note to p. 33.
[161] The shore opposite Martha's Vineyard.
[162] It would appear from what follows that he was engaged in a heathen
invocation. This is the only instance on record of honor being paid to
this heathen god on the shores of New England, yet we unwittingly
recognize him every time we say Thursday, that is, Thor's Day.
[163] In olden times a certain portion of every whale cast ashore on
Cape Cod, formed a perquisite of the clergy.
[164] Literally the Red-beard, as Thor is supposed to have had a beard
of that color. The principal deity of the Northmen was Odin, a king who
died in his bed in Sweden, and was afterwards apotheosized. He was
called the "Terrible god." The souls of men slain in battle were
received by him into the hall of the gods. Next was Frigga or Frey, his
wife, considered the goddess of earth and mother of the gods. She
finally fell into the place occupied by the classic Venus. Next was Thor
the Red-beard, synonymous with Jupiter. These three composed the supreme
council of the gods. Afterwards came the good and gentle Balder, the
Northman's Christ; then came Brage, patron of eloquence and poetry, and
his wife Iduna, charged with the care of certain apples, with Heimdal
the porter of the gods and builder of the rainbow, and Loke, a kind of
Satan or evil principle, aided by his children, the Wolf Fenris, the
Serpent Midgard, and Hela, or Death.
[165] We shall see from another part of this work, that the trade at
that period between Ireland and Iceland, was very large.
[166] This corresponds precisely to Mount Hope bay. The Taunton river
runs through it, and thence flows to the sea by Pocasset river and
Seaconnet passage. Hop is from the Icelandic _I Hópi_, to recede, hence
to form a bay. The coincidence in the names is striking.
[167] Perhaps wheat. _Sialfsana hveitiakrar._
[168] In Iceland the halibut is called the sacred fish. Pliny uses the
same name, which indicates that the water is safe where they were found.
The halibut and most of the flat fish, such as flounders, are plentiful
in that vicinity. The flounders are easily taken, and those who know
how, often find them in very shoal water, burrowing just under the
surface of the sand like the king crab.
[169] This is language that might be employed by an Icelander, to
indicate the difference between the new country and his own. It may have
been an intentional exaggeration, similar to those of Eric in describing
Greenland. Yet even if it were a serious attempt at history, it could
not be regarded as farther from the truth, than Dr. Cotton Mather's
description of the climate of New England, where he tells us that water
tossed up in the air, came down ice; and that in one place in
Massachusetts, it actually snowed wool, some of which, he tells us, he
preserved in a box in his study.
[170] The red shield was the sign of war, and the white, of peace.
[171] This account can hardly be explained. These people, doubtless, had
their own ideas of the best method of conducting a fight. They were
evidently Esquimaux, and formerly, according to Crantz, appear to have
lived on this coast before it was occupied by the Indians, who, being a
superior race, soon drove them away.
[172] This appears childish, yet there is nothing to indicate that it
was not so.
[173] Thiorfinn's experience was similar to that of most early colonists
in America.
[174] This, very likely, was a short exploration up Narragansett bay.
[175] The ancient Mexicans mixed human blood with bread offered on the
altar of their deities.
[176] The lines inclosed in brackets, convey what the writer understood
to be a mere rumor. This report was evidently untrue, yet it shows his
honest intentions.
[177] They appear to have sailed around Cape Cod, then steered across to
Plymouth, coasted up the shore towards Point Alderton, and entered
Scituate harbor, or some other river mouth on that coast.
[178] _Einfoetingr_, from _ein_, one, and _fótr_, foot. This term
appears to have been given by some old writers, to one of the African
tribes, on account of a peculiarity of dress, which Wormskiold describes
as a triangular cloth, hanging down so low, both before and behind,
that the feet were concealed. In an old work called _Rimbigla_,
a tribe of this class, dwelling in Blaland, Ethiopia, are thus
described.--_Beamish's Northmen_, p. 101. We do not say how far the Saga
writer employs his fancy on the Uniped, yet he is quite excusable,
considering the weakness of modern writers. In 1634, Hans Egede wrote as
follows about a hideous monster: "July 6th, a most hideous sea monster
was seen, which reared itself so high above the water, that its head
overtopped our mainsail.... Instead of fins, it had broad flaps like
wings; its body seemed to be overgrown like shell work.... It was shaped
like a serpent behind, and when it dived, ... raised its tail above the
water, a whole ship's length."--_Egede's Greenland_, p. 85; _Crantz's
Greenland_, vol. III, p. 116. Hudson even describes a mermaid.
The Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, who has before been quoted, gives among
other notable facts in his _Magnalia_, the statement, that in June,
1682, Mary Hortado, of Salmon Falls, was going with her husband "over
the river in her canoe, when they saw the head of a man, and about three
foot off, the _tail_ of a cat, swimming before the canoe, but no body to
join them.... A stone thrown by an invisible hand after this, caus'd a
swelling and a soreness in her head: and she was _bitten_ on both arms
black and blue, and her breast scratch'd. The impression of the teeth,
which were like a man's teeth, were seen by many."--_Magnalia_, vol. I,
p. 454.
[179] See p. 41. This _may_ be a wrong version of the death of the son
of Eric.
[180] The Blue Hills, which extend to Mount Hope.
[181] That is, they fled into their abodes.
[182] The location of this place will be discussed in the Minor
Narratives.
[183] This was the teredo, which is often so destructive, and which
caused Columbus to abandon a ship at _Puerto Bello_, because he could
not keep her afloat. See Irving's _Columbus_, p. 287.
[184] This was truly in accordance with the noble spirit of the great
Northmen, who had no fear of death, which to heroes, is the shining gate
of Valhalla.
[185] This is one evidence that history was cultivated in Greenland.
[186] Here the writer is correct. See note 2, p. 51.
[187] See page 52.
[188] The same bay referred to in the previous account, and which lay
between Point Gilbert and Isle Nauset. Archer, in his account of
Gosnold's voyage, says, that when they rounded Point Care, the extremity
of Isle Nauset, "We bore up again with the land, and in the night, came
with it anchoring in eight fathoms, the ground good." Here it will be
seen that the Northmen lay safely for three days.
[189] In the first account it is called a Kiafal.
[190] The agreement with the first account is substantial.
[191] This was probably Martha's Vineyard.
[192] The first narrative says substantially the same thing, that
Thorhall died in Ireland.
[193] The first narrative speaks of the shoals. The islands and shoals
both doubtless existed then. Since that time great changes have taken
place in the physical aspects of that region.
[194] This might have been the case on some remarkable season.
[195] This range extends to the Blue Hills of Massachusetts, which
indicates considerable activity in exploration.
[196] Also called the Irish sea, and the sea before Vinland.
[197] There were three ships in the expedition, and this was doubtless
the company that went in one of them.
[198] These could be easily carried, especially as their cattle were
small. All the early Portuguese expeditions carried their live stock
with them. See _Prince Henry the Navigator_.
[199] The different events are here stated with some rapidity, and we
seem to reach Leif's booths or huts sooner than necessary. According to
the two previous accounts, they did not reach the locality of Leif's
booths until the summer after they found the whale. These booths were at
Mt. Hope Bay. This is either the result of confusion in the mind of the
writer, or else it is founded on the fact that Leif erected habitations
at _both_ places. In the two first accounts of Thorfinn Karlsefne's
expedition, they are not alluded to. There may be no real contradiction
after all.
[200] The other accounts say that the whale made them sick; but that was
not because the flesh of the whale was spoiled. Beamish, in his
translation of the song of Thorhall, indeed makes that disagreeable
pagan tell his comrades, that, if they wish, they
"_Fetid_ whales may boil
Here on Furdustrand
Far from Fatherland;"
but there is nothing in the text to throw suspicion upon the whale. The
trouble was, that a sudden overfeeding caused nausea, and the whale was
thrown away afterwards in religious disgust. Yet the event is out of its
chronological order, and properly belongs in the account of the next
year.
[201] This event belongs to the previous year. These facts are not given
in the other accounts, the writer appearing to have different
information.
[202] This is another somewhat marvelous occurrence, similar to those
with which Cotton Mather and others were accustomed to embellish New
England history.
[203] For the previous versions of this affair of the axe, see pp. 60.
This last account appears a little plainer.
[204] It is true that he decided to leave the country, but he did not
carry out his intention until the following year, 1010. This narrative
skips over all the events of the third year. It is nevertheless given,
in order that the reader may have the fullest possible knowledge of any
shortcomings that may exist in the manuscripts. This is done with the
more confidence, for the reason that there is no doubt but that all the
narratives contain a broad substratum of solid truth.
[205] From the statement at the end of the voyage of Freydis (see p.
80), we learn that the summer in which he returned from Iceland,
Karlsefne went to Norway, and from thence the following spring, to
Iceland. This does not conflict with the statement in the above
narrative, though at first it may _appear_ to. It does not say that he
went the following summer from _Greenland_ to Iceland, but that on that
summer, he _went_ to Iceland, which is perfectly true, though poorly
stated, and his previous voyage to Norway being ignored.
[206] See p. 48.
[207] Garda was the Episcopal seat of Greenland. Freydis and her husband
went to Vinland with Karlsefne. It was she who frightened the
Skrællings.
[208] It appears that the route to Vinland had become so well known,
that the Saga writers no longer thought it necessary to describe it.
[209] Mount Hope bay is still often called a lake. These waters always
appear like lakes. Brereton, in his account of Gosnold's voyage, calls
these same bays, lakes. He writes: "From this [Elizabeth] island, we
went right over to the mayne, where we stood awhile as ravished at the
beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes,
whereof we saw no end."
[210] Freydis was evidently the principal in all things.
[211] By the Icelandic law, a woman could separate from her husband for
a slight cause.
[212] According to this statement, the expedition returned very early,
as Karlsefne went to Norway the same season, as previously told.
[213] If this transaction had occurred during the previous century, when
paganism universally prevailed, this atrocious act of the cold-blooded
Freydis, would have been the prelude to almost endless strife.
[214] This account is supplementary to the foregoing, and is taken from
the same work. Karlsefne, of course, sailed from Greenland.
[215] _Húsasnotru_ has been translated "house-besom." The exact meaning
is not known. A besom-shaft would be too small, however rare the wood,
to be made into anything of value. The bar for securing the house door
was as common as necessary in every house, and this, perhaps, is what is
referred to.
[216] See note 1, p. 36.
[217] In the north of Iceland.
[218] Not far from Skagafiord.
[219] It is understood that she went to Rome. It may be asked why she
did not spread the news of her son's voyage in those parts of Europe
whither she went, and make known the discovery of the New World. To this
it may be replied, that the Icelanders had no idea that they had found a
New World, and did not appreciate the value of their geographical
knowledge. Besides, there is nothing to prove that Gudrid, and others
who went to Europe at this period, did _not_ make known the Icelandic
discoveries. At that time no interest was taken in such subjects, and
therefore we have no right to expect to find traces of discussion in
relation to what, among a very small class, would be regarded, at the
best, as a curious story. See note on Adam of Bremen in the General
Introduction.
[220] It will be remembered that all this was foretold by her former
husband, Thorstein Ericson, when he returned to life in the house of
Thorstein Black, in Greenland; from which we must infer that the voyage
of Thorstein Ericson was composed after, or during, the second widowhood
of Gudrid, and that the circumstance of Thorstein's prophecy, was, in
accordance with the spirit of the age, imagined in order to meet the
circumstances of the case. See p. 46.
[221] That is, a Norwegian.
[222] _Hvitramanna-land._ It will be remembered that in the Saga of
Thorfinn Karlsefne (p. 63), this land was referred to by the natives
whom he took prisoners. They described it as a land inhabited by a
people who wore white clothes, carried poles before them, and shouted.
Yet the Saga writer there says no more than that the people _think_ that
this was the place known as Ireland the Great. What the Skrællings say
does not identify it with the land of Are Marson. Yet, in order to allow
Professor Rafn, who held that this country was America, the full benefit
of his theory, we give the following extract from Wafer's _Voyage_,
which shows that in the year 1681, when he visited the Isthmus of
Darien, there were people among the natives who answered tolerably well
to the description given in Karlsefne's narrative. Wafer says: "They are
white, and there are them of both sexes; yet there were few of them in
comparison of the copper colored, possibly but one, to two or three
hundred. They differ from the other Indians, chiefly in respect of
color, though not in that only. Their skins are not of such a white, as
those of fair people among Europeans, with some tincture of a blush or
sanguine complexion; neither is their complexion like that of our paler
people, but 'tis rather a Milk-white, lighter than the color of any
Europeans, and much like that of a white horse.... Their bodies are
beset all over, more or less, with a fine, short, milk-white down....
The men would probably have white bristles for beards, did they not
prevent them by their custom of plucking the young beard up by the
roots.... Their eyebrows are milk-white also, and so is the hair of
their heads." p. 107.
He also adds, that "The men have a value for Cloaths, and if any of them
had an old shirt given him by any of us, he would be sure to wear it,
and strut about at no ordinary rate. Besides this, they have a sort of
long cotton garments of their own, some white, and others of a rusty
black, shaped like our carter's frocks, hanging down to their heels,
with a fringe of the same of cotton, about a span long, and short, wide,
open sleeves, reaching but to the middle of their arms.... They are worn
on some great occasions.... When they are assembled, they will sometimes
walk about the place or plantation where they are, with these, their
robes on. And once I saw Tacenta thus walking with two or three hundred
of these attending him, as if he was mustering them. And I took notice
that those in the black gowns walked before him, and the white after
him, each having their lances of the same color with their robes." But
notwithstanding these resemblances, historians will ask for more solid
proof of the identity of the two people.
[223] Professor Rafn in, what seems to the author, his needless anxiety
to fix the locality of the White-man's land in America, says that, as
this part of the manuscript is difficult to decipher, the original
letters _may_ have got changed, and vi inserted instead of xx, or xi,
which numerals would afford time for the voyager to reach the coast of
America, in the vicinity of Florida. Smith in his _Dialogues_, has even
gone so far as to _suppress_ the term _six_ altogether, and substitutes,
"by a number of days sail unknown." This is simply trifling with the
subject. In _Grönland's Historiske Mindesmærker_, chiefly the work of
Finn Magnussen, no question is raised on this point. The various
versions all give the number six, which limits the voyage to the
vicinity of the Azores. Schöning, to whom we are so largely indebted for
the best edition of Heimskringla, lays the scene of Marson's adventure
at those islands, and suggests that they may at that time have covered a
larger extent of territory than the present, and that they may have
suffered from earthquakes and floods, adding, "It is likely, and all
circumstances show, that the said land has been a piece of North
America." This is a bold, though not very unreasonable hypothesis,
especially as the volcanic character of the islands is well known. In
1808, a volcano rose to the height of 3,500 feet. Yet Schöning's
suggestion is not needed. The fact that the islands were not inhabited
when discovered by the Portuguese does not, however, settle anything
against Schöning, because in the course of five hundred years, the
people might either have migrated, or been swept away by pestilence.
_Grönland's Historiske Mindesmærker_, (vol. I, p. 150), says simply,
that "It is _thought_ that he (Are Marson) ended his days in America, or
at all events in one of the larger islands of the west. Some think that
it was one of the Azore islands."
[224] The fact that Are Marson is said to have been baptized in Ireland
the Great, does not prove that the place, wherever located, was
inhabited by a colony of Irish Christians. Yet this view was urged by
Professor Rafn and others, who held that Great Ireland was situated in
Florida. A Shawanese _tradition_ is given to prove that Florida was
early settled by white men from over the sea. We read that in 1818, "the
Shawanese were established in Ohio, whither they came from Florida,
Black Hoof, then eighty-five years old, was born there, and remembered
bathing in the sea. He told the Indian Agent, that the people of his
tribe had a tradition, that their ancestors came over the sea, and that
for a long time they kept a yearly sacrifice for their safe
arrival."--_Archæologia Americana_, vol. I, p. 273. Yet these Indians,
the supposed descendants of eminently pious Christians from Ireland,
were bitterly opposed to Christianity, and had no Christian traditions.
This view requires altogether too much credulity. Is it not more
reasonable, especially in view of the fact that this narrative is not
needed in demonstrating the pre-Columbian discovery of America--to seek
for the White-man's land in some island of the Atlantic; for if we were
to allow that six, should mean eleven or twenty days sail, we should not
be much better off, since there is so much difficulty in finding the
white men for the land in question.
[225] It will appear from this genealogical account, that Are Marson was
no obscure or mythological character. In 981 he was one of the principal
men of Iceland, and is highly spoken of. Yet his connection with Ireland
the Great, though undoubtedly real, hardly _proves_, what may
nevertheless be true--a pre-Scandinavian discovery of America by the
Irish. This, not improbable view, demands clearer proof, and will repay
investigation. The other characters mentioned are equally well known.
See _Antiquitates Americanæ_, pp. 211-12.
[226] Priest or _Gode_. This was the heathen priest of Iceland, whose
duty was to provide the temple offerings, for which purpose a
contribution was made by every farm in the vicinity. This office was
also united with that of chief, judge, and advocate, and for the cases
conducted by him at the Thing, he received the customary fees; yet he
was obliged to depend for his support, mainly upon the products of his
farm. The office was hereditary, but could be sold, assigned, or
forfeited.
[227] It was west with regard to Norway, the people being accustomed to
use this expression.
[228] Killed in Ireland in a battle, 1013.
[229] Literally, _woman_, with reference to Jörd, the Earth, one of the
wives of Odin, and also mother of Thor.
[230] Funeral cups.
[231] Biörn's mother.
[232] This is a fling at Thorodd the Tribute Taker.
[233] This shows, that while Biörn killed the men in self defense, it
was the opinion of the court that he did not get what he deserved.
[234] Jomsberg was the head quarters of an order of vikings or pirates,
where a castle was also built by King Harold Blaatand, of Denmark. It
was situated on one of the outlets of the Oder, on the coast of
Pomerania. It was probably identical with Julian, founded by the Wends,
and was recognized as the island of Wallin, which Adam of Bremen, in the
eleventh century, described as the largest and most flourishing
commercial city in Europe. Burislaus, king of the Wends, surrendered the
neighboring territory into the hands of Palnatoki, a great chief of
Fionia, who was pledged to his support. Accordingly he built a
stronghold here, and organized a band of pirates, _commonly_ called
vikings, though it must be observed, that while every viking was a
pirate, every pirate was not a viking. Only those pirates of princely
blood, were properly called vikings, or sea-kings. The Jomsvikings were
distinguished for their rare courage, and for the fearlessness with
which they faced death. They were governed by strict laws, and hedged
about by exact requirements, and were also, it is said, pledged to
celibacy. Jomsberg was destroyed about the year 1175, by Waldemar the
Great, of Denmark, aided by the princes of Germany and the king of
Barbarrossa. Those of the pirates who survived, escaped to a place near
the mouth of the Elbe, where a few years after, they were annihilated by
the Danes, who in the reign of Canute VI, completely destroyed their
stronghold. Accounts of their achievements may be found in the Saga of
King Olaf Tryggvesson, in vol. I, of Laing's _Heimskringla_. The
Icelanders sometimes joined the Norway pirates, as was the case with
Biörn, but they did not fit out pirate ships. Palnatoki died in the year
993.
[235] Styrbiörn, son of King Olaf, ruled Sweden in connection with Eric,
called the Victorious. Styrbiörn's ambition, to which was added the
crime of murder, led to his disgrace. He joined the vikings, adding
sixty ships to their force. He was killed, as stated, in 984, in a
battle with his uncle near Upsula.
[236] Dasent says in describing the coast: "Now we near the stupendous
crags of Hofdabrekka, Headbrink, where the mountains almost stride into
the main."
[237] Referring to the dead man's blood.
[238] In Iceland the women are accustomed to bring travelers dry
clothes.
[239] All of these verses are extremely obscure and elliptical, though
far more intelligible to the modern mind than the compositions which
belonged to a still older period. All the chief men of Iceland practiced
the composition of verse. Chaucer makes his Parson apologize for his
inability to imitate the practice.
[240] See the Saga of Burnt Nial.
[241] These sledges were used in drawing hay, as the roads were then, as
now, too poor for carts.
[242] This is the only paragraph which applies directly to the subject
in hand. The following narrative will bring Biörn to notice again.
[243] Few persons will infer much from this; nothing is easier than to
find resemblances in language.
[244] The language indicates that they were riding horseback, though it
is not conclusive. And at the period referred to, there were no horses
in America, they having been introduced by the Spaniards, after the
discovery by Columbus. At least, such is the common opinion.
[245] This is found in _Annales Islandorum Regii_, which gives the
history of Iceland from the beginning down to 1307. Also in _Annales
Flateyensis_, and in _Annales Reseniini_. Eric was appointed bishop of
Greenland, but performed no duties after his consecration, and
eventually resigned that see, in order to undertake the mission to
Vinland. He is also spoken of in two works, as going to Vinland with the
title of Bishop of Greenland, a title which he had several years before
his actual consecration.
[246] The manuscript is deficient here.
[247] The Feather Islands are mentioned in the _Lögmanns Annall_, or,
Annals of the Governors of Iceland, and _Annales Skalholtini_, or Annals
of the Bishopric of Skalholt, written in the middle of the fourteenth
century, long before Columbus went to Iceland. Beamish suggests that
these are the Penguin and Bacaloa Islands.
[248] "The notices of Nyja land and Duneyjar, would seem to refer to a
re-discovery of some parts of the eastern coast of America, which had
been previously visited by earlier voyagers. The original appellation of
Nyja land, or _Nyjafundu-land_, would have naturally led to the modern
English name of Newfoundland, given by Cabot, to whose knowledge the
discovery would [might?] have come through the medium of the commercial
intercourse between England and Iceland in the fifteenth
century."--_Beamish._
[249] See the Decline of Greenland, in Introduction.
[250] Markland (Woodland) was Nova Scotia, as we know from the
description of Leif and others. These vessels doubtless went to get
timber. All these accounts show that the Western ocean was generally
navigated in the middle of the fourteenth century.
[251] In the face of this and a multitude of similar statements, Mr.
Bancroft endeavors to make his readers believe that the locality of
Vinland was uncertain. He might, with equal propriety, tell us that the
location of Massachusetts itself was uncertain, because, according to
the original grant, it extended to the Pacific ocean.
[252] See note 1, p. 81.
[253] This is a blunder. The writer must have been more of a geographer
than historian. See the Saga of Leif, p. 36.
[254] The part inclosed in brackets is an interpolation of a recent
date, and without any authority.
[255] Not to be confounded with, the place of the same name at Cape Cod.
[256] This is another passage upon which Bancroft depends, to prove that
the locality of Vinland was unknown, when in the Sagas the position is
minutely described, the situation being as well known as that of
Greenland.