pronounceable. He was with the Merchant Marine and the
accusation was made that he was a member of the Communist
Party; that he had been educational director of a Party section
and had signed a Communist Party petition. We investigated. We
found that the man in changing his name had taken the name of
a Communist Party member who was an educational director of
a section of the Party in New York. Beyond that, we secured
handwriting specimens of the man with the changed name, and our
laboratory technicians established that he had not signed the
Party petition.
* * * * *
A scientist was seeking a job with the army. The accusation
arose that he had signed a communist petition. We investigated
and found that a man with the same name and initial had signed
such a petition but he was not the scientist.
* * * * *
A government agency received a letter bearing a fictitious
signature stating that a government employee was working with
the Communist Party. We investigated. Our inquiry revealed
that all comment concerning the employee was highly favorable,
except for the statement of a seventy-two-year-old woman
residing in Philadelphia who was a neighbor of the government
worker. This woman advised she had overheard the employee say,
“I’m working for the Communist Party” but admitted the employee
said she had made the statement in jest. The neighbor said she
had never written any agency of the government concerning the
employee. During the investigation we secured specimens of the
elderly neighbor’s handwriting and determined she had written
the defamatory letter out of spite.
* * * * *
An allegation was made that a former army officer was the
nephew of a French communist leader and maintained a close
relationship with him. Our investigation disclosed that the two
men had the same name, but were not related. The only contact
the army officer ever had with the French communist leader was
when he met the Frenchman on one occasion and inquired as to
his ancestry.
When a citizen thinks he has been wrongfully accused of communist
activity, we, as a matter of long-standing policy, are more than happy
to receive any statement he might care to make. Then, if we receive a
future allegation, his statement will be on file and can be considered in
connection with any investigation we are called on to make.
As I have stated, time after time FBI investigations exonerate
the innocent. The latest scientific knowledge, finger-prints, new
investigative techniques, careful training of our special agents in
the mechanics and ethics of conducting good investigations—all these
represent the assurance that the FBI is zealously protecting not only the
internal security of the nation but also the rights, life, and property
of the individual.
There are some who feel that a national police agency should be
established to meet and handle all phases of the communist menace,
since under the present structure of government many agencies have a
responsibility for internal security. This, they say, would cut through
the “red tape,” centralize all investigations and determinations, and
make for more “efficiency.” I disagree. This nation has no need for a
national police. Such an agency would be contrary to American tradition.
The present system of cooperation among the nation’s law-enforcement
agencies is completely adequate to meet the needs. Weaknesses do exist.
They lie not in the system itself but in its implementation. These
weaknesses can be and are being overcome.
What can one do in the fight against communism?
I repeat: a lot. Always remember that this fight is something which must
be carried on soberly, seriously, and, above all, _responsibly_. Our best
weapons are facts and the truth. “And ye shall know the truth, and the
truth shall make you free.” Don Whitehead in his book, _The FBI Story_,
in concluding his study of the FBI and its problems stated the case most
accurately when he said:
The top command of the FBI have no illusions that communism
can be destroyed in the United States by the investigation,
prosecution and conviction of Communist Party leaders who
conspire to overthrow the government by force and violence.
That is merely one phase of the job to be done in a world-wide
struggle.
The FBI knows that the bigger job lies with the free world’s
intellectuals—the philosophers, the thinkers wherever they may
be, the professors and scientists and scholars and students.
These people who think, the intellectuals if you please, are
the ones who can and must convince men that communism is evil.
The world’s intellectuals themselves must see that communism is
the deadliest enemy that intellectualism and liberalism ever
had. They must be as willing to dedicate themselves to this
cause as the Communists have been to dedicate themselves to
their cause.
_Part VII_
CONCLUSION
23.
_Communism: A False Religion_
Something utterly new has taken root in America during the past
generation, a communist mentality representing a systematic, purposive,
and conscious attempt to destroy Western civilization and roll history
back to the age of barbaric cruelty and despotism, all in the name of
“progress.” Evil is depicted as good, terror as justice, hate as love,
and obedience to a foreign master as patriotism.
Numerically speaking, this mentality is limited to a few men and women,
the disciplined corps of the Communist Party, USA. However, communist
thought control, in all its various capacities, has spread the infection,
in varying degrees, to most phases of American life.
This mentality, imported to our land for the purpose of eventually
leading to a destruction of the American way of life, poses a crucial
problem for every one of us. It can destroy our constitutional republic
if it is permitted to corrupt our minds and control our acts.
I have tried to make the tactics of the Communist Party as clear as
possible in this book. These tactics are part of world-wide communism and
are offered as bait to divert and capture our minds.
In our tolerance for religious freedom, for separation of church
and state, we sometimes lose sight of the historical fact: Western
civilization has deep religious roots. Our schools, courts, legislative
bodies, social agencies, philanthropic organizations as well as our
churches are witnesses to the fundamental fact that life has a
significance that we ourselves do not create.
It is part of our tradition and belief that each of us is obligated to
give, when reality requires it, a reason for the faith that is in him.
The presence of communism in the world and in our own country is a kind
of stern reality which should make each of us explore our own faith as
deeply as we can and then speak up for its relationship to our “American
way.”
The very essence of our faith in democracy and our fellow man is rooted
in a belief in a Supreme Being. To my mind there are six aspects to our
democratic faith:
1. A belief in the dignity and worth of the individual, a
belief which today is under assault by the communist practice
which regards the individual as a part of the “class,” the
“mass,” and a pawn of the state;
2. A belief in mutual responsibility, of our obligation to
“feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and care for the less
fortunate,” which is affronted by communist policies of
calculated ruthlessness;
3. A belief that life has a meaning which transcends any
manmade system, that is independent of any such system, and
that outlasts any such system, a belief diametrically opposed
by the materialistic dogma of communism;
4. A belief in stewardship, a feeling that a great heritage
is our sacred trust for the generations yet to come, a belief
that stands today as the competitor to communist loyalty to
Marxism-Leninism;
5. A belief that the moral values we adhere to, support, and
strive toward are grounded on a reality more enduring and
satisfying than any manmade system, which is opposed by the
communist claim that all morality is “class morality”;
6. A belief, which has matured to a firm conviction, that in
the final analysis love is the greatest force on earth and
is far more enduring than hatred; this forbids our accepting
the communist division of mankind that by arbitrary standards
singles out those fit only for liquidation.
It is only as we thus take stock of what we mean by saying that our
culture has religious roots that we become ready to make an accurate
appraisal of communist ideology and tactics.
The most basic of all communist comments about religion is the statement
of Karl Marx that religion is “the opium of the people.” This Marxian
doctrine has been restated by William Z. Foster and applied to communist
action in these words, “... God will be banished from the laboratories as
well as from the schools.”
Inherited from fanatic minds abroad, this mentality poses today a crucial
problem for every patriotic man and woman in America. If allowed to
develop, it will destroy our way of life.
Communists have always made it clear that communism is the mortal enemy
of Christianity, Judaism, Mohammedanism, and any other religion that
believes in a Supreme Being.
Don’t think that “the communists have changed their minds about
religion,” said Nikita Khrushchev. “We remain the Atheists that we have
always been; we are doing as much as we can to liberate those people who
are still under the spell of this religious opiate.” As long as communism
remains, the assault will continue.
To the communists Marxism-Leninism is the “perfect science.” It accounts
for everything; it has a plan for everything: it can be the source of
everything man needs. Therefore, said Lenin, “We shall always preach a
scientific philosophy; we must fight against the inconsistencies of the
‘Christians’....”
In making Marxism-Leninism the “perfect science,” the communists
characterize religion as a superstitious relic. “Religion, in its
thousands of varieties,” said William Z. Foster, “was first evolved by
primitive man everywhere as the most logical explanation he could devise
of the complex, mysterious and often terrifying natural phenomena with
which he was surrounded, as well as to work out a plausible conception of
his own and the world’s existence.”
Though “historically inevitable” for primitive man, Foster goes on
to say, religion has now been made obsolete by science. Science,
as it advanced, gave “irrefutable materialist explanations” of the
phenomena which puzzled primitive man. Hence, “in the modern world ...
there is therefore no longer ... even the possibility, of a religious
interpretation of man and the world.” “It has now become virtually
impossible for a thoroughly modern person, even if he wants to do
so, actually to believe the old legends, primitive philosophies, and
imaginary history upon which all religions are founded.”
This communist teaching glosses over the fact that science never
has given an “irrefutable” explanation of ultimate reality, neither
materialistic nor any other kind. The communists ignore the further fact
that the faith of religious people is a moral necessity and a sense of
personal relationship, not a completion of laboratory science.
In addition to dismissing religion as primitive, the communists claim
that it is a mere instrument of exploitation: another weapon in the hands
of the capitalists. As Lenin said: “Religion is a kind of spiritual
intoxicant, in which the slaves of capital drown their humanity, and
blunt their desire for a decent human existence.”
Again: “... it is quite natural for the exploiters to sympathize with a
religion that teaches us to bear ‘uncomplainingly’ the woes of hell on
earth, in the hope of an alleged paradise in the skies.”
William Z. Foster, who in our country emphasizes the same theme, and who
has always emphasized the correct Party line, declared, “... the Church
... has identified itself with political reaction.” And again, “... the
Church is one of the basic forces now fighting to preserve obsolete
capitalism and its reactionary ruling classes, in the face of advancing
democracy and socialism.”
The followers of Marx have a way of calling _scientific_ any dogma to
which they intend to cling, regardless of whether it can be supported
by conclusive evidence. And communism has to cling to its antireligious
dogma, not for scientific reasons, but for reasons of ideology and
strategy. It cannot permit man to give his allegiance to a Supreme
Authority higher than Party authority, for such allegiance to a higher
authority carries with it a sense of freedom, of immunity to Party edict
and discipline. Neither can it afford to have its members made hesitant
in acts of cruelty and deception, which are ordained parts of its
revolutionary program. No communist can be permitted to set an abstract
truth above an expedient lie, or to extend compassion to an enemy
whom the Party intends to smear or liquidate. The communists dismiss
our sentiments motivated by spiritual force as silly prattlings that
reflect “bourgeois weaknesses.” Therefore, they have their own morality,
communist morality, as stated by Lenin:
We repudiate all morality that is taken outside of human, class
concepts.... We say that our morality is entirely subordinated
to the interests of the class struggle....
Lenin made clear the function of communist morality: “At the root of
Communist morality, there lies the continuation and completion of
Communism.” In practice this has simply meant that the end justifies the
means. That is why a communist can commit murder, pillage, destruction,
and terror, and feel proud; lie and feel no compunction; seek to destroy
the American form of government and feel justified. Communism has turned
the values of Western civilization upside down.
Hatred of all gods was Karl Marx’s credo. Yet communism is, in effect,
a secular religion with its own roster of gods, its own Messianic zeal,
and its own fanatical devotees who are willing to accept any personal
sacrifice that furthers the cause.
It would seem that communists, in view of the above, would make clear,
always and at every point, their opposition to religion. Often, however,
tactics have made it necessary to play down or to conceal entirely the
Party’s intentions in line with Lenin’s advice: “... but this does not
mean that the religious question must be pushed into the foreground where
it does not belong.” The communists realize that the vast majority of
noncommunists believe in God. Too bold an approach might antagonize them,
doing the Party more harm than good.
In the early days, before Party discipline was established, Lenin
counseled: “The Anarchist, who preaches war against God at all costs,
actually helps the ... bourgeoisie....” William Z. Foster, rebuking the
extreme left, said that some of their efforts at “God killing” served
only for “... overstress and distortion of the religious question.”
By 1937 such tactical caution was beginning to be replaced by a
calculated program to exploit religion. Foster called this the “... more
recent practical approach to the religious question, on the basis long
ago laid by Lenin.”
This “practical approach” means attempting, through deceptive tactics, to
capture support from American religious groups for an atheistic Communist
Party. As Foster put it in 1937:
In consequence, the antireligious Communist Party is now to be
found in close united front cooperation with dozens of churches
and other religious organizations on questions of immediate
economic and political interest to the toiling masses.
In line with these tactics, the Party is today engaged in a systematic
program to infiltrate American religious groups. “The Communist Party,”
said the National Committee in 1954, “declares that it seeks no conflict
with any church or any American’s religious belief. On the contrary, we
stretch out our hand in the fellowship of common struggle for our mutual
goal of peace, democracy and security to all regardless of religious
belief.” Members are being told: “Join churches and become involved in
church work.”
The Party’s objectives inside religious groups are several:
1. _To gain “respectability”_: “... a church is the best front we can
have.” Comrades, by associating in church circles, secure an “acceptable”
status in the community, greater credence for their opinions, and the
lulling of noncommunist suspicions.
2. _To provide an opportunity for the subtle dissemination of communist
propaganda._ Churches are convincing places in which to identify
communist programs with such genuine religious values as “peace,”
“brotherhood,” “justice.” One member bragged how in a church talk he had
“plugged” for Marx. The communists are careful, however, not to overdo
it. One fellow was too ambitious. He was challenged by alert church
members and relieved of his leadership duties.
3. _To make contact with youth_: through class discussions, recreational
affairs, etc. The object is not necessarily to recruit (although in
one church several young people did join) but to plant a seed of
Marxist-Leninist thought.
4. _To exploit the church in the Party’s day-to-day agitational program._
In the 1930’s and 1940’s the approach was chiefly through “immediate
economic and political” problems, with the Party attempting to exploit
the church’s legitimate interest in better housing and the elimination of
social injustices.
Today this tactic is overshadowed by the “peace” issue. Every possible
deceptive device is being used to link the Party’s “peace” program with
the church. One Communist Party section issued instructions that every
clergyman in the community be contacted to give a sermon on “peace.”
Encourage “Party church members” to organize discussion groups, perhaps
showing a “peace” film. If possible, circulate “peace” literature. If you
can’t get inside, stand outside. One organizer said: “We are to dress up
like other people and stand outside churches in our neighborhoods and use
the slogan, ‘Peace on earth, good will toward men.’”
5. _To enlarge the area of Party contacts._ One Party section advocated:
Join small churches (100 to 500 membership), so that one can more easily
work himself into a position of leadership. Make as many personal
contacts as possible. Learn where the church member works, what his
hobbies are, etc. Someday he might be used. One Party member, active in
youth work, learned that the parents of several young people were working
in an industrial plant. Securing this information was most important, he
said.
6. _To influence clergymen._ A dedicated clergyman, being a man of God,
is a mortal enemy of communism. But if he can, by conversion, influence,
or trickery, be made to support the communist program once or a few times
or many times, the Party gains. If, for example, a clergyman can be
persuaded to serve as sponsor or officer of a communist front, to issue
a testimonial or to sign a clemency petition for a communist “victim of
persecution,” his personal prestige lends weight to the cause.
The church, in communist eyes, is an “enemy” institution to be
infiltrated, subverted, and bent to serve Party aims. Any successes make
the comrades diabolically happy. One member, talking to her communist
friends, laughed about prayers in church. “Who wants to hear such stuff,
but what can I do? That’s the only way I can get in there.”
We might expect, considering the importance of materialism in communist
theory, that the Party’s constitution would set forth atheism as a basic
principle of communism. But “... we do not declare,” said Lenin, “and
must not declare in our programme that we are ‘Atheists’....”
The Party’s aim, in addition to that of exploiting the church, is to
neutralize religion as an effective counterweapon. At present virtually
nothing is being said in open Party propaganda that is antireligious.
Pamphlet after pamphlet is issued on civil rights, “peace,” “democracy”;
very few on religion. Communists in the United States, however, are on
record in regard to their views on religion: for example, Earl Browder,
_Communism in the United States_ (1935), pages 334-49; William Z. Foster,
_The Twilight of World Capitalism_ (1949), pages 87-99 and “Reply to a
Priest’s Letter,” _Political Affairs_ (October, 1954). Also, a pamphlet,
_Science and Religion_, by Marcel Cachin (1946), editor of _L’Humanité_,
French communist newspaper, has been circulated.
If members are forced to present the Party’s views, they are instructed
to stress, as Lenin did, that religion is a “private matter” for the
individual, and to pose as “tolerant.” Doesn’t the Party’s constitution
say that a person is eligible for membership “regardless of ... religious
belief”? The object here is to dull the vigilance of the noncommunist
mind and to make religious belief appear as something minor, secondary,
and inconsequential.
When tactically expedient, the communists even liken themselves to the
early Christian martyrs suffering persecution for attempting to aid
mankind.
One cartoon published in _The Worker_ shows a sketch of Christ in the
form of a wanted criminal. The caption reads: _REWARD for Information
Leading to the Apprehension of_—
JESUS CHRIST
WANTED—for Sedition, Criminal Anarchy, Vagrancy, and Conspiring
to Overthrow the Established Government
Dresses poorly. _Said_ to be a carpenter by trade, ill
nourished, has visionary ideas, associates with common working
people, the unemployed and bums ... Alias: “Prince of Peace.
Son of Man” ... _Professional agitator._
Red beard, marks on hands and feet the result of injuries
inflicted by an angry mob led by respectable citizens and legal
authorities.
A _Daily Worker_ writer, reviewing a movie in which the background was
laid in the early Christian era, says: “Some interesting parallels can be
found between the persecution of the Christians shown in the film and the
political jailings in the United States today.”
Behind these deceptive tactics, however, can be seen the real nature
of communism. For the member, religion is _not_ a private affair. No
tolerance is allowed. He cannot be a Marxist and adhere to a religion.
The Party is today desperately working to mold atheistic materialism as a
weapon of revolution, a revolution which, if it is to succeed, must first
sap religion’s spiritual strength and then destroy it.
The Party’s attack can be traced through four stages:
1. _Recruitment_: keyed to the Party’s general approach toward
noncommunists, the issue of religion is minimized. “Try to win recruits
on the basis of wages and the class struggle rather than religion,” and,
“Go ahead and tell a fellow you believe in God to keep from getting into
an argument.” Likewise it is urged, “If we approach a church-goer we
do not hit him over the head and tell him his idea is crazy. We take a
tactical approach....”
Lenin’s advice still holds: “We must not only admit ... all those workers
who still retain faith in God, we must redouble our efforts to recruit
them. We are absolutely opposed to the slightest affront to these
workers’ religious convictions. We recruit them in order to educate them
in the spirit of our programme....”
2. _Early indoctrination_: keyed to patience if recruits continue to
attend church after joining the Party. They must be gradually “educated.”
If new members begin to ask questions, they are to be made to feel,
not that their fellow communists are trying to take away their belief,
but that these communists are “advanced thinkers,” that they hold a
“scientific” concept of the universe, and that religion is to them simply
“old-fashioned.” Typical of what members are told are these comments made
by communist leaders:
—“How silly to think there is a God.”
—“Religion comes from primitive man’s worship of such things as
thunder, lightning and the sun.”
—“Religion was used as an explanation of unanswerable
questions, such as ‘Why does it rain?’ Answer: ‘God willed it.’”
3. _Special indoctrination_: keyed to the real job of teaching Marxist
materialism are special indoctrination classes. “Our programme thus
necessarily includes the propaganda of atheism,” said Lenin, directing
his words, of course, to Party members.
A few statements from Party members reveal how persistent is the
communist fight against God:
—“The concept of God is manmade and is based on ignorance.”