The following is in a somewhat different tone:--

“You offer 1500 guineas for the new canto of (”Don Juan“). I won’t take

it. I ask 2500 guineas for it, which you will either give or not, as

you think proper. If Mr. Moore is to have 3000 for “Lalla,” &c., if Mr.

Crabbe is to have 3000 for his prose or poetry, I ask the aforesaid

price for mine.” (“Beppo” was eventually thrown into the bargain.)

“You are an excellent fellow, _mio caro_ Murray, but there is still

a little leaven of Fleet Street about you now and then--a crumb of

the old loaf.... I have a great respect for your good and gentlemanly

qualities, and return your friendship towards me; and although I think

you are a little spoiled by ‘villanous company,’ with persons of

honour about town, authors, and fashionables, together with your ‘I

am just going to call at Carlton House, are you walking that way?’--I

say, notwithstanding ‘pictures, taste, Shakespeare, and the musical

glasses,’ you deserve the esteem of those whose esteem is worth having.”

Now, like a spoiled child, Byron wishes back all his copyrights, and

intends to suppress all that he has ever written, and Murray has to

chide him and coax him, with much disinterestedness, urging him to

labour steadily for a few years upon some work worthy of his talents,

and fit to be a true monument of his fame.

Some of Byron’s letters are in an earnest, many in a playful, mood,

most in prose, but sometimes the poet breaks into a charming doggerel

of delicious “chaff.” Here is one specimen:--

“TO MR. MURRAY.

“Strahan, Tonson, Lintot of the times,

Patron and publisher of rhymes,

For thee the bard of Pindus climbs,

My Murray.

“To thee, with hope and terror dumb,

The unfledged MS. authors come;

Thou printest all--and sellest some--

My Murray.

“Upon thy tables’ baize so green,

The last new _Quarterly_ is seen,--

But where is thy new magazine,

My Murray?

“Along thy sprucest bookshelves shine

The works thou deemest most divine,--

The ‘Art of Cookery,’ and mine,

My Murray.

“Tours, Travels, Essays, too, I wist,

And Sermons to thy mill bring grist;

And then thou hast the ‘Army List,’

My Murray.

“And Heaven forbid I should conclude

Without the ‘Board of Longitude,’

Although this narrow paper would,

My Murray!”

VENICE, March 25, 1818.

There was no end to Byron’s wit and playfulness. Sometimes Murray would

act as a mentor and adviser in more serious matters, but his advice

would be pleasantly turned off with a jest. At the time when Byron was

most calumniated, when there were cruel stories afloat about the life

he led and the opinions he held (though none so cruel as have since

been promulgated by a well-known American authoress), Murray’s soul was

comforted by the present of a Bible--a gift from the illustrious poet.

“Could this man,” he asked, “be a deist, an atheist, or worse, when he

sent Bibles about to his publishers?” Turning it over in wonderment,

however, some inquisitive member of his four-o’clock clique found a

marginal correction--“Now Barabbas was a robber,” altered into “Now

Barabbas was a _publisher_.” A cruel stab, a “palpable hit,” maybe,

at some publishers, but, as regards Murray, an uproarious joke to be

gleefully repeated to every comer. As a refutation of this playful

libel, and as the clearest and most succinct way of showing what

amounts of money Byron really did receive, we append the following

account:--

£

1807 _Hours of Idleness_

1809 _English Bards and Scotch Reviewers_

1812 _Childe Harold_, I. II.[A] 600

1813 _The Gaiour_ 525

” _Bride of Abydos_ 525

1814 _Corsair_[15] 525

” _Lara_ 700

1815 _Hebrew Melodies_[16]

1816 _Childe Harold_, III. 1,575

” _Siege of Corinth_ 525

” _Parisina_ 525

” _Prisoner of Chillon_ 525

1817 _Manfred_ 315

” _Lament of Tasso_ 315

1818 _Beppo_ 525

” _Childe Harold_, IV. 2,100

1819 _Mazeppa_ 525

” _Don Juan_, I. II. 1,525

1820 _Don Juan_, III. IV. V. 1,525

” _Marino Faliero_

” _Doge of Venice_ 1,050

1821 _Sardanapalus_, _Cain_, and _Foscari_ 1,100

” _Vision of Judgment_[17]

1822 _Werner_; _Deformed Transformed_; _Heaven

and Earth_, to which were added _Hours

of Idleness_, _English Bards_, _Hints

from Horace_, &c. 3,885

Sundries 450

1822 _Don Juan_, VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI.

1823 _Age of Bronze_, _The Island_, and more

cantos of _Don Juan_

------

Total £19,340

_Life_, by Thomas Moore 4,200

------

£23,540

Murray’s kindness to Byron may be said to have displayed itself

even after his death. In 1821, Byron had given his friend Moore his

autobiography, partly as a means of justifying his character, partly to

enrich his friend. Moore, pressed as usual for money, made over the MS.

to Murray for the sum of 2000 guineas, undertaking to edit it in case

of survivorship. He subsequently intended to modify the transaction by

a clause to be inserted in the deed, by which he, Moore, should have

the option of redeeming it within three months after Byron’s death.

When Byron did die, in 1824, the MS. was given to Gifford to read, and

found to be far too gross for publication, and, spite of Moore’s wish

to modify it, Sir John Hobhouse and Mrs. Leigh insisted upon its being

destroyed. Murray offered to give it up upon repayment of the 2000

guineas; and after an unpleasant scene in Murray’s shop, the MS. was

destroyed by Wilmot Horton and Colonel Doyle, with the full consent of

Moore, who repaid Murray the sum advanced by a draft on Rogers.

No sooner had it been burnt than it was found that, through the want of

the clause above named, Moore’s interest in the MS. had entirely ceased

at Byron’s death; and though Moore, nobly and firmly, refused to

receive the money back from Byron’s friends, he chose to consider for a

time that Murray had wronged him.

He took a proposal to Longman of a “Life of Byron,” and the matter

was partially arranged, when Moore, urged on both by his feelings

and his friends, seeing Murray in the street, started after him.

“Mr. Murray, some friends of yours and mine seem to think that we

should no longer continue on these terms. I therefore proffer you

my hand, and most heartily forgive and forget all that has passed.”

Murray’s face brightened into smiles, and on parting he said, “God

bless you, sir, God bless you!” Longman agreed, upon this, that Murray

was the publisher to whom a life of Byron most properly belonged,

and Murray eventually gave £4200 for one of the most delightful and

entertaining biographies in our literature--a companion volume, in

every way, to Boswell’s “Johnson” and Lockhart’s “Scott.” Murray, in

this transaction, seems to have behaved with generous firmness. Now

that Byron was dead, the autobiography would certainly have proved

the most remunerative of all his works; and Moore himself, in his

Diary, ultimately confessed that “Murray’s conduct” had been admirable

throughout.

In this year, 1824, not only did Murray lose the services and the

friendship of his best client, Lord Byron, who died at Missolonghi on

the 19th of April, but Gifford, the able editor of the _Quarterly_,

was incapacitated for further work, and resigned his post. Mr. John

Coleridge, then a young barrister, succeeded, but though accomplished,

clever, and able, he was “scarcely strong enough for the place;”

Southey found out his incapacity for saying “no,” and under his

auspicious reign began to make the _Review_ a quarterly issue of

his own miscellaneous works. Strangely enough in the mourning coach

that followed Gifford to his grave Murray drove with the man who was

destined as an editor to rival the powers of the upbuilder of the

_Quarterly’s_ reputation--this of course was John Gibson Lockhart,

a young Edinburgh advocate, the son-in-law of Scott, and more than

that, the author of “Peter’s Letters,” of “Valerius,” of “Reginald

Dalton,” the translator of “Frederick Schlegel,” and the “Ancient

Spanish Ballads,” and the noted contributor to _Blackwood_. Moore

first heard of the arrangement down at Abbotsford, when Scott, after

dinner, hopeful of his daughter’s interests, and proud, may be, of

his son-in-law, grew confidential. “Lockhart was about to undertake

the _Quarterly_, has agreed for five years; salary £1200 a year, and

if he writes a certain number of articles it will be £1500 a year.”

In this year, though the prospects of the _Quarterly_ were ably

secured, Murray met with the only really adverse turn of fortune, to

which through a long career, and a bold one, he was ever subject. The

terrible commercial crisis which had been so long overhanging, burst

at last into a deluge of ruin--Constable’s house was swept away, the

Ballantynes were for the moment overthrown, and Scott had to give up

his lordly estates of Abbotsford, and generously work his life out

to redeem a name on which he deemed a commercial slur had been cast.

Murray, though he suffered by the panic, as all must suffer in the

time of a general epidemic, was not severely hurt. Still, looking back

now with the wisdom of wiseacres, who think we could have prophesied

easily the actual events that did occur, the time does seem a strange

one in which to start a new venture. This was nothing less than the

establishment of a new Conservative journal, which was to rival the

_Times_ as the _Quarterly_ rivalled the _Edinburgh_. According to

the current rumour, it was young Disraeli (now the wily and veteran

leader of the Conservative party) who first proposed the scheme;

and, according to current rumour still, it was under his editorship,

and with Dr. Maginn as chief foreign correspondent, that the

_Representative_ (price sevenpence daily) was started on the 26th of

January, 1826. The journal was able, well-informed, and well-written,

but the _Times_ had a monopoly, and the Conservative party were not

strong enough to support a first-rate organ of their own, and after

a brief existence of six months, the _Representative_ gave up the

struggle. Murray was wont in future days, when rash young speculators

urged the necessity of embracing some opening for a new daily paper, to

point to a ledger on his book-shelves and say grimly, “Twenty thousand

pounds lie buried there!”

The question as to who was the actual editor of the _Representative_

has never been definitely settled. Mr. Disraeli, until the last year,

never disclaimed the supposed connection, and silence was considered

as proverbially affirmative. Lockhart, too, has been put forward

as a claimant. The nearest approach to any opinion that might have

been final was given by the late James Hannay in the pages of the

_Edinburgh Courant_. “We had the best authority for what we said--nay,

the only authority--since even to Mr. Murray the question of the

_Representative’s_ editorship is not a personal one. We now add that

Mr. Disraeli’s long silence in the matter admits of an explanation

which will gratify his admirers of all parties. He hesitated to come

forward with any eagerness to make a denial, which might have been

interpreted as springing from a wish to disclaim newspaper association,

but when the story was passing into literature in such a book as the

biography of an eminent British writer, it was time to protest against

any further propagation of the story, once and for all.” But this “best

and only authority” did nothing to render the question less intricate,

for when Mr. Grant published the first instalment of his “History

of the Newspaper Press,” he thoroughly outdid Hannay, and with that

ingenuous facility of arbitrating over moot points, and that mysterious

power of catching rumours, as boys catch moths, and pinning them down

in his collection under the general label of “facts,” gave full details

of Mr. Disraeli’s connection with the _Representative_, the amount of

his salary, together with a luxurious description of the splendours of

his editorial offices! Mr. Disraeli roused at last, replied curtly that

the whole narrative was entirely imaginary, and utterly devoid of fact

or foundation in any one point. He has since then in a letter, upon

a similar question, written by his solicitor to the _Leisure Hour_,

declared that:--

“Mr. Disraeli never in his life required or received any remuneration

for anything he ever wrote, except for books bearing his name.

“Mr. Disraeli never was editor of the _Star Chamber_, or any other

newspaper, journal, review, or magazine, or anything else.”

To return, however, to legitimate book-publishing. About this time

Campbell’s old scheme of “Biographies of the Poets” was revived,

re-appearing under the title of “Specimens of the British Poets;” and

Murray was so pleased with the work that he made the stipulated sum of

£500 into double that amount. To Allen Cunningham, too, he gave £50 per

volume additional for his “Lives of the British Artists,” and made the

payment retrospective.

We could repeat five hundred anecdotes of his liberal and kindly

generosity, but our space only permits us to record another, which it

is very pleasant to read about.

It was twenty-two years since the obscure Fleet Street bookseller had

embraced the “glorious and profitable” opportunity of taking a fourth

share in “Marmion,” and since then Sir Walter Scott had achieved an

unparalleled position in the world of English letters, had written

innumerable works, and had earned unheard-of sums--and had been

completely ruined. With the aid of his creditors, Scott was now seeking

to recover all his copyrights for a final edition of his collected

works. All had been bought back save this fourth share of “Marmion.”

Lockhart was commissioned by his father-in-law to inquire on what

terms the share might be re-purchased, and this was Murray’s immediate

reply:--

“Albemarle Street, June 8th, 1829.

“MY DEAR SIR,--Mr. Lockhart has this moment communicated

your letter respecting my fourth share of the copyright of

‘Marmion.’ I have already been applied to by Messrs. Constable

and Messrs. Longman to know what sum I would sell this share

for; but so highly do I estimate the honour of being, even in

so small a degree, the publisher of the author of this poem,

that no pecuniary consideration whatever can induce me to part

with it.

“But there is a consideration of another kind, which until now

I was not aware of, which would make it painful to me if I were

to retain it longer. I mean the knowledge of its being required

by the author, into whose hands it was spontaneously resigned

in the same instant that I read his request.

“The share has been profitable to me fifty-fold beyond what

either publisher or author could have anticipated, and,

therefore, my returning it on such an occasion, you will, I

trust, do me the favour to consider in no other light than as

a mere act of grateful acknowledgment, for benefits already

received by

“My dear Sir,

“Your obliged and faithful Servant,

“JOHN MURRAY.”

This noble act, we must remember, was performed at a time when the

future was anything but bright, or at all events when the present

was dismally gloomy. “Lydia Whyte,” writes Tom Moore, “told me that

Murray was very unsuccessful of late. Besides the failure of his

_Representative_, the _Quarterly_ did not look very promising, and he

was about to give up the fine house he had taken in Whitehall, and

return to live in Albemarle-street.”

Constable had, some years previous, hit upon the idea of appealing to

a public that should be numbered, not by tens of thousands, but by

hundreds of thousands, ay, and by millions! and had just commenced his

“Miscellany.” Murray, quick to receive a good idea, started at once

into competition with his “Family Library,” Lockhart commencing the

series with a “Life of Napoleon” and the “Court and Camp of Bonaparte.”

Cunningham followed with his “Lives of the British Painters,” and

Southey revised his “Life of Nelson,” and expanded another review

article into a “Life of Wellington,” on terms equally munificent with

the other.

Cheap editions of Byron were multiplied by the score; Landor received

a thousand guineas for his “Journals of African Travel,” and Napier

another thousand for his first volume of the “History of the Peninsular

War.” If Murray neglected opportunities, he generally managed to

retrieve them. He might have had the “Bridgewater Treatises;” and he

says, “The ‘Rejected Addresses’ were offered me for ten pounds, and

I let them go by as the kite of the moment. See the result! I was

determined to pay for my neglect, and I bought the remainder of the

copyright for 150 guineas.” Murray might have added that he generously

gave the Smiths a handsome share in the ultimate profits.

Sometimes, too, he had the sagacity to buy the _failures_ as well as

the successes of other publishers. Constable produced a little “History

of England,” in one small volume, which fell still-born from the press.

Murray purchased it for a trifle, re-christened it with his usual

happiness, and as “Mrs. Markham’s History of England” the work has been

an annual source of revenue to the house, as the present Mr. Murray’s

last trade sale list would tell us.

Murray was never dazzled by the fame of his Byrons, his Moores, his

Campbells, and his Crabbes, but always recollected that “taste” is

flitting, while works that only aid the necessities of mankind are

always saleable. The “Army and Navy List” and the “Nautical Almanack”

are every whit as profitable to-day as in the first year of their

publication. Moore tells a story that shows he could still occupy his

mind as well as fill his purse with “Mrs. Rundell’s Cookery Book.”

“Called at Murray’s,” he writes in his “Diary,” for 1831: “mentioned to

him Lady Morgan’s wish to contribute something to his ‘Family Library,’

and that she has materials ready for the lives of five or six Dutch

painters. ‘Pray, isn’t Lady Morgan a very good cook?’ I answered I

didn’t know; but why did he ask? ‘Because,’ said he, ‘if she would do

something in that line--’ ‘Why, you don’t mean,’ said I, ‘that she

should write a cookery book for you?’ ‘No,’ answered John, coolly, ‘not

so much as that; but that she should re-edit mine’ (Mrs. Rundell’s, by

which he had made heaps of money). Oh, that she could have heard this

with her own ears! Here ended my negotiations for her Ladyship.”

It was not merely to Englishmen that Murray extended a helping and a

generous hand. When the first volume of the “Sketch Book,” originally

published in America, made its appearance in London, it was declined

by Murray, and Irving was about to publish it on his own account; but

after all arrangements had been made the printer failed. Lockhart had

praised the book in _Blackwood_; and Scott, seeing at once its sterling

worth, with his usual kindliness, pressed its merits upon Murray, who

gave Irving £200 for it, afterwards more than doubling the amount.

Murray’s transactions with Irving exhibit a singular phase of the

international copyright law. This is how their account stands--

£

“Sketch Book” 467

“Bracebridge Hall” 1050

“Tales of a Traveller” 1575

“Life of Columbus” 3150

“Companions of Columbus” 525

“Conquest of Grenada” 2100

“Tour on the Prairies” 400

“Abbotsford and Newstead” 400

“Legends of Spain” 100

----

Total £9767

These sums of money having been paid, Mr. Bohn reprinted the volumes in

a cheap edition. A law suit was of course the result, in which Murray’s

expenses ran up to £850, and Mr. Bohn’s were probably as heavy. The

question, however, was settled amicably, without being fought to the

bitter end, and Irving received no more money from this side the

Atlantic.

Most of the famous men with whom Murray had been connected had by this

time disappeared, many of them having shed their rays meteor-like, and

having done the duty unto which they were created in a momentary flash.

The seething excitement called into being by the throes of the first

French Revolution had subsided, and there were neither readers left

to appreciate true poetry, nor true poets remaining, with strength of

voice left in them to bring back memories in passion-laden melodies of

the troublous times they sprung from. All, on the contrary, was quiet

and easeful--a happy time for commerce, but a barren hour for art.

Murray, skilled as any pilot in watching the direction of the wind,

turned his attention to the publication of travels and expeditions--the

very books for a fireside afternoon, when the wind is howling outside,

and the snow-storm beating on the windows--and very soon Albemarle

Street was as famous for its “Travels” as it had previously been for

its “Belles-Lettres.” Among the most valuable and successful of these

were the expeditions of Mungo Park, Belzoni, Parry, Franklin, Denham,

and Clapperton.

Murray had just launched his “Classical Handbooks,” under the

editorship of his son--had just made, in trade parlance, “another great

hit” in Lady Sale’s “Journal in Afghanistan”--when an attack of general

debility and exhaustion compelled him to leave business and success

alone--and for ever. He rallied so often that no serious results were

anticipated by his family or physician; but after a very short illness

he died suddenly on the 27th June, 1843, in the fifty-sixth year of his

age, leaving three daughters and one only son. To his widow, in a will

dated only seven days before his death, he bequeathed the whole of his

estate.

A gentleman by manners and education; generous and open-handed, not for

purposes of display, often not from mere trade motives, but from a true

desire to return to genius and industry something of what he derived

from them; an excellent man of business, with more powers of work than

most men, understanding better than any how to measure the calibre

of an author’s genius, and to gauge the duration of his popularity;

skilful in timing a publication, so as to ensure a favourable

reception, and yet honestly abhorring any recourse to the low art of

puffing--such was John Murray as a publisher; the best representative

of an honourable calling, and one who by his own influence tended

not a little to make the years of his own working life the best

representative period of English literature.

Mr. John Murray, who succeeded at once to his father’s business, was

born in the year 1808, and was consequently, in 1843, admirably

fitted, by years and professional training, to take the management

of so important a concern. He was educated at the Charterhouse and

at Edinburgh University, and had had, moreover, all the advantages

that foreign travel could bestow. As early as 1831, we hear of “Mr.

John Murray, Jun.,” at Weimar, presenting Goethe with the dedication

of Byron’s “Marino Faliero,” and being received, together with that

mocking and yet reverent tribute, in a gracious, kindly manner.

Mr. Murray thoroughly followed his father’s idea, that the age had now

come for the cheap publication of useful and practical books, and in

the first year of his accession, issued the prospectus of his “Home

and Colonial Library,” which, being published at half the price of the

“Family Library,” was at least twice as successful, and was continued

for upwards of six years. During these early years Mr. Murray made one

mistake, and achieved one great success. The mistake was, however, in

common with every publisher in London, for “Eöthen” went the rounds

of the metropolitan book market, and was eventually published by a

personal friend of Mr. Kinglake’s. Mindful of his father’s precedents,

Murray soon secured the copyright. The success, on the contrary,

consisted in accepting what other publishers had refused, and issued

from Albemarle Street, Campbell’s “Lives of the Lord Chancellors” has

proved one of the most successful biographical works of the time. In

travel, biography, history, and science, the present Mr. Murray has

fully sustained the name of the old house, and it is sufficient here

to mention only the names of Hallam, Barrow, Wilkinson, Lyell, Gordon

Cumming, Layard, Murchison, and Sir Robert Peel, to see how much we owe

him.

On Lockhart’s death, in 1854, the Reverend Whitwell Elwin was selected

to fill the editorial chair of the _Quarterly_, and since that date

the political opinions of the periodical have been considerably

modified; at any rate, men of all parties have been allowed to write

conscientiously in its pages, and it is even rumoured, that before

this, its old opponent, Lord Brougham, contributed at least one article

(that on _Chesterfield_, in vol. lxxvi.).

Among the most successful library books that Mr. Murray has recently

published, we must instance those by Mr. Smiles and Dr. Livingstone,

and, more especially, those by Mr. Darwin.

Mr. Murray’s name is, however, most familiar to us now as the publisher

of the famous _Handbooks_ for travellers, the series now extending, not

only through the outer world, but embracing our English counties; these

latter, it is said, owing much to Mr. Murray’s personal editorship.

In closing our short sketch of the “House of Murray,” we cannot refrain

from re-echoing a wish that has been often uttered before, that the

present representative may find time amidst his professional labours,

to edit the letters and to write a worthy life of the great John

Murray. No book that has ever been issued from Albemarle Street could

be more popular or more welcome.

[Illustration]

_WILLIAM BLACKWOOD_:

“BLACKWOOD’S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.”

We have already, in our account of Archibald Constable, shown how

deeply the brilliant writers--who for a while gave a bold literary

supremacy to the northern capital--were indebted to the daring spirit

and the generous purse of one Scottish publisher; we have here to

follow the narrative of a rival’s life--a life at outset very similar,

but soon diverging widely, and which, actuated by very different

principles, and aiming at very different results, was destined to open

the arena of literary struggle to those whom honest political feeling

had for a moment rendered dumb and inactive.

William Blackwood was born at Edinburgh, on the 20th Nov., 1776, of

parents in an humble position in life, who, however, with the honest

endeavour of most of their class in the north, contrived to give him a

very excellent elementary education. From his earliest days, William

had exhibited a strong love for books, and at the age of fourteen he

was apprenticed to Bell and Bradfute, of his native city; nor, indeed,

did his education suffer from this premature removal from school;

there is much leisure in a bookseller’s shop, even for an industrious

boy, and opportunity of more various reading than comes within the

reach of many sixth-form scholars and university undergraduates. “It

was here,” says an obituary notice, “that he had so largely stored

his mind with reading of all sorts, but more especially with Scottish

history and antiquities, that on establishing himself in business, his

accomplishments attracted the notice of persons whose good opinion

was distinction.” Before the expiry of his time, in 1797, he must

also have displayed a talent for business life, for we find that

he was immediately engaged by Messrs. Mundell & Co., then largely

employed in the book trade at Edinburgh, to take the sole management

of a branch house at Glasgow; and being thus, at the early age of

twenty years, thrown almost entirely upon his own resources, and with

his own judgment for his only guidance, he acquired that decision of

character which distinguished him throughout after-life, and which

was so instrumental in the fortunes of his house. In spite, however,

of all his efforts, the firm of Mundell & Co. did not prosper at

Glasgow--it was they, the reader may, perhaps, remember, who purchased

the “Pleasures of Hope,” for only fifty printed copies of the work,

from Campbell--and after his year’s service was over, he returned to

Edinburgh, and re-entered the employment of Bell and Bradfute, with

whom he remained for another year. In 1800, he entered into partnership

with Mr. Ross, bookseller and bookseller’s auctioneer; but the

auctioneering part of the business proved distasteful to him, and the

old book trade presented a much more suitable field for his talents.

With the energy of youth he started for London, and was initiated into

the mysteries of bibliography by Mr. Cuthell, “famous,” as Nichols

says, “for his catalogues.” Here he stayed for three years, and then,

in 1804, came back to Edinburgh and opened an old-book shop, in South

Bridge Street. For several years he almost confined his attention to

the sale of rare and curious books, more especially those relating to

the antiquities and early history of Scotland. His shop, like that

of Constable, soon became a regular literary haunt, and he speedily

acquired a reputation second to none of his own line in Edinburgh, and

in the matter of catalogues, he rivalled Cuthell, his master; that one

published in 1812 being the first in which the books were regularly

classified, and “continues,” says Mr. Chambers, “to be an authority

to the present day.” The old-book trade was at that time in its most

flourishing condition, Dibdin was firing the minds of curiosity-seekers

with a love for rare quartos and folios; Heber, and many more after

his kind, were spending the main portion of their time, and the vast

bulk of their fortunes, in the acquisition of immense libraries; and

the old-booksellers of the day were making large incomes. Blackwood’s

success by no means satisfied his ambition, but enabled him to enter

the field of publishing as a rival to Constable, who was now at the

height of his glory. As early as 1811, we find him bringing out “Kerr’s

Voyages,” a work of considerable importance and expense, and which was

shortly succeeded by Macrie’s “Life of Knox.”

Blackwood’s sojourn in London, and the credit attracted by his

enterprising book-catalogues, led the way to his being appointed agent

to several of the London booksellers, among others, to John Murray,

and to them, conjointly, the tale of the “Black Dwarf” was offered

when Scott considered it desirable to bring it out in other hands, and

with a title-page apparently by another author. Blackwood wrote to say

that, in his opinion, the unravelling of the end of the story might be

improved, and offered to pay for cancelling the proofs. Gifford, too,

to whom Murray had shown it, was of a like opinion. Scott differed most

essentially; witness his letter to Ballantyne:--

“DEAR JAMES,

“I have received Blackwood’s impudent letter. G---- d---- his

soul, tell him and his coadjutor that I belong to the Black

Hussars of Literature, who neither give nor receive criticism.

I’ll be cursed but this is the most impudent proposal that ever

was made.”

This, of course, brought the proposal to a close for the time, though,

as Lockhart says, “Scott did both know and appreciate Blackwood better

in after times.”

Blackwood was now, from the profits of the old-book trade and the

success of his own publishing ventures, in a fair way to success, and

in 1816 he took the bold step of selling off all his old stock and

migrating to Prince’s Street. “He took possession,” says Lockhart, in

“Peter’s Letters,” “of a large and airy suite of rooms in Prince’s

Street, which had formerly been occupied by a notable confectioner, and

whose threshold was, therefore, familiar enough to all the frequenters

of this superb promenade.... Stimulated, I suppose, by the example and

success of John Murray, whose agent he is, he determined to make, if

possible, Prince’s Street to the High Street, what the other had made

Albemarle Street to the Row.” It was not without much forethought,

we may be sure, that this step was undertaken, and the speedy

establishment of the famous magazine clearly shows us what was the

chief motive to such a venturous change.

The magazine literature of the day was wofully weak. The vitality with

which Cave had endowed the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, had long since died

away. No more such “hack-writers” as Johnson and Goldsmith came forward

to enliven its pages, at the meagre payment of four guineas a sheet,

and now it only--

“Hopped its pleasant way from church to church,

And nursed its little bald biography.”

Such was the type of English periodical literature, and the Scotch

were certainly no better off. The _Scots Magazine_ stood Constable,

it is true, in good stead, but only as a nursery ground, from which

writers might be trained for transplantation to a stronger soil. Vastly

different was the condition of the rival quarterlies; but still, in

Scotland at all events, the _Edinburgh_ carried everything after its

own desire. Wit the writers had in plenty--learning, too, and the gift

of open-speaking; but to fairness, biassed as they were by party ties,

they never laid the least claim, and yet all Edinburgh was enthralled

by the opinions of the _Edinburgh Review_, for intellectual attainments

at that time commanded for their possessors the leading place in the

society of the Modern Athens, and, as the principles advocated in its

pages were decidedly opposed to those of the existing administration,

the success it indubitably had attained, the vast following it was

gathering, not only irritated but alarmed the Scotch Tory party.

Of course, the actual inventorship of the new project is a disputed

point, but the evidence seems to tell us that, however the idea of

a new Conservative organ had been talked over in literary coteries

(and what scheme has not been planned a thousand times before

execution whenever literary men meet together?), the plan had long

been entertained and spoken of by Blackwood; and, as he proceeded to

carry it into execution, the scheme may to all intents and purposes be

regarded as his own.

Two gentlemen were engaged--Pringle and Cleghorn--who had received

their training in the enemy’s camp, as editors in chief, and with the

assistance of Hogg, and the promised support of Scott and many other

men of talent, the first number of the _Edinburgh Monthly Magazine_

was issued on All-Fools’ Day, 1817--an ominous day for Blackwood, for

he soon discovered that the prophets he had summoned to curse, heaped

blessings on the heads of his opponents. This first number differed

but little from other periodicals of its class. Only half the space

was devoted to original matter, and the very opening pages contained a

panegyric upon Horner, then lately deceased, an _Edinburgh Reviewer_--a

Whig, and not much else. “You can’t say too much about Sydney Smith and

Brougham,” said Scott to Jeffrey; “but I will not admire your Horner.

He always puts me in mind of Obadiah’s bull, who, although, as Father

Shandy observed, he never produced a calf, went through his business

with such a grave demeanour that he always maintained his credit in

the parish.” Nor was this the worst. In No. 3 a violent defence of the

_Edinburgh_ was undertaken warmly. This was too much for Blackwood; he

gave his editors notice of a coming change, and after much chaffering

he was glad to pay £125 down, and get rid at once of them and the

magazine; and--somewhat, doubtless, to his chagrin--they immediately

returned to Constable and took charge of the _Scots Magazine_, which,

under the title of _Constable’s Edinburgh Magazine_, made a futile

effort to re-juvenate itself.

With the sixth number of the _Edinburgh Monthly Magazine_ had appeared

a notice stating that “this work is now discontinued, this being the

last number of it;” but in the following month, with an alteration in

the title, it arose, Phœnix-like, from the ashes, and, as _Blackwood’s

Edinburgh Magazine_, No. 7, created a sensation which has never

perhaps been equalled. There was, to commence with, a monstrous list

of all possible and impossible articles, chiefly threatened attacks

upon the _Edinburgh_, then a violent attack upon their former defence

of the _Edinburgh Reviewer’s_ onslaught upon Burns and Wordsworth;

but the great feature in No. 7 (No. 1 in reality of _Blackwood_) was

the “Translation from an Ancient Caldee Manuscript,” in which the

circumstances of the late feud, and Constable’s endeavours to repair

the fortunes of his old magazine, and the resuscitation of “Maga”--the

birth, that is, of the genuine “Maga”--are thrown into an allegorical

burlesque.

“The two beasts (the two late editors), the lamb and the bear, came

unto the man who was clothed in plain apparel, and stood in the door

of his house; and his name was as if it had been the colour of ebony

(_Blackwood_), and his number was the number of a maiden when the days

of her virginity have expired (_No. 17, Prince’s Street_), ... and they

said unto him, Give us of thy wealth, that we may eat and live, and

thou shalt enjoy the fruits of our labour for a time, times or half a

time.

“And he answered and said unto them, What will ye unto me whereunto I

may employ you?

“And they proffered unto him a Book, and they said unto him, Take thou

this, and give us a piece of money, that we may eat and drink and our

souls may live.

“And we will put words into thy Book that shall astonish the children

of thy people. And it shall be a light unto thy feet and a lamp unto

thy path; it shall also bring bread to thy household, and a portion to

thy maidens.

“And the man hearkened unto their voice, and he took their Book, and he

gave them a piece of money, and they went away rejoicing in heart. And

I heard a great noise, as if it had been the noise of many chariots,

and of horsemen prancing upon their horses.

“But after many days they put no words in the Book, and the man was

astonied, and waxed wroth, and said unto them, What is this that ye

have done unto me, and how shall I answer those to whom I am engaged?

And they said, What is that to us? see thou to that.

“And the man wist not what for to do; and he called together the

friends of his youth, and all those whose heart was as his heart,

and he entreated them, and they put words into the Book; and it went

abroad, and all the world wondered after the Book, and after the two

beasts that had put such amazing words into the Book.

“Then the man who was crafty in counsel and cunning in all manner of

work (_Constable_), when this man saw the Book, and beheld the things

which were in the Book, he was troubled in spirit and much cast down.

“And he hated the Book and the two beasts that put words into the Book,

for he judged according to the reports of men; nevertheless, the man

was crafty in counsel, and more cunning than his fellows.

“And he said unto the two beasts, Come ye and put your trust under the

shadow of my wings, and we will destroy the man whose name is as ebony

and his Book.

“And the two beasts gave ear unto him, and they came over to him, and

bowed down before him with their faces to the earth....

“Then was the man whose name is as ebony ‘sore dismayed,’ and appealed

to the great magician who dwelleth by the old fastness hard by the

river Jordan which is by the Border (_to Walter Scott_), and the

magician opened his mouth and said, Lo! my heart wisheth thy good, and

let the thing prosper which is in thy hands to do it.

“But thou seest that my hands are full of working, and my labour is

great. For, lo! I have to feed all the people of my land, and none

knoweth whence his food cometh, but each man openeth his mouth and my

hand filleth it with pleasant things. (_This is more than a shrewd

guess of the authorship of the Waverley Novels._)

“Moreover, thine adversary also is of my familiars (_Constable, his

publisher_).

“Yet be thou silent, peradventure will I help thee some little.”

Chapter II. shows us Blackwood gazing despondently from his inner

chamber, when a veiled figure appears, who

“Gave unto the man in plain apparel a tablet containing the names of

those upon whom he should call; and when he called they came, and

whomsoever he asked he came....

“And the first which came was after the likeness of the beautiful

leopard, from the valley of the palm-trees, whose going forth was

comely as the greyhound, and his eyes like the lightning of fiery flame

(_Professor Wilson, author of the ‘Isle of Palms.’_)...

“There came also from a far country, the scorpion which delighteth to

sting the faces of men, that he might sting sorely the countenance of

the man which is crafty, and of the two beasts (_Lockhart_).

“Also the great wild boar from the forest of Lebanon, and he roused up

his spirit; and I saw him whetting his dreadful tusks for the battle”

(_James Hogg_).

Then come Dr. Macrie, Sir William Hamilton, Arthur Mower, “and the

hyæna that escheweth the light, and cometh forth at eventide to raise

up and gnaw the bones of the dead, and it is as a riddle unto a vain

man (_Riddell, the legal antiquarian_).

“And the beagle and the slowhound after their kind, and all the beasts

of the field, more than could be numbered, they were so many.”

In Chapter III., Constable finds that the “bear” and the “lamb” are

unprofitable servants, and he, too, calls for aid, but Jeffrey--“the

familiar spirit unto whom he had sold himself”--Leslie, and

Playfair--contributors to the _Edinburgh_--refuse to come. In Chapter

IV., Constable does get aid from Macney Napier, and others.

“And when I saw them all gathered together, I said unto myself, Of a

truth the man which is crafty hath many in his host, yet, think I,

that scarcely will these be found sufficient against them which are in

the gates of the man who is clothed in plain apparel....

“Verily the man which is crafty shall be defeated, and there shall not

escape one to tell of his overthrow.

“And while I was yet speaking, the hosts drew near, and the city was

moved; and my spirit failed within me, and I was sore afraid, and I

turned to escape away.

“And he that was like unto the messenger of a king, said unto me, Cry:

and I said, What shall I cry? for the day of vengeance is come upon all

those that ruled the nation with a rod of iron.

“And I fled into an inner chamber to hide myself, and I heard a great

tumult, but I wist not what it was.”

It is very hard for us now to duly appreciate the crushing effect of

this Caldee manuscript.

It is certainly humorous, after a fashion now so prevalent in America,

and undoubtedly witty.

Among the Edinburgh people of that time, when every man knew his

neighbour, the effect was absolutely prodigious. A yell of despairing

pain arose from one portion of the Whig party, who, if they had no

administrative power in their hands, had hitherto held a patent of all

literary ability; and from the other portion came an equally discordant

cry, which eventually culminated in a fierce accusation of blasphemy

and irreligion. Perhaps, however, the strongest test we can apply to

the power of this galling squib is the fact that every title bestowed

in its pages has “stuck” to the individual against whom it was directed.

Blackwood was alarmed at the commotion he had caused, withdrew the

obnoxious article from the second edition, suppressed it in what he

could of the first, and in the second number inserted the following

announcement:--“The editor has learnt with regret that an article in

the first edition of last number, which was intended merely as a _jeu

d’esprit_, has been construed so as to give offence to individuals

justly entitled to respect and regard; he has, on that account,

withdrawn it in the second edition, and can only add that, if what has

happened could have been anticipated, the article in question certainly

never would have appeared.” It was, however, too late, war had been

declared to the knife, and Blackwood was nothing loath to continue the

struggle.

“The conception of the Caldee MS.,” says Wilson’s son-in-law, Professor

Ferrier, “and the first thirty-seven verses of Chapter I., are to be

ascribed to the Ettrick Shepherd; the rest of the composition falls to

be divided between Professor Wilson and Mr. Lockhart, in proportions

which cannot now be determined.” Again, Mrs. Gordon tells us that this

audacious squib was composed in her grandmother’s house, 23, Queen

Street, where Wilson lived, “amid such shouts of laughter as made the

ladies in the room above send to inquire and wonder what the gentlemen

below were about;” and yet she adds, as if to protect her father from

suspicion of a share in it, that she “cannot trace to her father’s hand

any instance of unmanly attack, or one shade of real malignity.” Very

probably not; but at the same time the fun of the squib is decidedly in

Wilson’s favourite manner. “An old contributor to _Blackwood_,” who,

in 1860, furnished a most interesting and full account of Maga and

Blackwoodiana to the columns of the _Bookseller_, asserts, in reference

to Hogg’s claim, “on the best authority (that of the man who did write

it), that there is no foundation whatever for any such pretext. The

hare was started by Wilson at one of those _symposia_ which preceded

and perhaps suggested the _Noctes_. The idea was caught up with avidity

by Hogg, and some half-dozen verses were suggested by him on the

ensuing day; but we are, we believe, correct in affirming that no part

of his _ébauche_ appeared in the original or any other draft of the

article.” It is to be wished that this writer, whose article evidently

exhibits personal knowledge, and, apart from a running attack upon

Hogg, due impartiality, had, in putting forward a new version of the

story, in contradiction to those already given, been enabled to give us

the name of the writer, apparently, from the wording of the context, a

new claimant.

Not only were Blackwood’s “enemies” discomforted, but even his friends

were sore dismayed. The first number of _Blackwood_ bore the imprint

of John Murray, but the “Caldee MS.” caused him to withdraw his name,

but after passing through the hands of three different London agents,

the sixth again appeared under his countenance. This number, however,

contained some unpalatable strictures on Gifford and the _Quarterly

Reviewers_, and the Albemarle Street patronage was again withdrawn,

only to be renewed in the eleventh number; but by the time it reached

the seventeenth he washed his hands of it entirely, and in future it

appeared without the ornamental appendage of any London bookseller’s

name; the agency, distinctly one of sale only, was given to Cadell and

Davies, who found it profitable enough to occupy the greater part of

their attention. Cadell, naturally as nervous as Murray of giving, or

being in any way instrumental in giving, offence, kept a stereotyped

reply in readiness for any angry victim who rushed into his shop for

redress--“I know nothing of the contents of the magazine; I am merely

the carrier of a certain portion of its circulation to its English

readers.”

From the commencement of the new series--from the foundation that is

of _Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine_--Blackwood’s fortunes and even the

story of his life are inextricably bound up in the progress of the

periodical; for he did not again, once he had got rid of Pringle and

Cleghorne, entrust its charge and conduct to the care of any editor.

For a long time Wilson was supposed to occupy the editorial chair.

This supposition is treated in a letter, printed by his daughter: “Of

_Blackwood_ I am not the editor, although I believe I very generally

got both the credit and discredit of being Christopher North. I am one

of the chief writers, perhaps the chief writer, but never received one

shilling from the proprietor, except for my own compositions. Being

generally on the spot, I am always willing to give him my advice, and

to supply such articles as are most wanted, when I have leisure.” “From

an early period of its progress,” says Lockhart, speaking of Blackwood

and the magazine, “it engrossed a very large share of his time; and

though he scarcely ever wrote for its pages himself (three articles,

we believe, he did contribute), the general management and arrangement

of it, with the very extensive literary correspondence which this

involved, and the constant superintendence of the press, would have

been more than enough to occupy entirely any man but one of his

first-rate energies.”

Before we follow up the chronicle of the life of _Blackwood_ and its

proprietor, it will be necessary to take a retrospective glance at

the causes which rendered it possible to convert the snug, orthodox,

and more than slightly Whiggish _Edinburgh Monthly Magazine_ into

the slashing, defiant, jovial, dare-devil of _Blackwood’s Edinburgh

Magazine_. This change was chiefly due to the influence of two men,

Wilson and Lockhart, who, together with Hogg, had, under the old

régime, contributed all there was of wit and sparkle. With these three

writers, and the promise of further support, Blackwood had changed his

mind as to putting his ill-fated periodical to the untimely end he had

announced; and we have seen something, and shall see more, as to how

far this determination was justified by success. In the meantime, it is

essential to know a little of these two men, to whom primarily all the

success was due.

John Wilson, the great Tory champion, was descended, not from a county

family, but from a wealthy Paisley manufacturer; and, after taking all

possible prizes at Glasgow University, went to conquer fresh worlds at

Oxford, where he not only won the Newdigate prize of £50 by one of the

best prize poems extant, in fifty lines, but excelled in all sports, to

which a magnificent frame, a temper universally good, a wild exuberance

of animal spirits, and a thirsty love of adventure could contribute.

Strange tales are told of his Oxford escapades; of recess rambles

with strolling players; of wanderings, when smitten by the charms of

a gipsy-girl, for weeks together with her tribe; of sojournings as a

waiter at a country inn, to be close to one of the fair waitresses.

However, his dreams of adventure were surrendered only after having

planned an expedition to Timbuctoo, and he purchased an estate at

Windermere, to be near the Lake school of poets, with whom he soon

threw in his fortune. After the publication of the “Isle of Palms,”

and the “City of the Plague,” he joined the Scotch Bar, and in the

Parliament House struck up an acquaintance with another briefless

barrister--Lockhart, seven years younger than himself.

John Gibbon Lockhart was also educated at Glasgow University, where

gaining the “Snell” foundation, he was sent, at sixteen, to Balliol;

after taking a first-class degree he travelled on the Continent,

returning only when it was necessary to enter at Edinburgh as an

advocate. Silent in private life, he found he could not speak at all in

public; and many years afterwards, when making a speech at a farewell

dinner, given in honour of his departure to undertake the editorship of

the _Quarterly_, he broke down, as usual, and stuttered, “Gentlemen,

you know I can’t make a speech; if I could, we shouldn’t be here.”

Briefless both, and both endowed with strong literary tastes, they

became sworn friends, though Wilson, with his splendid physique, his

loose-flowing yellow hair, his deep-blue eyes, his glowing imagination,

his eloquent tongue, and his defiance of all precedent, was as opposite

a being as well could be imagined to Lockhart, who, to borrow Wilson’s

own words, had “an e’e like an eagle’s, and a sort of lauch about the

screwed-up mouth o’ him that fules ca’d nae canny, for they couldna

tholl the meaning o’t; and either set dumb-foundered, or pretended to

be engaged to sooper, and slunk out o’ the room.”

With two such men as these it was little wonder that Blackwood resolved

to continue the battle. The weapon, however, which had been so

successfully used in the onslaught upon the _Edinburgh Review_ became

in the hands of young writers flushed with victory, instruments of

aggression against those who had never offended; and, as it happened

that the writers who were most personal in their attacks upon friend

and foe alike were also the cleverest and most brilliant, Blackwood’s

position became one of difficulty. Lockhart “who stung the faces

of men”--and sometimes their hearts--cared little as to who his

shafts were directed against so long as they were sharp and biting.

Cameleon-like he appeared in a thousand different forms. Now as the

“veiled editor” himself, now the Dr. Morris of “Peter’s Letters,”

and now as Baron Lauerwinkel, stabbing his contemporaries under the

guise of a German commentator. Against all the members of the “Cockney

School,” a personal invective was habitually employed by him, at which

in these calmer days of drier criticism we can only stand aghast. He

says of Leigh Hunt, “The very concubine of so impure a wretch would be

to be pitied; but, alas, for the wife of such a husband!”--and so forth.

In the February number of _Maga_ a new contributor, Billy Maginn, made

his first bow to the public as Mr. Ensign O’Doherty. Maginn was at this

time a rollicking young Irishman of marvellous classical and literary

acquirements, who at four-and-twenty had achieved the difficult honour

of taking a degree of Doctor of Laws at Dublin, never before earned

by one so young. He had a wonderful gift of improvising in either

verse or prose, and his talents were so versatile, his reading, though

desultory, so universal, that he could immediately treat any subject,

no matter what, in a sparkling and dashing manner. When, however,

under the influence of liquor, he was perfectly unmanageable; and his

writings bore every stamp of his own character. One of his first

squibs in _Blackwood_ was a Latin version of “Chevy-chase,” which, in a

foot-note expressed more than a doubt as to the Hebraical knowledge of

Professor Leslie--an Edinburgh Reviewer who had recently been appointed

to the University Chair of Philosophy. The enraged professor summoned

the aid of the law. Blackwood accepted the challenge and inserted

another article by Maginn, which stated that the professor “did not

even know the alphabet of the tongue which he had the imprudence to

pretend to criticise,” and charged him, in addition, of stealing his

pet theories respecting heat, from an old volume of the “Philosophical

Transactions.” The damages awarded amounted to £100, but as all the

legal talent in Edinburgh was engaged in what was regarded as a party

trial, the costs were unusually heavy. Nothing scared, however,

Blackwood welcomed the writer to Edinburgh when he chose to cast off

his incognita.

The magazine was thriving now, and circulated throughout the kingdom.

Blackwood, busy as he was with its management, found time to push his

general publishing business steadily forward. The issue of Brewster’s

“Edinburgh Encyclopædia” was continued, and Lockhart’s talents were

utilized beyond the pale of _Maga_. In 1818 Schlegel’s “History of

Literature,” translated by Lockhart, was published; and in 1819

appeared Lockhart’s “Peter’s Letters to his Kinsfolk, by Dr. Peter

Morris”--a series of sketches of all things Scotch, from which we

extract an account of Blackwood and his shop:--

“First there is as usual a spacious place set apart for retail

business, and a numerous detachment of young clerks and apprentices,

to whose management this important department of the concern is

entrusted. Then you have an elegant oval saloon, lighted from the roof,

where various groups of loungers and literary dilettanti are engaged

in looking at, or criticising among themselves, the publications just

arrived by that day’s coach from town. In such critical colloquies,

the voice of the bookseller himself may ever and anon be heard

mingling the broad and unadulterated notes of its Auld Reekie’s

music; for, unless occupied in the recesses of the premises with some

other business, it is here that he has his usual station. He is a

nimble, active-looking man of middle age, and moves from one corner

to another with great alacrity, and apparently under the influence of

high animal spirits. His complexion is very sanguinous, but nothing

can be more intelligent, keen, and sagacious than the expression of

the physiognomy; above all the gray eyes and eye-brows, as full of

locomotion as those of Catalani’s. The remarks he makes are in general

extremely acute--much more so indeed than any other member of the trade

I ever heard speak upon such topics. The shrewdness and decision of the

man can, however, stand in need of no testimony beyond what his own

conduct has afforded--above all in the establishment of his magazine

(the conception of which I am assured was entirely his own)--and the

subsequent energy with which he has supported it through every variety

of good and evil fortune. It would be unfair to lay upon his shoulders

any portion of the blame which any part of his book may have deserved;

but it is impossible to deny that he is well entitled to whatever merit

may be supposed to be due to the erection of a work founded in the main

upon good principles, both political and religious, in a city where a

work upon such principles must have been more wanted, and, at the same

time, more difficult than in any other with which I am acquainted.”

On leaving the shop, Dr. Peter is taken to dine at “a house in the

immediate neighbourhood, frequently alluded to in the magazine as

the great haunt of his wits.” This was Ambrose’s, mentioned in the

“Caldee MS.”--“as thou lookest to the road of Gabriel and the land of

_Ambrose_.” At this favourite tavern, at the _noctes cœnæque deum_,

was foreshadowed what was destined to be by far the most interesting

portion of the earlier series of _Blackwood_.

The first trace we can find in the magazine of these famous _réunions_

is in the number for August, 1819, where a work on military matter

is reviewed by two different critics while enjoying their evening

glasses at Ambrose’s. This was followed up next month by a paper which

occupied the whole of the number, entitled “Christopher in the Tent”--a

sketch, suppositious, of course, of a country expedition of the whole

staff--full of rollicking humour and uproarious fun, with etchings by

Lockhart and jokes by all.

In the following year, 1820, the first of Blackwood’s really classic

novels appeared in the magazine. This was the “Ayrshire Legatees,” by

John Galt; and the editor, quick to perceive talent and eager to retain

it, published in rapid succession a series of tales and sketches by the

modern Smollet.

This year, too, was an important one for both of the chief

contributors. Lockhart, whose rising merits had long since attracted

the attention of Scott, married the “Great Magician’s favourite

daughter;” and Wilson, to the terror of half Edinburgh, became a

candidate for the chair of Moral Philosophy at the University.

Curious reports were spread of half true tales of youthful adventure,

of bull-hunts by the shores of Windermere; of cock-fights in his own

drawing-room; of a thousand escapades of one kind or another; and these

were capped by a rumour that he was not very sound in either religion

or morals; and even Tory counsellors shrunk from supporting a man who

was said to be a fast liver and a free thinker. The Whigs started

an excellent rival, Sir William Hamilton, and the contest was very

keen. “I wad like to gie ye ma vote, Mr. Wulson,” said an Edinburgh

magistrate, “but I’m feared. They say ye dunna expect to be saved by

grace.” “I don’t know much about that, baillie; but if I am not saved

by grace I am sure my works won’t save me.” “That’ll do, that’ll do;

I’ll gie you my vote.” Others were of a like mind, for Wilson was a man

whom to know was to love, and the election was secured.

Immediately after the election Wilson returned to Elleray to

recruit; and here an event happened which not only shows his natural

impetuosity, but which might have been of very serious consequence,

and, as a version of the story has recently appeared in “Barham’s

Life,” it may not be altogether out of place to give the correct

version here.

Lord M----r and three Oxford friends, one of whom had just been

ordained, had started in their own coach upon a rollicking tour

homewards; their journey, even in those free-and-easy times, was marked

by a blackguardism of conduct almost unparalleled.

At York they halted for a few days--few because the inhabitants would

stand their presence no longer, and, after paying £150 for their hotel

bills, and for the Vandalism they had committed in the town, they

drove on to Windermere, and put up at the Ferry Hotel. Here they stayed

for nearly four days, disporting themselves like Yahoos. Wilson, as is

well known, was “Admiral of the Windermere Fleet,” and chanced, while

they were in the neighbourhood, to hold a regatta, giving his friends

a tea at Ullock’s Hotel, Bowness, when the amusements of the day were

over.

Hither the travelling adventurers came by water; at the landing stage,

however, one of the number, seeing a fisherman washing his nets in

the lake, crept behind him, and with a shove and a hoarse laugh sent

him into the water. Westmoreland blood is not easily cooled, and the

peasant, seizing his attacker, ducked him within an inch of his life.

Nothing daunted the other three proceeded to the hotel, and entered a

room where tea was laid out for a large party; to knock the tray over,

to pull the cloth off, to dance upon the tea-pot till it was flattened,

and the crockery till it was smashed into a thousand smithereens, was,

of course, only the work of an instant. Hearing the clatter, Mrs.

Wilson hurried downstairs, and Lord M----r, mistaking her for the

landlady, seized her by the neck, and tried to ravish a kiss. At this

critical moment the Professor entered--one blow “from the shoulder”

laid the noble lord at his feet; then, like a genuine old heathen

warrior, placing one foot upon the neck of the prostrate wretch--“if

you other two scoundrels are not out of this room in an instant, I’ll

squeeze the man’s breath out of his body.” They heard--and fled.

Wilson, in a fury of excitement, took boat to Belle Isle, and urged Mr.

Curwen to act as his friend. Mr. Curwen represented that Lord M----r

was utterly beneath contempt--that no professor of moral philosophy

had ever been engaged in a cause of honour; that all his friends had

been representing him as a quiet, orderly man--in fact, brought forward

a thousand arguments which might have been of the utmost weight to a

reasonable being--but not just at present to Wilson; he flung out of

the room, crossed the lake, and sought a gallant naval officer, Captain

Br----, who, a true Sir Lucius O’Trigger, said the matter was in good

hands, and looked up his pistols. They adjourned to Elleray to wait the

expected challenge: but on the evening of the following day, getting

tired of inaction, they set out on a drive to see why the storm did

not commence. Further search was endless. Lord M----r and his friends

had taken to their coach and fled; they could not, however, get their

horses out of the stables until they had paid an hotel bill of £120

and £20 to the landlord of Ullock’s Hotel for damages. Thus the affair

ended happily, and Wilson was able to return peaceably to Edinburgh to

fulfil his new duties.

Few men ever undertook so important a charge with so little

preparation. “But there was,” says one who listened to him, “a genius

in Wilson; there was grandeur in his conceptions, and true nobility

in the tone and spirit of his lectures. I can compare them to nothing

save the braying of the trumpet that sent a body of high-bred cavalry

against the foe. ‘Charge! and charge home!’ Wilson’s action upon the

better and more pure-minded of his pupils was pre-eminently beneficial.

His lectures deeply influenced their characters for humanity, for

unselfishness, for high and honourable resolve to fight the battle of

life; like the old Danish hero ‘to dare nobly, to will strongly, and

never to falter in the path of duty.’ Such was Wilson’s creed; and,

till 1850, when he was found stricken down in his private room, ten

minutes after the class hour, he astonished and delighted all that was

intellectual in Edinburgh by these, aptly termed, ‘volcanic lectures on

ethics.’”

Much work, however, had to be gone through before that date; his

private fortune had been lost some years back by the failure of a house

of business, and he was one of those men whom, the more work is thrown

on them the more they are able to go through with.

In 1822 appeared the first specimen of his power as a novelist in the

“Lights and Shadows of Scottish Life,” which went rapidly through

edition after edition; and in the March of this year appeared also the

first number of the _Noctes Ambrosianæ_--a curt dialogue between the

editor and Ensign O’Doherty; it was not for seventeen numbers that

Wilson, almost sorry, commenced that wonderful series that became

one of the literary wonders of the day; and for thirteen years as

Christopher North he continued to delight the world, and it is as

Christopher North, in his shooting-jacket, with gun or fishing-rod,

by the lochs or by the moors, amid the scenery which he has so

marvellously limned, and the emotions to which he has given utterance,

that he will be remembered to all time.

In 1824 we see that Carlyle gets his first pleasant encouragement

in _Maga_, and Moir’s most famous production, the “Autobiography of

Mansie Wauch,” appears. Moir--a young surgeon of only nineteen when

he first appeared in the pages of the original _Edinburgh Monthly

Magazine_--had at once attracted the attention of William Blackwood--“a

man,” says Moir’s biographer, “of rare sagacity, courage, and

persevering energy.” As “Delta,” in the pages of _Maga_, the popularity

of Moir’s softer and sweeter pieces was very great; and when “Mansie”

appeared, “there were districts,” says Aird again, “where country

clubs, waiting impatiently for the magazine, met monthly as soon as it

was issued, and had ‘Mansie’ read aloud by one of their number, amid

explosions of congregated laughter.”

Lockhart, too, had since his marriage been wielding his pen as freely

as ever. “Valerius” and “Adam Blair” had both been successful ventures

for Blackwood; and were succeeded in 1822 by the “Spanish Ballads,”

which have so much of the true ring of original poetry about them, that

Lockhart’s friends always regretted that he did not devote his time

more exclusively to the composition of some original poetical work. In

1825 the editorship of the _Quarterly_ was offered him, and Blackwood

lost one of his earliest and strongest supporters. Shortly after this

the other satirical spirit of the periodical--Billy Maginn--also moved

southward.

But Blackwood was too firmly established now to dread the loss of any

single contributor save one. The famous _Noctes_ were, in reality,

only just commencing; and there it is that the character of the

Ettrick Shepherd most shines--vicariously, however, for his popularity

is chiefly due to the piquancy and vitality with which the genius

of Wilson endowed him. Whatever is best in the national genius of

Scotland, in humour, poetry, imagination, and fervour, are poured forth

in the quaint and broad language of the Shepherd. But enough of the

_Noctes_; are they not still familiar volumes upon the tables of all

who read?

This year (1826), in which Blackwood was at the height of his success,

was fatal, as we have before seen, to Constable; and with his failure

disappeared for ever that rival to _Maga_, Constable’s _Edinburgh

Monthly Magazine_.

In being thus minute in the history of the magazine, we can scarcely

be said to be neglecting the history of its proprietor, for their

careers were inextricably bound up together, and Blackwood looked upon

it as a father might upon a darling son. In the exulting vanity of his

success, he was induced, about 1825, to print for private circulation,

an alphabetical list of contributors, and sent Wilson a proof, who,

by way of remonstrance, dashed in the names of such celebrities as

Omai the Otaheitan, and Pius VII., with the names of some of the most

egregious fools and mountebanks he had ever met with, and returned it

to the printer, who duly furnished Blackwood with a revise; and the

absurd incongruity of the names showed him the incautious impropriety

of which he had been guilty. Two impressions only were reserved, one

for Blackwood and one for the professor.

As an editor, the punctuality and alacrity with which he acknowledged

the communications of his contributors was wonderful; “and,” says the

“Old Contributor,” “along with the mail coach copy of the magazine,

or by an early post after its publication, came a letter to each

contributor, full of shrewd hints for his future guidance, and often,

not merely suggesting the subject for a future paper, but indicating

with delicate hesitation the mode in which he fancied it might be

discussed with the best advantage.... The ‘pudding’ was invariably

associated with praise. At the head or foot of the welcome missive

was a cheque for your article, the amount of which was not carved and

patted like a pound of butter, into exact weight, but measured with no

penurious hand.... He hated a cockney as Johnson hated a Scotsman, and

considered all writers on this side the border, who did not contribute

to _Maga_, as falling within this category.”

In 1827, Blackwood brought out two books, which were alike only in

achieving, each of them, a vast popularity. One was “The Youth and

Manhood of Cyril Thornton,” by Captain Hamilton, and the other “The

Course of Time,” by Pollok, a Scottish, if not a British, classic. The

_Edinburgh Encyclopædia_ was continued till its final completion in

eighteen quarto volumes, and not the least important of his publishing

successes was the reproduction of the chief distinct works of Wilson,

Lockhart, Hogg, Moir, Galt, and other writers connected with the

magazine. He also continued to the close of his career, to carry on an

extensive trade in retail bookselling.

In addition to these heavy labours, he still found opportunity during

some of the best years of his life to take a prominent part in the

affairs of the city of Edinburgh, for which he was twice a magistrate,

“and in that capacity,” says Lockhart, “distinguished himself by an

intrepid zeal in the reform of burgh management, singularly in contrast

with his avowed sentiments respecting constitutional reform.” Here he

often exhibited in the conduct of debate and the management of less

vigorous minds, a very rare degree of tact and sagacity.

To return to the magazine. After Lockhart and Maginn left Edinburgh,

the bitterly personal tone by which it had been so frequently

disfigured, was almost entirely dropped; and this negative fact, aided

by the positive one of the great popularity of the _Noctes_, raised the

circulation immensely.

In 1826, an early Elleray friend of Wilson’s, De Quincey, “the

opium-eater,” began to discourse of things German in the pages of

_Maga_; and in 1830, the “Diary of a Late Physician” was commenced.

This, one of the most successful works of modern fiction, had, Warren

tells us, “been offered successively to the conductors of three leading

magazines in London, and rejected as ‘unsuitable for their pages,’

and ‘not likely to interest the public.’... I have this morning been

referring to nearly fifty letters which he (Blackwood) wrote to me

during the publication of the first fifteen chapters of his ‘Diary.’

The perusal of them occasioned me lively emotion. All of them evidence

the remarkable tact and energy with which he conducted his magazine....

He was a man of strong intellect, of great personal sagacity, of

unrivalled energy and industry, of high and inflexible honour in every

transaction, great or small, that I ever heard of his being concerned

in.”

Contemporary with the publication of the “Diary,” was that of the

successful books “Tom Cringle’s Log” and “Sir Frizzle Pumpkin’s Nights

at Mess,” the first by Michael Scott, and the second by the Reverend

Mr. White. In May, 1832, appeared Wilson’s review of Mr. Tennyson’s

first volume; in which the affectations of Mr. Tennyson’s earlier

writings were ridiculed, but his more worthy pieces were praised in

no niggardly terms. At the moment Mr. Tennyson was irritated, but

his anger soon evaporated in some not very pungent lines to “Rusty,

Crusty Christopher,” which he has long since seen fit to suppress; and,

eventually, he exhibited a due acknowledgment of the truth of Wilson’s

criticism, by removing several pieces and altering others. “Stoddart

and Aytoun,” writes Wilson in this same review, “he of the ‘Death Wake’

and he of ‘Poland,’ are graciously regarded by old Christopher; and

their volume--presentation copies--have been placed among the essays of

those gifted youths, of whom, in riper years, much may be confidently

predicted of fair and good”--a sentence worth quoting, when it is

remembered that Aytoun afterwards married Wilson’s daughter, and in a

few years occupied his position in the pages of _Maga_ itself.

In 1833, Blackwood was still full of schemes and enterprises; he

commenced the publication of Alison’s “History of Europe.” Only the

first two volumes were published, and then not altogether successfully,

when Blackwood was stricken down by a mortal disease, a tumour in the

groin, which, in a weary illness of four months, exhausted his physical

energies, but left his temper calm and unruffled, and his intellect

vigorous to the last. He was attended by Moir--the sweet-toned “Delta”

of his magazine--who had another dying patient scarce a hundred yards

off. This was Galt, who had been personally estranged from Blackwood

by rough advice and strictures as to one of his stories. Now, however,

that they lay dying so near each to each, the old friendliness

returned, and Moir bore pleasant messages and hopeful wishes from one

bedside to another. They never met again. Galt lingered on for years,

but Blackwood died on the 10th of September, 1834, in the fifty-seventh

year of his age.

We have already given his character as described by those who knew him

best, and it were idle to add any weaker testimony.

He left a widow and a family of seven sons and two daughters, many of

them very young; and the management of the business devolved upon the

two elder, Robert and Alexander, who had for some years been associated

with their father.

Until 1845, these gentlemen were at the head of the flourishing

business, and with such a start they could not fail to succeed.

The magazine, in spite of all rivals, continued to be as great a

favourite as ever, though in a year or so after the death of the

elder Blackwood, Wilson withdrew almost entirely from its pages, and

his position was eventually occupied by his son-in-law, Professor

Aytoun. Many new contributors, without distinction of sect or party,

were added to the staff; and even Douglas Jerrold and Walter Savage

Landor--ultra-radicals, both--were made free of its pages. John

Sterling, “our new contributor,” as Wilson fondly called him, fully

retained the old reputation for deliciously sparkling poems and essays;

and Lord Lytton, in the “Poems and Ballads of Schiller,” kept alive

the cosmopolitan spirit of poetry inaugurated by Lockhart. In 1845,

Alexander Blackwood died, and was shortly afterwards followed by his

brother, when John, the third son, the present proprietor of the

business and the present editor of _Blackwood_, who was born in 1818,

succeeded. So popular had _Maga_ become in the colonies, and more

especially in the United States, that a reprint of it was regularly

published there every month. Mr. John Blackwood took counsel with the

American lawyers, obtained an American contributor, and then threatened

the Yankee publisher with all the terrors of the law, if the number

were pirated as usual--a successful step, for ever since that date a

tribute tithe has been regularly paid for the right of republication. A

branch house was started in London; the firm was also increased by the

return from India of William Blackwood, who was a major in the Indian

army.

In 1848 Lord Lytton commenced the “Caxtons,” and novel after novel from

his pen appeared in _Maga_ to be anonymously successful even to the day

of his death. For a period of twenty-five years, some of the finest

novels and life-pictures in the language have made their first way to

public favour through the medium of the magazine; and Mrs. Oliphant

and George Eliot owed their first encouragement to the discernment

of Mr. John Blackwood. That _Maga_ is still _facile princeps_ of the

monthly literature is evident enough even from a bare mention of latest

ventures, from the talent of “Earl’s Dene” and the wit of the “Battle

of Dorking.”

Alison’s “History of Europe” very soon proved its worth in the eyes of

the public; and among other more recent successes of the house we may

mention the novels of George Eliot, particularly “Middlemarsh,” which

came out in an altogether novel form.

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