Impolitic Acts
At such a critical juncture as this, and before the anxiously-awaited
Civil Commission arrived, it occurred to General Otis, Commandant of
the American forces, to commit two more impolitic acts. One of them
was the order to search our telegraph offices in Sagunro Street, in
Tondo, where the searching party seized the apparatus and detained
the officer in charge, Sr. Reyna, in the Fuerza Santiago [6] under
the pretext that he was conspiring against the Americans.
How and why was Sr. Reyna conspiring? Was not this sufficient for
the Filipino Government to give the order to attack and rescue Reyna
and thereby we (eight thousand strong) be plunged immediately into
war with the United States? Was there any reason for conspiring when
the power was in our own hands? And, above all, would a telegraphist,
be likely to interfere in _affaires de guerre_ when there was an army
near by to attend to such matters?
It was abundantly manifest that the object was by wounding the feelings
of and belittling the Filipino Government to provoke a collision, and
it was clear also that this system of exasperating us was not merely
the wanton act of the soldiery but was actually prompted by General
Otis himself, who, imbued with imperialistic tendencies, regarded the
coming of the Civil Commission with disfavour and especially would it
be unsatisfactory that this Commission should find the Philippines in
a state of perfect tranquility, because it was evident to the said
General, as well as to the whole world, that the Filipinos would
assuredly have arrived at a definite amicable agreement with the
aforesaid Commission if it reached the islands while peace prevailed.
We, the Filipinos, would have received the Commission with open
arms and complete accord as honourable Agents of the great American
nation. The Commissioners could have visited all our provinces,
seeing and taking note of the complete tranquility throughout our
territory. They could have seen our cultivated lands, examined our
Constitution and investigated the administration of public affairs in
perfect peace and safety, and have felt and enjoyed the inimitable
charm of our Oriental style,--half negligent, half solicitude,
warmth and chilliness, simple confidence and suspiciousness;
characteristics which cause descriptions of contact with us to be
depicted by foreigners in thousands of different hues.
Ah! but neither did General Otis nor the Imperialists wish for
such a landscape. It was better for their criminal designs that
the American Commission should view the desolation and horrors of
war in the Philippines, inhaling on the very day of their arrival
the revolting odour emitted from American and Filipino corpses. It
was better for their purposes that that gentleman, Mr. Schurman,
President of the Commission, should return from Manila, limiting
his investigation to inquiries among the few Filipinos, who, seduced
with gold, were siding with the Imperialists. It were better for them
that the Commission should view the Philippines problem through fire
and slaughter, in the midst of whizzing bullets and the uncontrolled
passion of infuriated foes, thus preventing them from forming correct
judgment of the exact and natural conditions of the problem. Ah! it
was, lastly, better that the Commission return to the States defeated
in its mission of obtaining peace and blaming me and other Filipinos
for its inability to settle matters, when, in reality, I and all the
Philippine people were longing that that peace had been concluded
yesterday,--long before now--but an honest and honourable peace,
honourable alike for the United States and the Philippine Republic
in order that it be sincere and everlasting.
The second impolitic act of General Otis was the issue of a
proclamation on the 4th of January, 1899, asserting in the name
of President McKinley the sovereignty of America in these islands,
with threats of ruin, death and desolation to all who declined to
recognize it.
I, Emilio Aguinaldo--though the humble servant of all, am, as
President of the Philippine Republic, charged with the safeguarding
of the rights and independence of the people who appointed me to such
an exalted position of trust and responsibility--mistrusted for the
first time the honour of the Americans, perceiving of course that
this proclamation of General Otis completely exceeded the limits of
prudence and that therefore no other course was open to me but to
repel with arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part of
the commander of friendly forces.
I protested, therefore, against such a proclamation--also threatening
an immediate rupture of friendly relations,--for the whole populace was
claiming that an act of treason had been committed, plausibly asserting
that the announcement of the Commission applied for by Admiral Dewey
was a ruse, and that what General Otis was scheming for was to keep
us quiet while he brought reinforcement after reinforcement from the
United States for the purpose of crashing our untrained and badly
equipped Army with one blow.
But now General Otis acted for the first time like a diplomatist,
and wrote me, through his Secretary, Mr. Carman, a letter inviting the
Filipino Government to send a Commission to meet an American Commission
for the purpose of arriving at an amicable arrangement between both
parties; and although I placed no trust in the professions of friendly
intentions of the said General--whose determination to prevent the
Commission arriving at a peaceful solution of the difficulties was
already evident--I acceded to the request, partly because I saw
the order, dated 9th January, given by the above mentioned General
confirmed, and on the other hand to show before the whole world my
manifest wishes for the conservation of peace and friendship with
the United States, solemnly compacted with Admiral Dewey.