THE LITERATURE OF ICELAND.

Before speaking particularly of the substance of the Sagas it will be

necessary to trace briefly the origin and history of Icelandic

literature in general.

We have already mentioned the fact that Iceland was mainly settled by

Norwegians of superior qualities. And this superiority was always

maintained, though it was somewhat slow in manifesting itself in the

form of literature. Prior to the year 1000, the Runic alphabet had

existed in Iceland, but it was generally used for the simplest

purposes.[58] History and literature derived no advantage, as the runes

were used chiefly for monumental inscriptions, and for mottoes and

charms on such things as drinking cups, sacrifical vessels and swords.

Yet the people were not without a kind of intellectual stimulus. It had

long been the custom to preserve family and general histories, and

recite them from memory as occasion seemed to warrant. This was done

with a wonderful degree of accuracy and fidelity, by men more or less

trained for the purpose, and whose performances at times were altogether

surprising. They also had their scalds or poets, who were accustomed

both to repeat the old songs and poems and extemporize new ones. Every

good fighter was expected to prove himself a poet when the emergency

required it. This profession was strongly encouraged. When Eyvind

Skialdespilder sang his great song in praise of Iceland every peasant in

the island, it is said, contributed three pieces of silver to buy a

clasp for his mantel of fifty marks weight. These scalds were sometimes

employed by the politicians, and on one occasion a satire so nettled

Harold, king of Denmark, that he sent a fleet to ravage the island, and

made the repetition an offense punishable with death. These poets also

went to England, to the Orkneys and to Norway, where at the king's court

they were held in the highest estimation, furnishing poetical effusions

on every public or private occasion which demanded the exercise of their

gifts. The degree to which they had cultivated their memories was

surprising. Old Blind Skald Stuf could repeat between two and three

hundred poems without halting; while the Saga-men had the same power of

memory, which we know may be improved to almost any extent by

cultivation. But with the advent of Christianity came the Roman

alphabet, which proved an easy method of expressing thought.

Christianity, however, did not stop here. Its service was a reasonable

service, and demanded of its votaries a high intelligence. The priest of

Odin need do no more than to recite a short vow, or mutter a brief

prayer. He had no divine records to read and to explain. But the

minister of the new religion came with a system that demanded broader

learning and culture than that implied in extemporaneous songs. His

calling required the aid of books, and the very sight of such things

proved a mental stimulus to this hard-brained race. Besides,

Christianity opened to the minds of the people new fields of thought.

These rude sons of war soon began to understand there were certain

victories, not to be despised, that might be gained through peace, and

soon letters came to be some what familiar to the public mind. The

earliest written efforts very naturally related to the lives of the

Saints, which on Sundays and holy days were read in public for the

edification of the people. During the eleventh century these exercises

shared the public attention with those of the professional Saga-man, who

still labored to hand down the oral versions of the national history and

traditions. But in the beginning of the twelfth century the use of

letters was extended, and, ere-long, the Saga-man found his occupation

gone, the national history now being diligently gathered up by zealous

students and scribes and committed to the more lasting custody of the

written page. Among these was Ari Frode, who began the compilation of

the Icelandic _Dooms-day Book_, which contained the records of all the

early settlers. Scarcely less useful was Sæmund the Wise, who collected

the poetical literature of the North and arranged it in a goodly tome.

The example of these great men was followed, and by the end of the

twelfth century all the Sagas relating to the pagan period of the

country had been reduced to writing. This was an era of great literary

activity, and the century following showed the same zeal. Finally

Iceland possessed a body of prose literature superior in quantity and

value to that of any other modern nation of its time.[59] Indeed, the

natives of Europe at this period had no prose or other species of

literature hardly worthy of the name; and, taken altogether, the Sagas

formed the first prose literature in any modern language spoken by the

people.[60] Says Sir Edmund Head, "No doubt there were translations in

Anglo-Saxon from the Latin, by Alfred, of an earlier date, but there was

in truth no vernacular literature. I cannot name," he says, "any work

in high or low German prose which can be carried back to this period. In

France, prose writing cannot be said to have begun before the time of

Villehardouin (1204), and Joinville (1202). Castilian prose certainly

did not commence before the time of Alfonso X (1252). Don Juan Manvel,

the author of the _Conde Lucanor_, was not born till 1282. The _Cronica

General de España_ was not composed till at least the middle of the

thirteenth century. About the same time the language of Italy was

acquiring that softness and strength which were destined to appear so

conspicuously in the prose of Boccaccio, and the writers of the next

century."[61]

Yet while other nations were without a literature the intellect of

Iceland was in active exercise, and works were produced like the _Eddas_

and the _Heimskringla_, works which being inspired by a lofty genius

will rank with the writings of Homer and Herodotus while time itself

endures.

But in the beginning of the sixteenth century the literature of Iceland

ultimately reached the period of its greatest excellence and began to

decline. Books in considerable numbers always continued to be written,

though works of positive genius were wanting. Yet in Iceland there has

never been an absence of literary industry, while during the recent

period the national reputation has been sustained by Finn Magnussen and

similar great names. One hundred years before the Plymouth colonists,

following in the track of Thorwald Ericson, landed on the sands of Cape

Cod, the people of Iceland had set up the printing press, and produced

numerous works both in the native language and the Latin tongue.

It is to this people, whom Saxo Grammaticus points out as a people

distinguished for their devotion to letters, that we are indebted for

the narratives of the pre-Columbian voyages to America. Though first

arranged for oral recitation, these Sagas were afterwards committed to

manuscript, the earliest of which do not now exist, and were finally

preserved in the celebrated Flatö collection nearly a century before the

rediscovery of America by Columbus.

But it is no longer necessary to spend much time on this point, since

the character and value of the Icelandic writings have come to be so

generally acknowledged, and especially since scholars and antiquarians

like Humbolt have fully acknowledged their authenticity and authority.

It is proper to notice here the fact that not a few have imagined that

the claims of the Northmen have been brought forward to detract from the

fame of Columbus;[62] yet, nothing could be farther from the truth,

since no one denies that it was by the discovery of America by Columbus

that the continent first became of value to the Old World. The Northmen

came and went away without accomplishing any thing of lasting value;

yet, because the world at large derived no benefit from their discovery,

it is certainly unjust to deny its reality.

The fact that the Northmen knew of the existence of the Western

Continent, prior to the age of Columbus, was prominently brought before

the people of this country in the year 1837, when the Royal Society of

Northern Antiquarians at Copenhagen published their work on the

Antiquities of North America, under the editorial supervision of that

great Icelandic scholar, Professor Rafn. But we are not to suppose that

the first general account of these voyages was then given, for it has

always been known that the history of certain early voyages to America

by the Northmen were preserved in the libraries of Denmark and

Iceland.[63] Torfæus, as early as 1706, published his work on Greenland,

which threw much light on the subject. We find accounts of these

discoveries in the works of Egede and Crantz. A very intelligent sketch,

at least for those times, was given by J. Reinhold Forster, who frankly

concedes the pre-Columbian discovery of America, in a _History of the

Voyages and Discoveries made in the North_. Robertson speaks of them in

his _History of America_, but says that he is unable to give an

intelligent opinion. Indeed, the most of the older and more

comprehensive writers give the Northmen recognition. Yet, owing to the

fact that the Icelandic language, though simple in construction and easy

of acquisition, was a tongue not understood by scholars, the subject has

until recent years been suffered to lie in the back ground, and

permitted, through a want of interest, to share, in a measure, the

treatment meted out to vague and uncertain reports. But the

well-directed efforts of the Northern Antiquarians of Denmark, supported

by the enlightened zeal of scholars and historians in England, France

and Germany, have done much to dispel popular ignorance, and to place

the whole question in its true bearing before the people of all the

principal civilized nations. In our own country, the work of Professor

Rafn, already alluded to, has created a deep and wide-spread conviction

of the reality of the Northman's claim, and has elicited confessions

like that of Palfrey, who is obliged to say of the Icelandic records

that, "their antiquity and genuineness appear to be well established,

nor is there anything to bring their credibility into question, beyond

the general doubt which always attaches to what is new or strange."[64]

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