CHAPTER I.

THE LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS

[Illustration: Jefferson Davis]

THE LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.

_BY FRANK H. ALFRIEND,

Late Editor of The Southern Literary Messenger._

CINCINNATI AND CHICAGO:

CAXTON PUBLISHING HOUSE.

PHILADELPHIA, RICHMOND, ATLANTA AND ST. LOUIS:

NATIONAL PUBLISHING CO.

BALDWYN, MISS.: P. M. SAVERY & COMPANY.

SAN FRANCISCO, CAL.: J. LAWS & CO.

1868.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1867, by FRANK H.

ALFRIEND, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United

States, for the District of Virginia.

PREFACE.

In offering this volume to the public, the occasion is embraced to avow,

with unfeigned candor, a painful sense of the inadequate manner in which

the design has been executed. Emboldened rather by his own earnest

convictions, than by confidence in his capacity, the author has undertaken

to contribute to American History, an extended narration of the more

prominent incidents in the life of JEFFERSON DAVIS. Whatever may be the

decision of the reader upon the merits of the performance, the author has

the satisfaction arising from a conscientious endeavor to subserve the

ends of truth. In pursuit of the purpose to write _facts_ only, to the aid

of familiar acquaintance with many of the topics discussed, and to

information derived from the most accurate sources, has been brought

laborious investigation of numerous interesting papers, which his

avocation made accessible. It is therefore claimed that no statement is to

be found in this volume, which is not generally conceded to be true, or

which is not a conclusion amply justified by indisputable evidence.

Nor is it to be fairly alleged that the work exhibits undue sectional

bias. As a Southern man, who, in common with his countrymen of the South,

was taught to believe the principles underlying the movement for Southern

independence, the only possible basis of Republicanism, the author has

regarded, as a worthy incentive, the desire to vindicate, as best he

might, the motives and conduct of the South and its late leader.

Disclaiming the purpose of promoting sectional bitterness, or of a

wholesale indictment of the Northern people, he deems it needless to dwell

upon the obvious propriety of discrimination. Holding in utter abhorrence

the authors of those outrages, wanton barbarities and petty persecutions,

of which her people were the victims, the South yet feels the respect of

an honorable enemy for those distinguished soldiers, Buell, Hancock,

McClellan and others, who served efficiently the cause in which they were

employed, and still illustrated the practices of Christian warfare. To

fitly characterize the remorseless faction in antagonism to the sentiments

of these honorable men, it is only necessary to recall the malice which

assails a "lost cause" with every form of detraction, and aspires to crown

a triumph of arms with the degradation and despair of a conquered people.

In his especial solicitude for a favorable appreciation of his efforts, by

his Southern countrymen, the author has striven to avoid affront to those

considerations of delicacy which yet affect many incidents of the late

war. He has not sought to revive, unnecessarily, questions upon which

Southern sentiment was divided, and has rarely assailed the motives or

capacity of individuals in recognized antagonism to the policy of

President Davis. Perhaps a different course would have imparted interest

to his work, and have more clearly established the vindication of its

subject. But besides being wholly repugnant to the tastes of the author,

it would have been in marked conflict with the consistent aim of Mr.

Davis' career, which was to heal, not to aggravate, the differences of the

South.

A large part of the labor, which would otherwise have devolved upon this

enterprise, if adequately performed, had already been supplied by the

writings of Professor Bledsoe. To the profound erudition and philosophical

genius of that eminent writer, as conspicuously displayed in his work

entitled, "Is Davis a Traitor?" the South may, with confidence, intrust

its claims upon the esteem of posterity.

The author heartily acknowledges the intelligent aid, and generous

encouragement, which he has received from his publishers.

JANUARY, 1868.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION. (Page 13-19.)

ATTRACTIONS OF THE LATE WAR TO POSTERITY--MR. LINCOLN'S

REMARK--DISADVANTAGES OF MR. DAVIS' SITUATION--SUCCESS NOT SYNONYMOUS

WITH MERIT--ORIGIN OF THE INJUSTICE DONE MR. DAVIS--REMARK OF

MACAULAY--REMARK OF MR. GLADSTONE--THE EFFECT THAT CONFEDERATE SUCCESS

WOULD HAVE HAD UPON THE FAME OF MR. DAVIS--POPULAR AFFECTION FOR HIM

IN THE SOUTH--HIS VINDICATION ASSURED.

CHAPTER I. (Page 20-33.)

BIRTH--EDUCATION--AT WEST POINT--IN THE ARMY--RETIREMENT--POLITICAL

TRAINING IN AMERICA--MR. DAVIS NOT EDUCATED FOR POLITICAL LIFE AFTER

THE AMERICAN MODEL--BEGINS HIS POLITICAL CAREER BY A SPEECH AT THE

MISSISSIPPI DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION--A GLANCE PROSPECTIVELY AT HIS

FUTURE PARTY ASSOCIATIONS--HIS CONSISTENT ATTACHMENT TO STATES' RIGHTS

PRINCIPLES--A SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE QUESTION OF STATES'

RIGHTS--MR. CALHOUN NOT THE AUTHOR OF THAT PRINCIPLE--HIS VINDICATION

FROM THE CHARGE OF DISUNIONISM--MR. DAVIS THE SUCCESSOR OF MR. CALHOUN

AS THE STATES' RIGHTS LEADER.

CHAPTER II. (Page 34-48.)

RESULTS OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 1844--MR. DAVIS ELECTED TO

CONGRESS--HIS FIRST SESSION--PROMINENT MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE--DOUGLAS,

HUNTER, SEDDON, ETC.--DAVIS' RAPID ADVANCEMENT IN REPUTATION--

RESOLUTIONS OFFERED BY HIM--SPEECHES ON THE OREGON EXCITEMENT, AND ON

THE RESOLUTION OF THANKS TO GENERAL TAYLOR AND HIS ARMY--NATIONAL

SENTIMENTS EMBODIED IN THESE AND OTHER SPEECHES--A CONTRAST IN THE

MATTER OF PATRIOTISM--MASSACHUSETTS AND MISSISSIPPI IN THE MEXICAN

WAR--DEBATE WITH ANDREW JOHNSON--JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ESTIMATE OF

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

CHAPTER III. (Page 49-67.)

THE NAME OF JEFFERSON DAVIS INSEPARABLE FROM THE HISTORY OF THE

MEXICAN WAR--HIS ESSENTIALLY MILITARY CHARACTER AND TASTES--JOINS

GENERAL TAYLOR'S ARMY ON THE RIO GRANDE, AS COLONEL OF THE FAMOUS

"MISSISSIPPI RIFLES"--MONTEREY--BUENA VISTA--GENERAL TAYLOR'S ACCOUNT

OF DAVIS' CONDUCT--DAVIS' REPORT OF THE ACTION--NOVELTY AND

ORIGINALITY OF HIS STRATEGY AT BUENA VISTA--INTERESTING STATEMENT OF

HON. CALEB CUSHING--RETURN OF DAVIS TO THE UNITED STATES--TRIUMPHANT

RECEPTION AT HOME--PRESIDENT POLK TENDERS HIM A BRIGADIER'S

COMMISSION, WHICH HE DECLINES ON PRINCIPLE.

CHAPTER IV. (Page 68-84.)

MR. DAVIS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, FIRST BY EXECUTIVE APPOINTMENT,

AND SUBSEQUENTLY BY UNANIMOUS CHOICE OF THE LEGISLATURE OF HIS

STATE--POPULAR ADMIRATION NOT LESS FOR HIS CIVIC TALENTS THAN HIS

MILITARY SERVICES--FEATURES OF HIS PUBLIC CAREER--HIS CHARACTER AND

CONDUCT AS A SENATOR--AS AN ORATOR AND PARLIAMENTARY LEADER--HIS

INTREPIDITY--AN INCIDENT WITH HENRY CLAY--DAVIS THE LEADER OF THE

STATES' RIGHTS PARTY IN CONGRESS--THE AGITATION OF 1850--DAVIS OPPOSES

THE COMPROMISE--FOLLY OF THE SOUTH IN ASSENTING TO THAT

SETTLEMENT--DAVIS NOT A DISUNIONIST IN 1850, NOR A REBEL IN 1861--HIS

CONCEPTION OF THE CHARACTER OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT--LOGICAL

ABSURDITY OF CLAY'S POSITION EXPOSED BY DAVIS--THE IDEAL UNION OF THE

LATTER--WHY HE OPPOSED THE COMPROMISE--THE NEW MEXICO BILL--DAVIS'

GROWING FAME AT THIS PERIOD--HIS FREQUENT ENCOUNTERS WITH CLAY, AND

WARM FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN THEM--SIGNAL TRIUMPH OF THE UNION SENTIMENT,

AND ACQUIESCENCE OF THE SOUTH.

CHAPTER V. (Page 85-97.)

OPPOSITION TO THE COMPROMISE IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND MISSISSIPPI--DAVIS

A CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR--HIS DEFEAT REALLY A PERSONAL TRIUMPH--IN

RETIREMENT, SUPPORTS GENERAL PIERCE'S ELECTION--DECLINES AN

APPOINTMENT IN PIERCE'S CABINET, BUT SUBSEQUENTLY ACCEPTS

SECRETARYSHIP OF WAR--REMARKABLE UNITY OF PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION, AND

HIGH CHARACTER OF THE EXECUTIVE--DAVIS AS SECRETARY OF WAR--

KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL AND THE EXCITEMENT WHICH FOLLOWED--DAVIS AGAIN

ELECTED TO THE SENATE--SPEECHES AT PASS CHRISTIAN AND OTHER POINTS

WHILE ON HIS WAY TO WASHINGTON.

CHAPTER VI. (Page 98-191.)

RETURN OF MR. DAVIS TO THE SENATE--OPENING EVENTS OF MR. BUCHANAN'S

ADMINISTRATION--TRUE INTERPRETATION OF THE LEGISLATION OF

1854--SENATOR DOUGLAS THE INSTRUMENT OF DISORGANIZATION IN THE

DEMOCRATIC PARTY--HIS ANTECEDENTS AND CHARACTER--AN ACCOMPLISHED

DEMAGOGUE--DAVIS AND DOUGLAS CONTRASTED--BOTH REPRESENTATIVES OF THEIR

RESPECTIVE SECTIONS--DOUGLAS' AMBITION--HIS COUP D'ETAT, AND ITS

RESULTS--THE KANSAS QUESTION--DOUGLAS TRIUMPHS OVER THE SOUTH AND THE

UNITY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY LOST--"SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY"--PROPERLY

CHARACTERIZED--DAVIS' COURSE IN THE KANSAS STRUGGLE--DEBATE WITH

SENATOR FESSENDEN--PEN-AND-INK SKETCH OF MR. DAVIS AT THIS

PERIOD--TRUE SIGNIFICANCE OF POLITICAL EVENTS TO THE SOUTH--SHE

RIGHTLY INTERPRETS THEM--MR. DAVIS' COURSE SUBSEQUENT TO THE KANSAS

IMBROGLIO--HIS DEBATES WITH DOUGLAS--TWO DIFFERENT SCHOOLS OF

PARLIAMENTARY SPEAKING--DAVIS THE LEADER OF THE REGULAR DEMOCRACY IN

THE THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS--HIS RESOLUTIONS--HIS CONSISTENCY--COURSE AS

TO GENERAL LEGISLATION--VISITS THE NORTH--SPEAKS IN PORTLAND, BOSTON,

NEW YORK, AND OTHER PLACES--REPLY To AN INVITATION TO ATTEND THE

WEBSTER BIRTH-DAY FESTIVAL--MR. SEWARD'S ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE

"IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT"--MR. DAVIS BEFORE MISSISSIPPI DEMOCRATIC

STATE CONVENTION--PROGRESS OF DISUNION--DISSOLUTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC

PARTY--SPEECHES OF MR. DAVIS AT PORTLAND AND IN SENATE.

CHAPTER VII. (Page 192-232.)

ELECTION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN--HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE EVENT--THE

OBJECTS AIMED AT BY HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY IDENTICAL IN THE DISCUSSION

OF EVENTS OF THE LATE WAR--NORTHERN EVASION OF THE REAL QUESTION--THE

SOUTH DID NOT ATTEMPT REVOLUTION--SECESSION A JUSTIFIABLE RIGHT

EXERCISED BY SOVEREIGN STATES--BRIEF REVIEW OF THE QUESTION--WHAT THE

FEDERALIST SAYS--CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL--MR. MADISON--COERCION NOT

JUSTIFIED AT THE NORTH PREVIOUS TO THE LATE WAR--REMARKS OF JOHN

QUINCY ADAMS--OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN--OF HORACE GREELEY--SUCCESSFUL

PERVERSION OF TRUTH BY THE NORTH--PROVOCATIONS TO SECESSION BY THE

SOUTH--AGGRESSIONS BY THE NORTH--ITS PUNIC FAITH--LOSS OF THE BALANCE

OF POWER--PATIENCE OF THE SOUTH--REMARKS OF HON. C. C. CLAY--WHAT THE

ELECTION OF MR. LINCOLN MEANT--HIS ADMINISTRATIVE POLICY--REVELATIONS

OF THE OBJECTS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY--WENDELL PHILLIPS--NO SECURITY

FOR THE SOUTH IN THE UNION--MEETING OF CONGRESS--MR. DAVIS' ASSURANCE

TO PRESIDENT BUCHANAN--CONCILIATORY COURSE OF MR. DAVIS--HIS

CONSISTENT DEVOTION TO THE UNION, AND EFFORTS TO SAVE IT--FORESEES WAR

AS THE RESULT OF SECESSION, AND URGES THE EXHAUSTION OF EVERY

EXPEDIENT TO AVERT IT--THE CRITTENDEN AMENDMENT--HOPES OF ITS

ADOPTION--DAVIS WILLING TO ACCEPT IT IN SPITE OF ITS INJUSTICE TO THE

SOUTH--REPUBLICAN SENATORS DECLINE ALL CONCILIATORY MEASURES--THE

CLARKE AMENDMENT--WHERE RESTS THE RESPONSIBILITY OF DISUNION?--

STATEMENTS OF MESSRS. DOUGLAS AND COX--SECESSION OF THE COTTON

STATES--A LETTER FROM JEFFERSON DAVIS TO R. B. RHETT, JR.--MR. DAVIS'

FAREWELL TO THE SENATE--HIS REASONS FOR WITHDRAWING--RETURNS TO

MISSISSIPPI--MAJOR-GENERAL OF STATE FORCES--ORGANIZATION OF THE

CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT--MR. DAVIS PRESIDENT OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES.

CHAPTER VIII. (Page 233-265.)

THE CONFEDERACY ESTABLISHED AND IN OPERATION--CALMNESS AND MODERATION

OF THE SOUTH--THE MONTGOMERY CONSTITUTION--THE IMPROVEMENTS UPON THE

FEDERAL INSTRUMENT--POPULAR DELIGHT AT THE SELECTION OF MR. DAVIS AS

PRESIDENT--MOTIVES OF HIS ACCEPTANCE--HIS PREFERENCE FOR THE

ARMY--DAVIS THE SYMBOL OF SOUTHERN CHARACTER AND HOPES--ON HIS WAY TO

MONTGOMERY--A CONTRAST--INAUGURATION AND INAUGURAL ADDRESS--THE

CONFEDERATE CABINET--TOOMBS--WALKER--MEMMINGER--BENJAMIN--MALLORY--

REAGAN--HISTORICAL POSITION OF PRESIDENT DAVIS--THE TWO POWERS--

EXTREME DEMOCRACY OF THE NORTH--NOBLE IDEAL OF REPUBLICANISM CHERISHED

BY THE SOUTH--DAVIS' REPRESENTATIVE QUALITIES AND DISTINGUISHED

SERVICES--THE HISTORIC REPRESENTATIVE OF THE CONFEDERATE CAUSE--EARLY

HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT AT MONTGOMERY--CONFIDENCE IN PRESIDENT DAVIS

UNLIMITED--PRESIDENT DAVIS' ADMINISTRATIVE CAPACITY--HIS MILITARY

ADMINISTRATION--THE CONFEDERATE ARMY--WEST POINT--NEGOTIATIONS FOR

SURRENDER OF FORTS SUMTER AND PICKENS--MR. BUCHANAN'S PITIABLE

POLICY--THE ISSUE OF PEACE OR WAR--PERFIDIOUS COURSE OF THE LINCOLN

ADMINISTRATION--MR. SEWARD'S DALLIANCE WITH THE CONFEDERATE

COMMISSIONERS--HIS DECEPTIONS--THE EXPEDITION TO PROVISION THE

GARRISON OF SUMTER--REDUCTION OF THE FORT--WAR--GUILT OF THE

NORTH--ITS RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR.

CHAPTER IX. (Page 266-293.)

EVENTS CONSEQUENT UPON THE BOMBARDMENT OF FORT SUMTER--MR. LINCOLN

BEGINS THE WAR BY USURPATION--THE BORDER STATES--CONTINUED DUPLICITY

OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT--VIRGINIA JOINS THE COTTON STATES--AFFAIRS

IN MARYLAND, MISSOURI, AND KENTUCKY--UNPROMISING PHASES OF THE

SITUATION, AFFECTING THE PROSPECTS OF THE SOUTH--DIVISIONS IN SOUTHERN

SENTIMENT--THE NORTHERN DEMOCRACY--PRESIDENT DAVIS' ANTICIPATIONS

REALIZED--HIS RESPONSE TO MR. LINCOLN'S PROCLAMATION OF WAR--PUBLIC

ENTHUSIASM IN THE SOUTH--PRESIDENT DAVIS' MESSAGE--VIRGINIA THE

FLANDERS OF THE WAR--REMOVAL OF THE CONFEDERATE CAPITAL TO

RICHMOND--POLICY OF THAT STEP CONSIDERED--POPULAR REGARD FOR MR. DAVIS

IN VIRGINIA--ACTION OF THE VIRGINIAN AUTHORITIES--NORTH CAROLINA; HER

NOBLE CONDUCT, AND EFFICIENT AID TO THE CONFEDERACY--MILITARY

PREPARATIONS IN VIRGINIA--GENERAL LEE--HIS SERVICES IN THE EARLY

MONTHS OF THE WAR--MINOR ENGAGEMENTS--PREPARATIONS FOR THE GREAT

STRUGGLE IN VIRGINIA--AN IMPORTANT HISTORICAL QUESTION--CHARGES

AGAINST MR. DAVIS CONSIDERED--HIS STATESMAN-LIKE PREVISION--DID HE

ANTICIPATE AND PROVIDE FOR WAR?--WHEN MR. DAVIS' RESPONSIBILITY

BEGAN--HIS ENERGETIC PREPARATION--THE PREVAILING SENTIMENT AT

MONTGOMERY AS TO THE WAR--QUOTATIONS FROM GENERAL EARLY AND GENERAL

VON MOLKTE.

CHAPTER X. (Page 294-325.)

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WAR IN 1861--THE TWO GOVERNMENTS MORE DIRECTLY

CONNECTED WITH RESULTS IN THE FIELD THAN AT SUBSEQUENT PERIODS--MR.

DAVIS' CONNECTION WITH THE MILITARY POLICY OF THE CONFEDERACY--THE

CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT ADOPTS, IN THE MAIN, THE DEFENSIVE POLICY OF

THE VIRGINIAN AUTHORITIES--FEDERAL PREPARATIONS--GENERAL SCOTT--

DEFENSIVE PLANS OF THE CONFEDERATES--DISTRIBUTION OF THEIR FORCES--THE

CONFEDERATE CAMPAIGN OF 1861 JUSTIFIED--DISTRIBUTION OF THE FEDERAL

FORCES--PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN--GENERALS PATTERSON AND JOHNSTON--

JUNCTION OF BEAUREGARD AND JOHNSTON--MANASSAS--PRESIDENT DAVIS ON THE

BATTLE-FIELD--HIS DISPATCH--HIS RETURN TO RICHMOND--A SPEECH NEVER

PUBLISHED BEFORE--REFLECTIONS UPON THE RESULTS OF MANASSAS--MR. DAVIS

NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE ABSENCE OF PURSUIT--STONEWALL JACKSON'S

VIEWS--DAVIS IN FAVOR OF PURSUIT OF THE FEDERALS--MISREPRESENTATIONS--

MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN VARIOUS QUARTERS--THE "TRENT AFFAIR"--RESULTS OF

THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR.

CHAPTER XI. (Page 326-360.)

PROSPECTS AT THE BEGINNING OF 1862--EXTREME CONFIDENCE OF THE

SOUTH--EXTRAVAGANT EXPECTATIONS--THE RICHMOND EXAMINER ON CONFEDERATE

PROSPECTS--WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES PREDICTED--THE

BLOCKADE TO BE RAISED--THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY DECREED BY HEAVEN--

RESULT OF THE BOASTFUL TONE OF THE SOUTHERN PRESS--THE CONFEDERATE

GOVERNMENT NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE DISASTERS OF 1862--PRESIDENT DAVIS

URGES PREPARATION FOR A LONG WAR--HIS WISE OPPOSITION TO SHORT

ENLISTMENTS OF TROOPS--PREMONITIONS OF MISFORTUNES IN THE WEST--THE

CONFEDERATE FORCES IN KENTUCKY--GENERAL ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON--HIS

CAREER BEFORE THE WAR--CHARACTER--APPEARANCE--THE FRIEND OF JEFFERSON

DAVIS--MUTUAL ESTEEM--SIDNEY JOHNSTON IN KENTUCKY--HIS PLANS--HIS

DIFFICULTIES--THE FORCES OF GRANT AND BUELL--CRUEL DILEMMA OF GENERAL

SIDNEY JOHNSTON--A REVERSE--GRANT CAPTURES FORTS HENRY AND DONELSON--

LOSS OF KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE--FEDERAL DESIGNS IN THE EAST--BURNSIDE

CAPTURES ROANOKE ISLAND--SERIOUS NATURE OF THESE REVERSES--POPULAR

DISAPPOINTMENT--ORGANIZED OPPOSITION TO THE CONFEDERATE

ADMINISTRATION--CHARACTER AND MOTIVES OF THIS OPPOSITION--AN EFFORT TO

REVOLUTIONIZE PRESIDENT DAVIS' CABINET--ASSAULTS UPON SECRETARIES

BENJAMIN AND MALLORY--CORRECT EXPLANATION OF THE CONFEDERATE

REVERSES--CONGRESSIONAL CENSURE OF MR. BENJAMIN--SECRETARY

MALLORY--CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOUTHERN MIND--THE PERMANENT

GOVERNMENT--SECOND INAUGURATION OF MR. DAVIS--SEVERITY OF THE

SEASON--THE CEREMONIES--APPEARANCE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS--HIS INAUGURAL

ADDRESS--ITS EFFECT--POPULAR RE-ASSURANCE--MESSAGE TO CONGRESS--

COMMENTS OF RICHMOND PRESS.

CHAPTER XII. (Page 361-389.)

POPULAR DELUSIONS IN THE EARLY STAGES OF THE WAR--A FEW CONFLICTS AND

SACRIFICES NOT SUFFICIENT--MORE POSITIVE RECOGNITION OF MR. DAVIS'

VIEWS--HIS CANDID AND PROPHETIC ANNOUNCEMENTS--MILITARY REFORMS--

CONSCRIPTION LAW OF THE CONFEDERACY--THE PRESIDENT'S VIEWS AND COURSE

AS TO THIS LAW--HIS CONSISTENT REGARD FOR CIVIL LIBERTY AND OPPOSITION

TO CENTRALIZATION--RECOMMENDS CONSCRIPTION--BENEFICIAL RESULTS OF THE

LAW--GENERAL LEE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, "UNDER THE PRESIDENT"--NATURE OF

THE APPOINTMENT--FALSE IMPRESSIONS CORRECTED--MR. DAVIS' CONFIDENCE IN

LEE, DESPITE POPULAR CENSURE OF THE LATTER--CHANGES IN THE CABINET--

MR. BENJAMIN'S MANAGEMENT OF THE WAR OFFICE--DIFFICULTIES OF THAT

POSITION--THE CHARGE OF FAVORITISM AGAINST MR. DAVIS IN THE SELECTION

OF HIS CABINET--HIS PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH THE VARIOUS MEMBERS OF HIS

CABINET--ACTIVITY IN MILITARY OPERATIONS--THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI--

BATTLE OF ELK HORN--OPERATIONS EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI--GENERALS

SIDNEY JOHNSTON AND BEAUREGARD--ISLAND NO. 10--CONCENTRATION OF TROOPS

BY THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES--FAVORABLE SITUATION--SHILOH--A

DISAPPOINTMENT--DEATH OF SIDNEY JOHNSTON--TRIBUTE OF PRESIDENT

DAVIS--POPULAR VERDICT UPON THE BATTLE OF SHILOH--GENERALS BEAUREGARD,

BRAGG, AND POLK ON THE BATTLE--THE PRESIDENT AGAIN CHARGED WITH

"INJUSTICE" TO BEAUREGARD--THE CHARGE ANSWERED--FALL OF NEW

ORLEANS--NAVAL BATTLE IN HAMPTON ROADS--NAVAL SUCCESSES OF THE ENEMY.

CHAPTER XIII. (Page 390-421.)

THE "ANACONDA SYSTEM"--HOW FAR IT WAS SUCCESSFUL--TERRITORIAL

CONFIGURATION OF THE SOUTH FAVORABLE TO THE ENEMY--ONE THEATRE OF WAR

FAVORABLE TO THE CONFEDERATES--THE FEDERAL FORCES IN VIRGINIA--THE

CONFEDERATE FORCES--THE POTOMAC LINES--CRITICAL SITUATION IN

VIRGINIA--EVACUATION OF MANASSAS--TRANSFER OF OPERATIONS TO THE

PENINSULA--MAGRUDER'S LINES--EVACUATION OF YORKTOWN--STRENGTH OF THE

OPPOSING FORCES BEFORE RICHMOND--DESTRUCTION OF THE "VIRGINIA"--PANIC

IN RICHMOND--MR. DAVIS' CALMNESS AND CONFIDENCE--HE AVOWS HIMSELF

"READY TO LEAVE HIS BONES IN THE CAPITAL OF THE CONFEDERACY"--REPULSE

OF THE GUNBOATS--"MEMENTOES OF HEROISM"--JACKSON'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN--A

SERIES OF VICTORIES, WITH IMPORTANT RESULTS--BATTLE OF "SEVEN

PINES"--A FAILURE--GENERAL JOHNSTON WOUNDED--PRESIDENT DAVIS ON THE

FIELD--PRESIDENT DAVIS AND GENERAL JOHNSTON--AN ATTEMPT TO FORESTALL

THE DECISION OF HISTORY--RESULTS OF LEE'S ACCESSION TO COMMAND--

JOHNSTON'S GENERALSHIP--MR. DAVIS' ESTIMATE OF LEE--LEE'S PLANS--THE

ADVISORY RELATION BETWEEN DAVIS AND LEE--THEIR MUTUAL CONFIDENCE NEVER

INTERRUPTED--CONFEDERATE STRATEGY AFTER M'CLELLAN'S DEFEAT BEFORE

RICHMOND--MAGICAL CHANGE IN THE FORTUNES OF THE CONFEDERACY--THE

INVASION OF MARYLAND--ANTIETAM--TANGIBLE PROOFS OF CONFEDERATE

SUCCESS--GENERAL BRAGG--HIS KENTUCKY CAMPAIGN--CONFEDERATE HOPES--

BATTLE OF PERRYVILLE--BRAGG RETREATS--ESTIMATE OF THE KENTUCKY

CAMPAIGN OF 1862--OTHER INCIDENTS OF THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN--REMOVAL OF

M'CLELLAN--A SOUTHERN OPINION OF M'CLELLAN--BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG--

BATTLE OF MURFREESBORO'--BATTLE OF PRAIRIE GROVE--THE SITUATION AT THE

CLOSE OF 1862--PRESIDENT DAVIS' RECOMMENDATIONS TO CONGRESS--HIS VISIT

TO THE SOUTH-WEST--ADDRESS BEFORE THE MISSISSIPPI LEGISLATURE.

CHAPTER XIV. (Page 422-449.)

RESPECT OF MANKIND FOR THE SOUTH--THE MOST PROSPEROUS PERIOD OF THE

WAR--HOW MR. DAVIS CONTRIBUTED TO THE DISTINCTION OF THE SOUTH--

FACTION SILENCED--THE EUROPEAN ESTIMATE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS--HOW HE

DIGNIFIED THE CAUSE OF THE SOUTH--HIS STATE PAPERS--HIS ADMINISTRATION

OF CIVIL MATTERS--THE CONTRAST BETWEEN THE TWO PRESIDENTS--MR. DAVIS'

OBSERVANCE OF CONSTITUTIONAL RESTRAINTS--ARBITRARY ADMINISTRATION OF

MR. LINCOLN--MR. DAVIS' MODERATION--HE SEEKS TO CONDUCT THE WAR UPON

CIVILIZED IDEAS--AN ENGLISH CHARACTERIZATION OF DAVIS--COLONEL

FREEMANTLE'S INTERVIEW WITH HIM--MR. GLADSTONE'S OPINION--THE PURELY

PERSONAL AND SENTIMENTAL ADMIRATION OF EUROPE FOR THE

SOUTH--INCONSISTENT CONDUCT OF THE EUROPEAN GREAT POWERS--THE LONDON

"TIMES" BEFORE M'CLELLAN'S DEFEAT--THE CONFEDERACY ENTITLED TO

RECOGNITION BY EUROPE--ENGLAND'S SYMPATHY WITH THE NORTH--DIGNIFIED

ATTITUDE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS UPON THE SUBJECT OF RECOGNITION--HIS EARLY

PREDICTION UPON THE SUBJECT--FRANCE AND ENGLAND EXPOSED TO INJURIOUS

SUSPICIONS--TERGIVERSATIONS OF THE PALMERSTON CABINET--THE BROAD FARCE

OF "BRITISH NEUTRALITY"--ENGLAND DECLINES TO UNITE WITH FRANCE IN AN

OFFER OF MEDIATION BETWEEN THE AMERICAN BELLIGERENTS--ENGLAND'S

"POLICY"--SHE SOUGHT THE RUIN OF BOTH SECTIONS OF AMERICA--CULMINATION

OF THE ANTISLAVERY POLICY OF THE NORTH--MR. LINCOLN'S CONVERSATION

WITH A KENTUCKY MEMBER OF CONGRESS--THE WAR A "CRIME" BY MR. LINCOLN'S

OWN SHOWING--VIOLATION OF PLEDGES AND ARBITRARY ACTS OF THE FEDERAL

GOVERNMENT--THE MASK REMOVED AFTER THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM--THE REAL

PURPOSE OF EMANCIPATION--MR. DAVIS' ALLUSION TO THE

SUBJECT--INDIGNATION OF THE SOUTH AT THE MEASURE--MILITARY OPERATIONS

IN TEXAS AND MISSISSIPPI--VICKSBURG--PORT HUDSON--LOSS OF ARKANSAS

POST--FEDERAL FLEET REPULSED AT CHARLESTON--PREPARATIONS FOR THE

CAMPAIGN--UNITY AND CONFIDENCE OF THE SOUTH--MR. DAVIS' ADDRESS TO THE

COUNTRY--IMPORTANT EXTRACTS--GENERAL LEE PREPARES FOR BATTLE--HIS

CONFIDENCE--CONDITION OF HIS ARMY--BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE--

JEFFERSON DAVIS' TRIBUTE TO STONEWALL JACKSON.

CHAPTER XV. (Page 450-476.)

CONFEDERATE PROSPECTS AFTER THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE--THE

MILITARY SITUATION--PRIMARY OBJECTS OF THE CONFEDERATES--AFFAIRS IN

THE WEST--A BRIEF CONSIDERATION OF SEVERAL PLANS OF CAMPAIGN SUGGESTED

TO THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES--VISIONARY STRATEGY--AN OFFENSIVE

CAMPAIGN ADOPTED--THE INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA JUSTIFIED--CONDITION OF

THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA AT THIS PERIOD--THE MOVEMENT FROM THE

RAPPAHANNOCK--LEADING FEATURES OF THE CONFEDERATE PLAN--LEE'S STRATEGY

AGAIN ILLUSTRATED--GETTYSBURG--A FATAL BLOW TO THE SOUTH--LEE RETURNS

TO VIRGINIA--THE SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG--OTHER REVERSES--EXULTATION OF

THE NORTH--THE CONFEDERATE ADMINISTRATION AGAIN ARRAIGNED BY ITS

OPPONENTS--THE CASE OF GENERAL PEMBERTON--POPULAR INJUSTICE TO A

GALLANT OFFICER--A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE SUBJECT--PEMBERTON'S

APPOINTMENT RECOMMENDED BY DISTINGUISHED OFFICERS--HIS ABLE

ADMINISTRATION IN MISSISSIPPI--HIS RESOLUTION TO HOLD VICKSBURG, AS

THE GREAT END OF THE CAMPAIGN--HIS GALLANTRY AND RESOURCES--NOBLE

CONDUCT OF THIS PERSECUTED OFFICER--A FURTHER STATEMENT--THE MISSION

OF VICE-PRESIDENT STEPHENS--ITS OBJECTS--PRESIDENT DAVIS SEEKS TO

ALLEVIATE THE SUFFERINGS OF WAR--MAGNANIMITY AND HUMANITY OF THE

OFFER--PROUD POSITION IN THIS MATTER OF THE SOUTH AND HER RULER--THE

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT DECLINES INTERCOURSE WITH MR. STEPHENS--EXPLANATION

OF ITS MOTIVES--CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MESSRS. DAVIS AND STEPHENS.

CHAPTER XVI. (Page 477-501.)

OPERATIONS OF GENERAL TAYLOR IN LOUISIANA--THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY

IRRECOVERABLY LOST TO THE CONFEDERACY--FEDERALS FOILED AT

CHARLESTON--THE DIMINISHED CONFIDENCE OF THE SOUTH--FINANCIAL

DERANGEMENT--DEFECTIVE FINANCIAL SYSTEM OF THE SOUTH--MR. DAVIS'

LIMITED CONNECTION WITH IT--THE REASONS FOR THE FINANCIAL FAILURE OF

THE CONFEDERACY--INFLUENCE OF SPECULATION--ANOMALOUS SITUATION OF THE

SOUTH--MR. DAVIS' VIEWS OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE SOUTH AT THE

BEGINNING OF THE WAR--MILITARY OPERATIONS IN TENNESSEE--BRAGG RETREATS

TO CHATTANOOGA--MORGAN'S EXPEDITION--SURRENDER OF CUMBERLAND

GAP--FEDERAL OCCUPATION OF CHATTANOOGA--BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA--BRAGG'S

EXPECTATIONS--GRANT'S OPERATIONS--BRAGG BADLY DEFEATED--PRESIDENT

DAVIS' VIEW OF THE DISASTER--GENERAL BRAGG RELIEVED FROM COMMAND OF

THE WESTERN ARMY--CENSURE OF THIS OFFICER--HIS MERITS AND

SERVICES--THE UNJUST CENSURE OF MR. DAVIS AND GENERAL BRAGG FOR THE

REVERSES IN THE WEST--OPERATIONS IN VIRGINIA IN THE LATTER PART OF

1863--CONDITION OF THE SOUTH AT THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR--SIGNS OF

EXHAUSTION--PRESIDENT DAVIS' RECOMMENDATIONS--PUBLIC DESPONDENCY--THE

WORK OF FACTION--ABUSE OF MR. DAVIS IN CONGRESS--THE CONTRAST BETWEEN

HIMSELF AND HIS ASSAILANTS--DEFICIENCY OF FOOD--HOW CAUSED--THE

CONFEDERACY EVENTUALLY CONQUERED BY STARVATION.

CHAPTER XVII. (Page 502-532.)

AN EFFORT TO BLACKEN THE CHARACTER OF THE SOUTH--THE PERSECUTION OF

MR. DAVIS AS THE SUBSTITUTE FOR THE ASSUMED OFFENSES OF THE

SOUTH--REPUTATION OF THE SOUTH FOR HUMANITY--TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF

WAR--EARLY ACTION OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT UPON THE SUBJECT--MR.

DAVIS' LETTER TO MR. LINCOLN--THE COBB-WOOL NEGOTIATIONS--PERFIDIOUS

CONDUCT OF THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES--A CARTEL ARRANGED BY GENERALS DIX

AND HILL--COMMISSIONER OULD--HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE FEDERAL AGENT

OF EXCHANGE--REPEATED PERFIDY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT--SUSPENSION

OF THE CARTEL CAUSED BY THE BAD FAITH OF THE FEDERAL ADMINISTRATION,

AND THE SUFFERING WHICH IT CAUSED--EFFORTS OF THE CONFEDERATE

AUTHORITIES TO RENEW THE OPERATION OF THE CARTEL--HUMANE OFFER OF

COMMISSIONER OULD--JUSTIFICATION OF THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES--GUILT

OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT--MR. DAVIS' STATEMENT OF THE MATTER--COLONEL

OULD'S LETTER TO MR. ELDRIDGE--NORTHERN STATEMENTS: GENERAL BUTLER,

NEW YORK TRIBUNE, ETC.--THE CHARGE OF CRUELTY AGAINST THE SOUTH--A

CONTRAST BETWEEN ANDERSONVILLE AND ELMIRA--IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE

SOUTH--DISREPUTABLE MEANS EMPLOYED TO AROUSE RESENTMENT OF THE

NORTH--THE VINDICATION OF THE SOUTH AND OF MR. DAVIS--HIS STAINLESS

CHARACTER, HIS HUMANITY AND FORBEARANCE--AN INQUIRY OF HISTORY.

CHAPTER XVIII. (Page 533-562.)

INDICATIONS OF POPULAR FEELING AT THE BEGINNING OF 1864--APATHY AND

DESPONDENCY OF THE NORTH--IMPROVED FEELING IN THE CONFEDERACY--THE

PROBLEM OF ENDURANCE--PREPARATIONS OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT--

MILITARY SUCCESS THE GREAT DESIDERATUM--A SERIES OF SUCCESSES--

FINNEGAN'S VICTORY IN FLORIDA--SHERMAN'S EXPEDITION--FORREST'S

VICTORY--THE RAID OF DAHLGREN--TAYLOR DEFEATS BANKS--FORREST'S

TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN--HOKE'S VICTORY--THE VALUE OF THESE MINOR

VICTORIES--CONCENTRATION FOR THE GREAT STRUGGLES IN VIRGINIA AND

GEORGIA--FEDERAL PREPARATIONS--GENERAL GRANT--HIS THEORY OF WAR--HIS

PLANS--THE FEDERAL FORCES IN VIRGINIA--SHERMAN--FEEBLE RESOURCES OF

THE CONFEDERACY--THE "ON TO RICHMOND" AND "ON TO ATLANTA"--GENERAL

GRANT BAFFLED--HE NARROWLY ESCAPES RUIN--HIS OVERLAND MOVEMENT A TOTAL

FAILURE--SHERIDAN THREATENS RICHMOND--DEATH OF STUART--BUTLER'S

ADVANCE UPON RICHMOND--THE CITY IN GREAT PERIL--BEAUREGARD'S PLAN OF

OPERATIONS--VIEWS OF MR. DAVIS--DEFEAT OF BUTLER, AND HIS CONFINEMENT

IN A "CUL DE SAC"--FAILURE OF GRANT'S COMBINATIONS--CONSTANTLY BAFFLED

BY LEE--TERRIBLE LOSSES OF THE FEDERAL ARMY--GRANT CROSSES THE

JAMES--HIS FAILURES REPEATED--HIS NEW COMBINATIONS--EARLY'S OPERATIONS

IN THE VALLEY AND ACROSS THE POTOMAC--THE FEDERAL COMBINATIONS AGAIN

BROKEN DOWN--FAVORABLE SITUATION IN VIRGINIA--THE MISSION OF MESSRS.

CLAY, THOMPSON, AND HOLCOMBE--CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. LINCOLN--THE

ARROGANT AND MOCKING REPLY OF THE FEDERAL PRESIDENT.

CHAPTER XIX. (Page 563-589.)

DISAPPOINTMENT AT RESULTS OF THE GEORGIA CAMPAIGN--HOW FAR IT WAS

PARALLEL WITH THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN--DIFFERENT TACTICS ON BOTH

SIDES--REMOVAL OF GENERAL JOHNSTON--THE EXPLANATION OF THAT STEP--A

QUESTION FOR MILITARY JUDGMENT--THE NEGATIVE VINDICATION OF GENERAL

JOHNSTON--DIFFERENT THEORIES OF WAR--THE REAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE

SOUTHERN FAILURE--THE ODDS IN NUMBERS AND RESOURCES AGAINST THE

SOUTH--WATER FACILITIES OF THE ENEMY--STRATEGIC DIFFICULTIES OF THE

SOUTH--THE BLOCKADE--INSIGNIFICANCE OF MINOR QUESTIONS--JEFFERSON

DAVIS THE WASHINGTON OF THE SOUTH--GENERAL JOHN B. HOOD--HIS

DISTINGUISHED CAREER--HOPE OF THE SOUTH RENEWED--HOOD'S

OPERATIONS--LOSS OF ATLANTA--IMPORTANT QUESTIONS--PRESIDENT DAVIS IN

GEORGIA--PERVERSE CONDUCT OF GOVERNOR BROWN--MR. DAVIS IN MACON--AT

HOOD'S HEAD-QUARTERS--HOW HOOD'S TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN VARIED FROM MR.

DAVIS' INTENTIONS--SHERMAN'S PROMPT AND BOLD CONDUCT--HOOD'S

MAGNANIMOUS ACKNOWLEDGMENT--DESTRUCTION OF THE CONFEDERATE POWER IN

THE SOUTH-WEST.

CHAPTER XX. (Page 590-613.)

INCIDENTS ON THE LINES OF RICHMOND AND PETERSBURG DURING THE SUMMER

AND AUTUMN--CAPTURE OF FORT HARRISON--OTHER DEMONSTRATIONS BY

GRANT--THE SITUATION NEAR THE CONFEDERATE CAPITAL--EARLY'S VALLEY

CAMPAIGN--POPULAR CENSURE OF EARLY--INFLUENCE OF THE VALLEY CAMPAIGN

UPON THE SITUATION NEAR RICHMOND--WHAT THE AGGREGATE OF CONFEDERATE

DISASTERS SIGNIFIED--DESPONDENCY OF THE SOUTH--THE INJURIOUS EXAMPLES

OF PROMINENT MEN--THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL LEE--MR. DAVIS'

POPULARITY--WHY HE DID NOT FULLY COMPREHEND THE DEMORALIZATION OF THE

PEOPLE--HE HOPES FOR POPULAR REANIMATION--WAS THE CASE OF THE

CONFEDERACY HOPELESS?--VACILLATING CONDUCT OF CONGRESS--THE

CONFEDERATE CONGRESS A WEAK BODY--MR. DAVIS' RELATIONS WITH

CONGRESS--PROPOSED CONSCRIPTION OF SLAVES--FAVORED BY DAVIS AND

LEE--DEFEATED BY CONGRESS--LEGISLATION DIRECTED AGAINST THE

PRESIDENT--DAVIS' OPINION OF LEE--RUMORS OF PEACE--HAMPTON ROADS

CONFERENCE--THE FEDERAL ULTIMATUM--THE ABSURD CHARGE AGAINST MR. DAVIS

OF OBSTRUCTING NEGOTIATIONS--HIS RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF PEACE--A

RICHMOND NEWSPAPER ON THE FEDERAL ULTIMATUM--DELUSIVE SIGNS OF PUBLIC

SPIRIT--NO ALTERNATIVE BUT CONTINUED RESISTANCE--REPORT OF THE HAMPTON

ROADS CONFERENCE.

CHAPTER XXI. (Page 614-636.)

MILITARY OPERATIONS IN THE EARLY PART OF 1865--LAST PHASE OF THE

MILITARY POLICY OF THE CONFEDERACY--THE PLAN TO CRUSH SHERMAN--CALM

DEMEANOR OF PRESIDENT DAVIS--CHEERFULNESS OF GENERAL LEE--THE QUESTION

AS TO THE SAFETY OF RICHMOND--WEAKNESS OF GENERAL LEE'S ARMY--

PREPARATIONS TO EVACUATE RICHMOND BEFORE THE CAMPAIGN OPENED--A NEW

BASIS OF HOPE--WHAT WAS TO BE REASONABLY ANTICIPATED--THE CONTRACTED

THEATRE OF WAR--THE FATAL DISASTERS AT PETERSBURG--MR. DAVIS RECEIVES

THE INTELLIGENCE WHILE IN CHURCH--RICHMOND EVACUATED--PRESIDENT DAVIS

AT DANVILLE--HIS PROCLAMATION--SURRENDER OF LEE--DANVILLE

EVACUATED--THE LAST OFFICIAL INTERVIEW OF MR. DAVIS WITH GENERALS

JOHNSTON AND BEAUREGARD--HIS ARRIVAL AT CHARLOTTE--INCIDENTS AT

CHARLOTTE--REJECTION OF THE SHERMAN-JOHNSTON SETTLEMENT--MR. DAVIS'

INTENTIONS AFTER THAT EVENT--HIS MOVEMENTS SOUTHWARD--INTERESTING

DETAILS--CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS AND HIS IMPRISONMENT AT FORTRESS MONROE.

CHAPTER XXII. (Page 637-645.)

MOTIVE OF MR. DAVIS' ARREST--AN AFTER-THOUGHT OF STANTON AND THE

BUREAU OF MILITARY JUSTICE--THE EMBARRASSMENT PRODUCED BY HIS

CAPTURE--THE INFAMOUS CHARGES AGAINST HIM--WHY MR. DAVIS WAS TREATED

WITH EXCEPTIONAL CRUELTY--THE OUTRAGES AND INDIGNITIES OFFERED

HIM--HIS PATIENT AND HEROIC ENDURANCE OF PERSECUTION--HIS RELEASE FROM

FORTRESS MONROE--BAILED BY THE FEDERAL COURT AT RICHMOND--JOY OF THE

COMMUNITY--IN CANADA--RE-APPEARANCE BEFORE THE FEDERAL COURT--HIS

TRIAL AGAIN POSTPONED--CONCLUSION.

LIFE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS.

INTRODUCTION.

ATTRACTIONS OF THE LATE WAR TO POSTERITY--MR. LINCOLN'S REMARK--

DISADVANTAGES OF MR. DAVIS' SITUATION--SUCCESS NOT SYNONYMOUS WITH

MERIT--ORIGIN OF THE INJUSTICE DONE MR. DAVIS--REMARK OF MACAULAY--

REMARK OF MR. GLADSTONE--THE EFFECT THAT CONFEDERATE SUCCESS WOULD

HAVE HAD UPON THE FAME OF MR. DAVIS--POPULAR AFFECTION FOR HIM IN THE

SOUTH--HIS VINDICATION ASSURED.

To future generations the period in American history, of most absorbing

interest and profound inquiry, will be that embracing the incipiency,

progress, and termination of the revolution which had its most pronounced

phase in the memorable war of 1861. Historians rarely concur in their

estimates of the limits of a revolution, and usually we find quite as much

divergence in their views of the scope of its operations, as in their

speculations as to its origin and causes, and their statements of its

incidents and results. If, however, it is difficult to assign, with minute

accuracy, the exact limits and proper scope of those grand trains of

consecutive events, which swerve society from the beaten track of ages,

divert nations from the old path of progress into what seems to be the

direction of a new destiny, and often transform the aspect of continents,

it is comparatively an easy task to reach a reliable statement of their

more salient and conspicuous incidents. It is in this aspect that the

Titanic conflict, which had its beginning with the booming of the guns in

Charleston harbor in April, 1861, and its crowning catastrophe at

Appomattox Court-house in April, 1865, will be chiefly attractive to the

future student. As a point of departure from the hitherto unbroken

monotony of American history, the beginning of a new order of things, the

extinction of important elements of previous national existence, embracing

much that was consecrated in the popular affections; in short, as a

complete political and social transformation, an abrupt, but thorough

perversion of the government from its original purposes and previous

policy, this period must take its place, with important suggestions of

theory and illustration, among the most impressive lessons of history.

The profound interest which shall center upon the period that we have

under consideration, must necessarily subject to a rigid investigation the

lives, characters, and conduct of those to whom were allotted conspicuous

parts in the great drama. It is both a natural and reasonable test that

the world applies in seeking to solve, through the qualities and

capacities of those who direct great measures of governmental policy, the

merits of the movements themselves. The late President of the United

States, Mr. Lincoln, avowed his inability to escape the judgment of

history, and the bare statement sufficiently describes the inevitable

necessity, not only of his own situation, but of all who bore a prominent

part on either side of the great controversy.

JEFFERSON DAVIS confronts posterity burdened with the disadvantage of

having been the leader of an unsuccessful political movement. "Nothing

succeeds like success," was the pithy maxim of Talleyrand, to whose astute

observation nothing was more obvious than the disposition of mankind to

make success the touchstone of merit. It is, nevertheless, a vulgar and

often an erroneous criterion. What could be more absurd than to determine

by such a test the comparative valor, generalship, and military character

of the two contestants in the late war? Concede its applicability,

however, and we exalt the soldiership of the North above all precedent,

and consign the unequaled valor of the Southern soldiery to reproach,

instead of the deathless fame which shall survive them. To such a judgment

every battle-field of the war gives emphatic and indignant contradiction.

History abounds with evidence of the influence of accident and of

extraneous circumstances, in the decision of results, which, if controlled

by the question of merit, as understood by the predominant sense of

mankind, would have borne a vastly different character.

But, in addition to the disparaging influence of the failure of the cause

which he represented, Mr. Davis has encountered an unparalleled degree of

personal hate, partizan rancor, of malignant and gratuitous

misrepresentation, the result, to a great extent, of old partizan

rivalries and jealousies, engendered in former periods of the history of

the Union, and also of the spirit of domestic disaffection and agitation

which inevitably arises against every administration of public affairs,

especially at times of unusual danger and embarrassment.[1] The almost

fanatical hatred of the Northern masses against Mr. Davis, as the wicked

leader of a causeless rebellion against the Government of his country, as

a conspirator against the peace and happiness of his fellow-citizens, and

as a relentless monster, who tortured and starved prisoners of war,

springs from the persistent calumnies of such leaders of Northern opinion,

as have an ignoble purpose of vindictive hatred to gratify by the

invention of these atrocious charges. Yet this feeling of the North hardly

exceeds in violence, the resentment with which it was sought to inflame

the Southern people against him, at critical stages of the war, as an

unworthy leader, whose incapacity, pragmatism, nepotism, and vanity were

rushing them into material and political perdition. Of popular

disaffection to the Confederate cause, or dislike of Mr. Davis, there was

an insignificantly small element, never dangerous in the sense of

attempted revolt against the authorities, but often hurtful, because it

constituted the basis of support to such prominent men as fancied their

personal ambition, or _amour propre_, offended by the President. A

misfortune of the South was that there were not a few such characters, and

their influence upon certain occasions was as baleful to the public

interests as their animus was malignant against Mr. Davis. Hoping to

advance themselves by misrepresentations of him, during the war they

persistently charged upon him every disaster, and do not scruple to impute

to his blame those final failures so largely traceable to themselves. A

patriotic regard for the public safety imposed silence upon Mr. Davis

while the war continued, and a magnanimity which they have neither

deserved nor appreciated, coupled with a proper sense of personal dignity,

have impelled him since to refrain from refutation of misstatements

utterly scandalous and inexcusable.

The distinguished English statesman,[2] who, during the progress of the

late war, declared that "Mr. Jefferson Davis had created a nation," stated

more than the truth, though he hardly exaggerated the flattering estimate

which the intelligent public of Europe places upon the unsurpassed ability

and energy with which the limited resources of the South, as compared with

those of her enemies, were, for the most part, wielded by the Confederate

administration. Nor, indeed, would such an estimate have been too

extravagant to be entertained by his own countrymen, had the South

achieved her independence by any stroke of mere good fortune, such as

repeatedly favored her adversaries at critical moments of the war, when,

apparently, the most trifling incidents regulated the balance. More than

once the South stood upon the very threshold of the full fruition of her

aspirations for independence and nationality. Had Jackson not fallen at

Chancellorsville, the Federal Army of the Potomac, the bulwark of the

Union in the Atlantic States, would have disappeared into history under

circumstances far different from those which marked its dissolution two

years later. At Gettysburg the Confederacy was truthfully said to have

been "within a stone's-throw of peace." If at these fateful moments the

treacherous scales of fortune had not strangely turned, and in the very

flush of triumph, who doubts that now and hereafter there would have come

from Southern hearts, an ascription of praise to Jefferson Davis, no less

earnest than to his illustrious colaborers? At all events, it is

undeniable that, as the Confederate arms prospered, so the affection of

the people for Mr. Davis was always more enthusiastic and demonstrative.

Only in moments of extreme public depression could the malcontents obtain

even a patient audience of their assaults upon the chosen President of

the Confederacy.

The people of the late Confederate States, whose destinies Jefferson Davis

directed during four years, the most momentous in their history, are

competent witnesses as to the fidelity, ability, and devotion with which

he discharged the trust confided to him.

Their judgment is revealed in the affectionate confidence with which,

during their struggle for liberty, they upheld him, and in the joyful

acclaim, which echoed from the Potomac to the Rio Grande upon the

announcement of his release from his vicarious captivity. As he was the

chosen representative of the power, the will, and the aspirations of a

chivalrous people, so they will prove themselves the jealous custodians of

his fame. Be the verdict of posterity as it may, they will not shrink from

their share of the odium, and will be common participants with him in the

award of eulogy. There is more than an unreasoning presentiment, something

more tangible than vague hope, in the calm and cheerful confidence with

which both look forward to that ample vindication of truth which always

follows candid and impartial inquiry.

That time will triumphantly vindicate Mr. Davis is as certain, as that it

will dispel the twilight mazes which yet obscure the grand effort of

patriotism which he directed. The rank luxuriance of prejudice, asperity,

and falsehood must eventually yield to the irresistible progress of reason

and truth. Bribery, perjury, every appliance which the most subtle

ingenuity of eager and unscrupulous malice could invent, have been

exhausted in the vain effort to make infamous, in the sight of mankind, a

noble cause, by imputation of personal odium upon its most distinguished

representative. Day by day he rises beyond the reach of calumny, and his

character expands into the fair proportions of the grandest ideals of

excellence. An adamantine heroism of the _antique_ pattern; purity exalted

to an altitude beyond conception even of the vulgar mind; devotion which

shrank from no sacrifice and quailed before no peril, were qualities

giving tone to the genius, which, wielding the inadequate means of a

feeble Confederacy, for years, withstood the shock of powerful invasion,

baffled and humiliated a nation, unlimited in resources, and in spite of

disastrous failure, lends unexampled dignity to the cause in which it was

employed.

CHAPTER I.

BIRTH--EDUCATION--AT WEST POINT--IN THE ARMY--RETIREMENT--POLITICAL

TRAINING IN AMERICA--MR. DAVIS NOT EDUCATED FOR POLITICAL LIFE AFTER

THE AMERICAN MODEL--BEGINS HIS POLITICAL CAREER BY A SPEECH AT THE

MISSISSIPPI DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION--A GLANCE PROSPECTIVELY AT HIS

FUTURE PARTY ASSOCIATIONS--HIS CONSISTENT ATTACHMENT TO STATES' RIGHTS

PRINCIPLES--A SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE QUESTION OF STATES'

RIGHTS--MR. CALHOUN NOT THE AUTHOR OF THAT PRINCIPLE--HIS VINDICATION

FROM THE CHARGE OF DISUNIONISM--MR. DAVIS THE SUCCESSOR OF MR. CALHOUN

AS THE STATES' RIGHTS LEADER.

Jefferson Davis was born on the third day of June, 1808, in that portion

of Christian County, Kentucky, which, by subsequent act of the

Legislature, was made Todd County. His father, Samuel Davis, a planter,

during the Revolutionary war served as an officer in the mounted force of

Georgia, an organization of local troops. Subsequently to the Revolution

Samuel Davis removed to Kentucky, and continued to reside in that state

until a few years after the birth of his son JEFFERSON, when he removed

with his family to the neighborhood of Woodville, Wilkinson County, in the

then territory of Mississippi. At the period of his father's removal to

Mississippi, Jefferson was a child of tender years. After having enjoyed

the benefits of a partial academic training at home, he was sent, at an

earlier age than is usual, to Transylvania University, Kentucky, where he

remained until he reached the age of sixteen. In 1824 he was appointed,

by President Monroe, a cadet at the West Point Military Academy.

Among his contemporaries at the academy were Robert E. Lee, Joseph E.

Johnston, Albert Sidney Johnston, Leonidas Polk, John B. Magruder, and

others who have since earned distinction. Ordinary merit could not have

commanded in such an association of talent and character the position

which Davis held as a cadet. A fellow-cadet thus speaks of him: "Jefferson

Davis was distinguished in the corps for his manly bearing, his high-toned

and lofty character. His figure was very soldier-like and rather robust;

his step springy, resembling the tread of an Indian 'brave' on the

war-path." He graduated in June, 1828, receiving the customary appointment

of Brevet Second Lieutenant, which is conferred upon the graduates of the

academy. Assigned to the infantry, he served with such fidelity in that

branch of the service, and with such especial distinction as a staff

officer on the North-western frontier in 1831-32, that he was promoted to

the rank of First Lieutenant and Adjutant of a new regiment of dragoons in

March, 1833.

About this period the Indians, on various portions of the frontier,

stimulated by dissatisfaction with the course of the Government concerning

certain claims and guarantees, which had been accorded them in previous

treaties, were excessively annoying, and the Government was forced to

resort to energetic military measures to suppress them. Lieutenant Davis

had ample opportunity for the exhibition of his high soldierly qualities,

cool courage, and admirable self-possession, in the Black Hawk war, during

which he was frequently employed in duties of an important and dangerous

character. During the captivity of Black Hawk, that famous Indian

chieftain and warrior is said to have conceived a very strong attachment

for Lieutenant Davis, whose gallantry and pleasing amenities of bearing

greatly impressed the captive enemy. After his transfer to the dragoons,

Lieutenant Davis saw two years of very active service in the various

expeditions against the Pawnees, Camanches, and other Indian tribes, and

accompanied the first expedition which successfully penetrated the

strongholds of the savages, and conquered a peace by reducing them to

subjection.

Though attached to the profession of arms, for which he has on repeated

occasions, during his subsequent life, evinced an almost passionate

fondness and a most unusual aptitude, Lieutenant Davis resigned his

commission in June, 1835, and returning to Mississippi devoted his

attention to the cultivation of cotton and to the assiduous pursuit of

letters. Not long after his resignation, he had married the daughter of

Col. Zachary Taylor, under whose eye he was destined, in a few years, to

win such immortal renown upon the fields of Mexico. Living upon his

plantation in great seclusion, he devoted himself with zeal and enthusiasm

to those studies which were to qualify him for the eminent position in

politics and statesmanship which he had resolved to assume. In that

retirement were sown the seed, whose abundant fruits were seen in those

splendid specimens of senatorial and popular eloquence, at once models of

taste and exhibitions of intellectual power; in the pure, terse, and

elegant English of his matchless state papers, which will forever be the

delight of scholars and the study of statesmen, and in that elevated and

enlightened statesmanship, which scorning the low ambition of demagogues

and striving always for the ends of patriotism and principle, illumines,

for more than a score of years, the legislative history of the Union.

The period of Mr. Davis' retirement is embraced within the interval of

his withdrawal from the army, in 1835, and the beginning of his active

participation in the local politics of Mississippi, in 1843, a term of

eight years. The diligent application with which he was employed daring

these years of seclusion constituted a most fortunate preparation for the

distinguished career upon which he at once entered. There is not, in the

whole range of American biography, an instance of more thorough

preparation, of more ample intellectual discipline, and elaborate

education for political life.

The _trade_ of politics is an avocation familiar to Americans, and in the

more ordinary maneuvers of party tactics, in that lower species of

political strategy which, in our party vocabulary, is aptly termed

"wire-pulling," our politicians may boast an eminence in their class not

surpassed in the most corrupt ages of the most profligate political

establishments which have ever existed. Statesmanship, in that broad and

elevated conception which suggests the noblest models among those who have

adorned and illustrated the science of government, combining those higher

attributes of administrative capacity which are realized equally in a

pure, sound, and just polity, and in a free, prosperous, and contented

community, is a subject utterly unexplored by American politicians at the

outset of their career, and is comparatively an after-thought with those

intrusted with the most responsible duties of state.

The political training of Mr. Davis was pursued upon a basis very

different from the American model. It has been more akin to the English

method, under which the faculties and the tastes are first cultivated, and

the mind qualified by all the light which theory and previous example

afford for the practical labors which are before it. The tastes and habits

formed during those eight years of retirement have adhered to Mr. Davis

in his subsequent life. When not engrossed by the absorbing cares of

state, he has, with rare enthusiasm and satisfaction, resorted to those

refining pleasures which are accessible only to intellects which have

known the elevating influences of culture.

Emerging from his seclusion in 1843, when the initiatory measures of party

organization were in course of preparation for the gubernatorial canvass

of that year and the Presidential campaign of the next, he immediately

assumed a prominent position among the leaders of the Democratic party in

Mississippi. At this time, probably, no state in the Union, of equal

population, excelled Mississippi in the number and distinction of her

brilliant politicians. Especially was this true of Vicksburg, and of the

general neighborhood in which Mr. Davis resided.[3] The genius of Seargent

S. Prentiss was then in its meridian splendor, and his reputation and

popularity were coëxtensive with the Union. Besides Prentiss were Foote,

Thompson, Claiborne, Gholson, Brown, and many others, all comparatively

young men, who have since achieved professional or political distinction.

The appearance of Mr. Davis was soon recognized as the addition of a star

of no unworthy effulgence to this brilliant galaxy.

The Democratic State Convention, held for the purpose of organization for

the gubernatorial canvass, and for the appointment of delegates to the

National Convention, assembled at Jackson in the summer of 1843. From the

meeting of this convention, which Mr. Davis attended as a delegate, may be

dated the beginning of his political life. In the course of its

deliberations he delivered his first public address, which immediately

attracted toward him much attention, and a most partial consideration by

his party associates. The occasion is interesting from this circumstance,

and as indicating that consistent political bias which, beginning in early

manhood, constituted the controlling inspiration of a long career of

eminent public service. The undoubted preference of the convention, as of

an overwhelming majority of the masses of the Southern Democracy, was for

Mr. Van Buren, and its entire action in the selection of delegates, and

formal expressions of feeling, was in accordance with this

well-ascertained preference. To a proposition instructing the delegates to

the National Convention, to support the nomination of Mr. Van Buren so

long as there was a reasonable hope of his selection by the party, Mr.

Davis proposed an amendment instructing the delegates to support Mr.

Calhoun as the second choice of the Democracy of Mississippi, in the event

of such a contingency as should render clearly hopeless the choice of Mr.

Van Buren. In response to an inquiry from an acquaintance if his amendment

was meant in good faith, and did not contemplate detriment to the

interests of Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Davis rose and addressed the convention in

explanation of his purpose, and in terms of such earnest and appropriate

eulogy of Mr. Calhoun and his principles as to elicit the most

enthusiastic commendation.

So favorable was the impression which Mr. Davis made upon his party, and

so rapid his progress as a popular speaker, that in the Presidential

campaign of 1844, the Democracy conferred upon him the distinction of a

place upon its electoral ticket. In this canvass he acquired great

reputation, and established himself immovably in the confidence and

admiration of the people of Mississippi.

This seems an appropriate point from which to glance prospectively at the

political principles and party associations of Mr. Davis in his after

career. Until its virtual dissolution at Charleston, in 1860, he was an

earnest and consistent member of the Democratic party. To those who are

familiar with the party nomenclature of the country, no inconsistency with

this assertion will appear involved in the statement, that he has also

been an ardent disciple of the doctrine of States' Rights. The Democratic

party and the States' Rights party were indeed identical, when a

profession of political faith in this country was significant of something

ennobling upon the score of principle, something higher than a mere

aspiration for the spoils of office. When, in subsequent years, to the

large majority of its leaders, the chief significance of a party triumph,

consisted in its being the occasion of a new division of the spoils, many

of the most eminent statesmen of the South became in a measure indifferent

to its success. Its prurient aspiration for the rewards of place provoked

the sarcasm of Mr. Calhoun, that it "was held together by the cohesive

power of the public plunder," and the still more caustic satire of John

Randolph, of Roanoke, that it had "seven principles: five loaves and two

fishes."

Nevertheless, in its spirit thoroughly national, catholic in all its

impulses, for many years shaping its policy in harmony with the protection

of Southern institutions, and with few features of sectionalism in its

organization, it worthily commanded the preference of a large majority of

the Southern people. To this organization Mr. Davis adhered until the

inception of the late conflict, supporting its Presidential nominations,

in the main favoring such public measures as were incorporated in the

policy of the party, and he was, for several years prior to the war, by

no means the least prominent of those named in connection with its choice

for the Presidency in 1860.

It is no part of the task which has been undertaken in these pages to

sketch the mutations of political parties, or to trace the historical

order and significance of events, save in their immediate and

indispensable connection with our appropriate subject. So closely

identified, however, has been the public life of Mr. Davis with the

question of States' Rights, so ardent has been his profession of that

faith, and so able and zealous was he in its advocacy and practice, that

his life virtually becomes an epitome of the most important incidents in

the development of this great historical question. His earliest appearance

upon the arena of politics was at a period when the various issues which

were submitted to the arbitrament of arms in the late war began to assume

a practical shape of most portentous aspect. The address which first

challenged public attention, and that extensive interest which has rarely

been withdrawn since, was an emphatic indorsement of the political

philosophy of Mr. Calhoun and a glowing panegyric upon the character and

principles of that immortal statesman and expounder. Unreservedly

committing himself, then, he has steadfastly held to the States' Rights

creed, as the basis of his political faith and the guide of his public

conduct.

If it be true that the decision of the sword only establishes facts, and

does not determine questions of principle, then the principle of States'

Rights will be commemorated as something more valuable, than as the mere

pretext upon which a few agitators inaugurated an unjustifiable revolt for

the overthrow of the Government of the Union. Nothing is more likely than

that many who recently rejoiced at its suppression by physical force, may

mourn its departure as of that one vital inspiration, which alone could

have averted the decay of the public liberties. Practically a "dead

letter" now in the partizan slang of the demagogues who rule the hour,

since its prostration by military power in the service of the antipodal

principle of consolidation, it will live forever as the motive and

occasion of a struggle, unparalleled in its heroism and sacrifices in

behalf of constitutional liberty.

There is little ground for wonder at the total ignorance and persistent

misconception in the mind of Europe, at the commencement of the war, of

the motives and purposes of the Confederates in seeking a dissolution of

the Union, when we consider the limited information and perverted views of

the Northern people and politicians respecting the nature of the Federal

Government and the intentions of its authors. Naturally enough, perhaps,

the North, seeing in the Union the source of its marvelous material

prosperity, and with an astute appreciation of its ability, by its

rapidly-growing numerical majority, to pervert the Government to any

purpose of sectional aggression agreeable to its ambition or interests,

refused to tolerate, as either rational or honest, any theory that

contemplated disunion as possible in any contingency. In their willful

ignorance and misapprehension most Northern orators and writers denounced

the doctrines of States' Rights as _new inventions_--as innovations upon

the faith of the fathers of the Republic--and professed to regard the most

enlightened and patriotic statesmen of the South, the pupils and followers

of illustrious Virginians and Carolinians of the Revolutionary era, as

agitators, conspirators, and plotters of treason against the Union. Upon

the score of antiquity, States' Rights principles have a claim to

respectability--not for a moment to be compared with the wretched devices

of expediency or the hybrid products of political atheism, to which the

brazen audacity and hypocrisy of the times apply the misnomer of

"principles."

They are, in fact, older than the Union, and antedate, not only the

present Constitution, but even the famous Articles of Confederation, under

which our forefathers fought through the first Revolution. The Congress

which adopted the Declaration of Independence emphatically negatived a

proposition looking to consolidation, offered by New Hampshire on the 15th

of June, 1776, that the Thirteen Colonies be declared a "free and

independent State," and expressly affirmed their separate sovereignty by

declaring them to be "free and independent States." The declaration of the

Articles of Confederation was still more explicit--that "each State

retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power,

jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly

delegated to the United States in Congress assembled." The Convention of

1787 clearly designed the present Constitution to be the instrument of a

closer association of the States than had been effected by the Articles of

Confederation, but the proof is exceedingly meager of any general desire

that it should establish a consolidated nationality.

At this early period the antagonism of the two schools of American

politics was plainly discernible. The conflict of faith is easily

indicated. The advocates of States' Rights regarded the Union as a

_compact between the States_--something more than a mere league formed for

purposes of mutual safety, but still a strictly _voluntary_ association of

Sovereignties, in which certain general powers were specifically delegated

to the Union; and all others not so delegated were reserved by the States

in their separate characters. The advocates of Consolidation considered

the Union a _National_ Government--in other words, a centralized power--to

which the several States occupied the relation of separate provinces.

The famous resolutions of '98, adopted respectively by the Virginia and

Kentucky Legislatures, were the formal declarations of principles upon

which the States' Rights party was distinctly organized under Mr.

Jefferson, whom it successfully supported for the Presidency against the

elder Adams at the expiration of the term of the latter. With the progress

of time the practical significance of these opposing principles became

more and more apparent, and their respective followers strove, with

constantly-increasing energy, to make their party creed paramount in the

policy of the Government. A majority of the Northern people embraced the

idea of a perpetual Union, whose authority was supreme over all the

States, and regulated by the will of a numerical majority, which majority,

it should be observed, they had already secured, and were yearly

increasing in an enormous ratio. The South, in the course of years, with

even more unanimity, clung to the idea of State Sovereignty, and the

interpretation of the Government as one of limited powers, as its shield

and bulwark against the Northern majority in the collision which it was

foreseen the aggressive spirit of the latter would eventually occasion.

A common and totally erroneous impression of the Northern mind is that

John C. Calhoun _invented_ the idea of State Sovereignty for selfish and

unpatriotic designs, and as the pretext of a morbid hatred to the Union.

That eminent statesman and sincere patriot never asserted any claim to the

paternity of the faith which he professed. It is true that, in a certain

sense, he was the founder of the States' Rights party as it existed in his

day, and which survived him to make a last unsuccessful struggle to save

first the Union, and, failing in that, to rescue the imperiled liberties

of the South. During the eventful life of Mr. Calhoun the question of the

relative powers of the Federal and State Governments assumed a more

practical bearing than before, and his far-reaching sagacity was

illustrated in his efforts to avert the impending evils of consolidation.

He was the authoritative exponent and revered leader of the votaries of

those principles which he advocated, but did not originate or invent, and

sought to apply as the legitimate and safe solution of the circumstances

by which he was surrounded.

Equally absurd and unfounded with the pretense, asserted at the North, of

the novelty of the idea of State Sovereignty and its incompatibility with

the spirit of the Constitution, was the charge so persistently iterated

against Mr. Calhoun and his followers, of disunionism; of a restless,

morbid discontent, which sought continually revenge for imaginary wrongs

in a dissolution of the Union. To the contrary we have the irrefutable

arguments of Mr. Calhoun himself in favor of the superior efficacy of the

States' Rights interpretation, as an agency for the preservation of the

Union as it was designed to exist by its authors. So far from having an

anarchical or disorganizing tendency, he, on all occasions, maintained

that his theory was "the only solid foundation of our system and the Union

itself."

To this faith the public life of Jefferson Davis has been dedicated. For

more than twenty years he sought to illustrate it in the realization of a

splendid but barren vision of a time-honored and time-strengthened Union,

consecrated in the common affections and joint aspirations of a people,

now, alas! united only in name.

During the period of their public service together, Mr. Davis received a

large share of the confidence and regard of Mr. Calhoun, and when the

death of the latter deprived the South of the counsels of an illustrious

public servant, Mr. Davis, though comparatively a young man, stood

foremost as heir to the mantle of the great apostle of States' Rights.[4]

The Life of Jefferson Davis · 第 1 / 23 章