Outbreak of Hostilities
While I, the Government, the Congress and the entire populace were
awaiting the arrival of such a greatly desired reply, many fairly
overflowing with pleasant thoughts, there came the fatal day of
the 4th February, during the night of which day the American forces
suddenly attacked all our lines, which were in fact at the time almost
deserted, because being Saturday, the day before a regular feast day,
our Generals and some of the most prominent officers had obtained
leave to pass the Sabbath with their respective families.
General Pantaleon Garcia was the only one who at such a critical
moment was at his post in Maypajo, north of Manila, Generals Noriel,
Rizal and Ricarte and Colonels San Miguel, Cailles and others being
away enjoying their leave.
General Otis, according to trustworthy information, telegraphed to
Washington stating that the Filipinos had attacked the American
Army. President McKinley read aloud the telegram in the Senate,
where the Treaty of Paris of the 10th December, 1898, was being
discussed with a view to its ratification, the question of annexation
of the Philippines being the chief subject of debate, and through
this criminal procedure secured the acceptation of the said Treaty
_in toto_ by a majority of only three votes, [7] which were cast
simultaneously with a declaration that the voters sided with the
"Ayes" on account of war having broken out in these Islands.
This singular comedy could not continue for a great length of time
because the Filipinos could never be the aggressors as against the
American forces, with whom we had sworn eternal friendship and in
whose power we expected to find the necessary protection to enable
us to obtain recognition of our independence from the other Powers.
The confusion and obfuscation of the first moments was indeed great,
but before long it gave place to the light of Truth which shone forth
serene, bringing forth serious reflections.
When sensible people studied the acts of Mr. McKinley, sending
reinforcement after reinforcement to Manila at a time after an
armistice was agreed upon and even when peace with Spain prevailed;
when they took into account that the despatch of the Civil Commission
to settle terms of a treaty of amity with the Filipinos was being
delayed; when, too, they knew of the antecedents of my alliance
with Admiral Dewey, prepared and arranged by the American Consuls of
Singapore and Hongkong, Mr. Pratt and Mr. Wildman; when they became
acquainted with the actual state of affairs on the 4th February knowing
that the Filipinos were awaiting the reply of Mr. McKinley to the
telegram of General Otis in which he transmitted the peaceful wish of
the Filipino people of live as an independent nation; when, lastly,
they riveted their attention to the terms of the Treaty of Paris,
the approval of which, in as far as it concerned the annexation of the
Philippines, was greeted with manifestations of joy and satisfaction
by the Imperialist party led by Mr. McKinley, then their eyes were
opened to the revelations of truth, clearly perceiving the base,
selfish and inhuman policy which Mr. McKinley had followed in his
dealings with us the Filipinos, sacrificing remorselessly to their
unbridled ambition the honour of Admiral Dewey, exposing this worthy
gentleman and illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet to universal
ridicule; for no other deduction can follow from the fact that about
the middle of May of 1898, the U.S.S. _McCulloch_ brought me with
my revolutionary companions from Hongkong, by order of the above
mentioned Admiral, while now actually the United States squadron is
engaged in bombarding the towns and ports held by these revolutionists,
whose objective is and always has been Liberty and Independence.
The facts as stated are of recent date and must still be fresh in
the memory of all.
Those who in May, 1898, admired the courage of Admiral Dewey's sailors
and the humanitarianism of this illustrious Commander in granting
visible aid to an oppressed people to obtain freedom and independence,
surely cannot place an honest construction upon the present inhuman
war when contrasting it with those lofty and worthy sentiments.
I need not dwell on the cruelty which, from the time of the
commencement of hostilities, has characterized General Otis's
treatment of the Filipinos, shooting in secret many who declined
to sign a petition asking for autonomy. I need not recapitulate the
ruffianly abuses which the American soldiers committed on innocent
and defenseless people in Manila, shooting women and children simply
because they were leaning out of windows; entering houses at midnight
without the occupants' permission--forcing open trunks and wardrobes
and stealing money, jewellery and all valuables they came across;
breaking chairs, tables and mirrors which they could not carry away
with them, because, anyhow, they are consequences of the war, though
improper in the case of civilized forces. But what I would not leave
unmentioned is the inhuman conduct of that General in his dealings
with the Filipino Army, when, to arrange a treaty of peace with the
Civil Commission, of which Mr. Schurman was President, I thrice sent
emissaries asking for a cessation of hostilities.
General Otis refused the envoys' fair and reasonable request, replying
that he would not stop hostilities so long as the Philippine Army
declined to lay down their arms.
But why does not this Army deserve some consideration at the hands
of General Otis and the American forces? Had they already forgotten
the important service the Filipino Army rendered to the Americans in
the late war with Spain?
Had General Otis forgotten the favours conferred on him by the Filipino
Army, giving up to him and his Army the suburbs and blockhouses which
at such great sacrifice to themselves the Filipinos had occupied?
Why should General Otis make such a humiliating condition a prime
factor or basis of terms of peace with an Army which stood shoulder to
shoulder with the American forces, freely shedding its blood, and whose
heroism and courage were extolled by Admiral Dewey and other Americans?
This unexplained conduct of General Otis, so manifestly contrary
to the canons of international law and military honour, is eloquent
testimony of his deliberate intention to neutralize the effects of
Mr. Schurman's pacific mission.
What peace can be concerted by the roaring of cannon and the whizzing
of bullets?
What is and has been the course of procedure of General Brooke in
Cuba? Are not the Cubans still armed, notwithstanding negotiations
for the pacification and future government of that Island are still
going on?
Are we, perchance, less deserving of liberty and independence than
those revolutionists?
Oh, dear Philippines! Blame your wealth, your beauty for the stupendous
disgrace that rests upon your faithful sons.
You have aroused the ambition of the Imperialists and Expansionists
of North America and both have placed their sharp claws upon your
entrails!
Loved mother, sweet mother, we are here to defend your liberty and
independence to the death! We do not want war; on the contrary, we
wish for peace; but honourable peace, which does not make you blush
nor stain your forehead with shame and confusion. And we swear to you
and promise that while America with all her power and wealth could
possibly vanquish us; killing all of us; but enslave us, never!!!
No; this humiliation is not the compact I celebrated in Singapore with
the American Consul Pratt. This was not the agreement stipulated for
with Mr. Wildman, American Consul in Hongkong. Finally, it was not
the subjection of my beloved country to a new alien yoke that Admiral
Dewey promised me.
It is certain that these three have abandoned me, forgetting that I
was sought for and taken from my exile and deportation; forgetting,
also, that neither of these three solicited my services in behalf
of American Sovereignty, they paying the expense of the Philippine
Revolution for which, manifestly, they sought me and brought me back
to your beloved bosom!
If there is, as I believe, one God, the root and fountain of all
justice and only eternal judge of international disputes, it will not
take long, dear mother, to save you from the hands, of your unjust
enemies. So I trust in the honour of Admiral Dewey: So I trust in
the rectitude of the great people of the United States of America,
where, if there are ambitious Imperialists, there are defenders of the
humane doctrines of the immortal Monroe, Franklin, and Washington;
unless the race of noble citizens, glorious founders of the present
greatness of the North American Republic, have so degenerated that
their benevolent influence has become subservient to the grasping
ambition of the Expansionists, in which latter unfortunate circumstance
would not death be preferable to bondage?
Oh, sensible American people! Deep is the admiration of all the
Philippine people and of their untrained Army of the courage displayed
by your Commanders and soldiers. We are weak in comparison with
such Titanic instruments of your Government's ambitious Caesarian
policy and find it difficult to effectively resist their courageous
onslaught. Limited are our warlike resources, but we will continue this
unjust, bloody, and unequal struggle, not for the love of war--which
we abhor--but to defend our incontrovertible rights of Liberty and
Independence (so dearly won in war with Spain) and our territory
which is threatened by the ambitions of _a party_ that is trying to
subjugate us.
Distressing, indeed, is war! Its ravages cause us horror. Luckless
Filipinos succumb in the confusion of combat, leaving behind them
mothers, widows and children. America could put up with all the
misfortunes she brings on us without discomfort; but what the North
American people are not agreeable to is that she should continue
sacrificing her sons, causing distress and anguish to mothers,
widows and daughters to satisfy the whim of maintaining a war
in contravention of their honourable traditions as enunciated by
Washington and Jefferson.
Go back, therefore, North American people, to your old-time
liberty. Put your hand on your heart and tell me: Would it be pleasant
for you if, in the course of time, North America should find herself in
the pitiful plight, of a weak and oppressed people and the Philippines,
a free and powerful nation, then at war with your oppressors, asked
for your aid promising to deliver you from such a weighty yoke, and
after defeating her enemy with your aid she set about subjugating you,
refusing the promised liberation?
Civilized nations! Honourable inhabitants of the United States, to
whose high and estimable consideration I submit this unpretentious
work, herein you have the providential facts which led to the unjust
attack upon the existence of the Philippine Republic and the existence
of those for whom, though unworthy, God made me the principal guardian.
The veracity of these facts rests upon my word as President of this
Republic and on the honour of the whole population of eight million
souls, who, for more than three hundred years have been sacrificing
the lives and wealth of their brave sons to obtain due recognition
of the natural rights of mankind--liberty and independence.
If you will do me the honour to receive and read this work and then
pass judgment impartially solemnly declaring on which side right and
justice rests, your respectful servant will be eternally grateful.
(Signed) _Emilio Aguinaldo_.
_Tarlak, 23rd September, 1899_.
NOTES
[1] A kind of sword--_Translator_.
[2] Of their own free will and accord--_Translator_.
[3] Suspension bridge.--_Translator_.
[4] Philippine Local Exhibition.--_Translator_.
[5] Short sword--_Translator_.
[6] The "Black Hole" of Manila.
[7] Many of the American papers reported that the majority was _one_
vote only in excess of the absolutely requisite two-thirds majority.
Index
I.--The Revolution of 1896; 1.
II.--The Treaty of Peace of Biak-na-bató; 4.
III.--Negotiations; 6.
IV.--The Revolution of 1898; 19.
V.--The Dictatorial Government; 22.
VI.--The First Triumphs; 24.
VII.--The Philippine Flag; 26.
VIII.--Expedition to Bisayas; 28.
IX.--The Steamer "Compania de Filipinas"; 28.
X.--The Proclamation of Independence; 30.
XI.--The Spanish Commission; 32.
XII.--More American Troops; 37.
XIII.--The 13th August; 38.
XIV.--First Clouds; 40.
XV.--Vain Hopes; 42.
XVI.--The American Commission; 44.
XVII.--Impolitic acts; 46.
XVIII.--The Mixed Commission; 50.
XIX.--Outbreak of Hostilities; 51.