The World War II period found the Party cynically abandoning any alleged

struggle for Negro rights. The aim was to help not Negroes but Moscow.

“When we fought for the right of Negro workers to enter industries we

often fought for such jobs mainly in the interest of the war effort.”

Earl Browder in 1945 admitted that as early as 1942 the Party had adopted

the theory that “... the struggle for Negro rights must be postponed

until after the war....” The Negro, in communist eyes, was a mere pawn,

to be manipulated for the attainment of Party aims.

It became obvious that the Party, despite great efforts, had failed to

win over even a significant minority of Negroes. Negroes resented the

Party’s severe criticism of Negro clergymen who had been vigorously

denouncing communism. Earlier the Party had been unable adequately to

justify Russia’s aid to Italy in its invasion of Ethiopia. American

Negroes had realized that the Party was a fraud and a deception and that

it was willing to betray the Negro to better serve Soviet Russia.

In early 1956 the Party decided to modify its advocacy of

“self-determination,” realizing that Negro opposition to communism was

growing. In making this change, communists said they would still consider

the Negroes as constituting a national as well as a racial minority.

Eugene Dennis, resuming his old post as General Secretary of the

Communist Party (in 1956) after serving a prison term for violation of

the Smith Act, said:

In re-appraising our position on self-determination in the

Black Belt, our Party should emphasize, as never before, that

the struggle for Negro rights and freedom, north and south

of the Mason-Dixon line, has emerged as a general, national

democratic task, upon the solution of which depends the

democratic and social advance of the whole nation, particularly

of the workers and farmers.

The Party’s claim that it is working for Negro rights is a deception and

a fraud. The Party’s sole interest, as most American Negroes know, is

to hoodwink the Negro, to exploit him and use him as a tool to build a

communist America.

The Party has made vigorous efforts to infiltrate the National

Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). This

organization in 1950 authorized its board of directors to revoke the

charter of any chapter found to be communist-controlled. Nevertheless the

Party has tried various infiltration tactics:

—In Philadelphia, the Party secured NAACP applications and

instructed Party members to join.

—In Louisiana, the Party’s District Organizer instructed all

Negro Party members to join the NAACP and urge the creation

of a youth organization, and to form committees to encourage

Negroes to register to vote.

—In Gary, Indiana, a Party member, also an NAACP member,

promoted the signing of petitions to pass a city ordinance.

—In Cincinnati, a Party Organizer instructed that Party members

call the NAACP and urge the holding of a city-wide mass

meeting. When calling, they should claim to be members of the

NAACP.

The NAACP’s national leadership has vigorously denounced communist

attempts at infiltration. In 1956, when the NAACP and other organizations

sponsored a National Conference on Civil Rights in Washington, the Party

attempted to “move in,” and started promoting the conference. The NAACP

countered by screening the delegates.

Similarly, in 1957, in the Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom in Washington,

the Party again attempted to move in and tried to exploit the pilgrimage

as a rallying point for unity. NAACP leaders publicly told the

communists that they were not welcome, and steps were taken to keep them

off the platform. One outstanding Negro leader even tried to cancel

the pilgrimage to prevent communists from propagandizing the event.

Concerning Paul Robeson, who has long fronted for the communists, he

stated: “... the boat is waiting to take him to Russia....” He added that

he would raise the necessary funds to defray expenses. In Philadelphia,

a Negro clergyman told the Baptist Ministers Conference that the Negro

people did not want the communists interfering with their problems.

One of the most effective anticommunist measures I have heard of is

the following: The NAACP had a meeting in Norfolk, Virginia, presided

over by a clergyman. The minister opened the meeting with the simple

statement that if any members of the Communist Party were present they

would be excused. Silence ensued, with no person leaving. Then the

chairman, starting with the front row, asked each individual if he were

a communist. All entered denials until he got to the back of the room,

where the state organizer for the Communist Party was sitting with a

white woman. When asked the question, he tried to evade, but the minister

pinned him down. The state organizer then stated that he did not think

it was proper to ask such a question. The minister calmly replied, “You

are excused,” and the couple left.

The Communist Party has stated: “The Negro race must understand that

capitalism means racial oppression and Communism means social and racial

equality.” Many Negroes, however, have learned by bitter experience how

fraudulent and deceitful communists are. For example, Richard Wright, the

Negro novelist, tells in the book, _The God That Failed_, why he rebelled

against communist thought control. In describing how at the time he

left the Party he was assaulted on a Chicago street, he wrote, “I could

not quite believe what had happened, even though my hands were smarting

and bleeding. I had suffered a public, physical assault by two white

Communists with black Communists looking on.”

In Buffalo, New York, at a Party meeting, a Negro comrade stated that

many Negroes felt they were joining a union when they were recruited

into the Party. The comrade, however, was stopped at this point and not

permitted to speak further. In many cases Negroes have been recruited

by deceptive methods with the hope that once in the Party they would

be converted to communism. In one New York State club the functionary

learned that thirty members thought they were joining a union rather than

the Communist Party. The matter was investigated, and it turned out that

a Negro woman had become overly enthusiastic in a membership drive. She

had not fully explained the nature of the organization being joined.

In San Francisco, Party functionaries were concerned about a club where

Negro members predominated, although the club was actually controlled

by white members. It was ordered that the role of the white members be

decreased. The functionaries also instructed that the club be carefully

watched to prevent scandals, and warned that, while scandals must be

prevented, care should be exercised not to convey the impression that

white girls should not mix socially with Negroes or vice versa. Some of

the Negro wives were becoming suspicious, as it seemed they were being

pushed into the background after their husbands joined the Party.

The Communist Party, while preaching “equality,” still differentiates

between races. For example, in the 1957 convention of the Party, an

accurate record of the delegates was kept. The breakdown was as follows:

209 males, 78 females; 54 Negroes, 2 Mexicans, and 1 Puerto Rican.

The hypocrisy of the Party was clearly shown when it required each

delegate to register his race, although for years the Party publicly has

campaigned to have the blank for “race” removed from all questionnaires.

Communist leaders have been complaining bitterly about the turnover of

Negro members and of the Party’s inability to indoctrinate any large

number of Negroes. Information we have received follows a regular

pattern: Negroes are rejecting communism.

A Negro in the Midwest became interested in the Party because

it claimed that Negroes were treated as equals. Later he was

unjustly accused of consorting with a white non-Party member.

He quit.

* * * * *

A Negro in Illinois started going to Party social functions

and became impressed with communist talk of “equality.” But

when he attended more advanced meetings and heard the United

States constantly denounced, he came to the conclusion that the

communists were under the domination of Russia. He left the

Party.

* * * * *

A Negro woman, recruited in Chicago, was rapidly promoted by

the Party. Then she noticed an incident involving a Negro man

who got into difficulties on his job, but the Party refused to

support him. She concluded that the Party was interested in

neither trade unionism nor the welfare of Negroes. She quit.

* * * * *

A Negro in New York joined the Party because he felt it was

championing his race. After a period of Marxist instruction,

he was told to secure a job with a work gang at a pier and

to recruit other Negroes into the Party. He came to the

conclusion that the Party was not interested in him as a Negro

but only as a tool to recruit other Negroes. He quit.

* * * * *

A New England Negro also became interested in the Party when he

learned of its alleged interest in helping his race. But upon

becoming a member he discovered that the Party’s interest was

strictly vocal, and nothing concrete was done to help Negroes.

Moreover, he disliked the Party’s denunciation of God and

religion. He quit.

As early as 1922 the Comintern approved a subsidy of 300,000 dollars for

propaganda among American Negroes. In 1925 the Soviets requested that a

group of Negroes be selected to come to Russia for training in propaganda

work. A dozen were recruited. One of these, returning to the United

States three years later, brought with him a draft for 75,000 dollars to

help pay for propaganda work among his race.

One Negro later was designated to attend the Lenin School, and his

experience there further unmasked communist hypocrisy and the Party’s

true feelings toward the Negro. He went to Russia with a delegation of

students to enter the Lenin School. This young Negro, as he has since

related, then “believed that through Communism a better and fairer world

could be developed for all mankind.”

He was troubled, however, by the communist position in urging Negro

“self-determination” and the implications of a “buffer” state in

this country being carved out of the so-called “Black Belt.” Almost

immediately after his arrival in Russia he “was told long stories of

political persecution” by the Negroes attending the Lenin School. He

was slow to give credence to these stories until he saw for himself: “I

found that Negroes were special objects of political exploitation. The

sacrifices and dirty work planned for the American Negro Communists as

spearheads for communizing the United States made it obvious that we were

considered only as pawns in a game where others would get the prize.”

Becoming more outspoken and cynical about the communist program for

Negroes, he became the target of a slander campaign inside the Lenin

School. Finally this young American Negro was charged and tried before

a court-martial. He was guilty of disaffection. A few students,

sympathizing with his position, made a bold decision to report their

grievances to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Then things began

to happen. Classes in the American Section of the school were suspended.

Some of the instructors were disciplined.

The young Negro explained that the Comintern ordered Earl Browder,

then Secretary of the Communist Party in the United States, to Moscow

immediately. Browder arrived and sought to smooth things over. Eventually

the young Negro returned to the United States, working for a while

as a Party functionary in Detroit. One of his last jobs was to make

preparations for the founding of the National Negro Congress. Then he

quit because he could no longer give aid to the communists “concentrating

on their most helpless, and whom they think to be, their most gullible

victims: the Negro.”

The communists have created numerous fronts over the years in attempts to

attract Negroes. Once a front is discredited, it is allowed to die and a

new one created.

The American Negro Labor Congress came into being in 1925, and in 1930

its name was changed to the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. Within

six years it had ceased to exist.

In 1935 the National Negro Congress was launched in Washington, D.C.,

its chief purpose being to protect Negro rights. It started out as

noncommunist, and James W. Ford complained in 1936 that although “The

National Negro Congress did not adopt a Communist program ... we

Communists stand one hundred per cent behind it in its efforts to unite

the Negro people....”

By 1940 communists had infiltrated the National Negro Congress to such an

extent that when its president, A. Philip Randolph, “warned the Congress

to stick to its principle and remain nonpartisan ...” the communists

staged a demonstration and walked out, leaving only a third of the

audience to finish hearing Randolph. This 1940 convention of the National

Negro Congress passed a resolution condemning the war as “imperialist,”

and drew from a communist writer the observation that the congress had

“only acted in accord with the fundamental interests of the Negro people.”

In 1947 the National Negro Congress merged with the Civil Rights

Congress, an out-and-out communist front which has recently dissolved.

The old International Labor Defense (ILD) also tried to influence the

American Negro, and came into conflict with the National Association for

the Advancement of Colored People as a result of the ILD’s communist

tactics in converting the Scottsboro (Alabama) Case into a vehicle for

communist propaganda. In this case nine Negro boys were indicted in 1931

on charges of having raped two white girls.

After the Scottsboro boys were first convicted, the NAACP charged that

the defense “fell considerably short of perfection,” and then retained

the late famed Chicago criminal lawyer, Clarence Darrow, to represent

the boys. In 1931 the late Walter White, then head of the NAACP, said

the _Daily Worker_ accused another defense attorney, Stephen R. Roddy,

“... of being a member of the Ku Klux Klan, of having conspired with the

prosecution to electrocute the nine boys, of having been the inmate of

an insane asylum.” According to White, the communists also charged the

NAACP “as being ‘in league with the lyncher-bosses of the South,’ as

plotters to ‘murder the Scottsboro martyrs,’ as sycophantic ‘tools of the

capitalists.’” The NAACP withdrew from the case, recognizing that the

Communist Party was interested only in promoting “Red Fascism” in America.

George S. Schuyler, an editor of the _Pittsburgh Courier_, reflected

the consensus of American Negroes when he concluded, “... The record

shows that where and when the Communists seemed to be fighting for Negro

rights, their object was simply to strengthen the hand of Russia.”

In similar fashion the Communist Party has long considered

foreign-language groups in the United States fertile fields for

infiltration. Since many of the early comrades were foreign-born,

agitation among national groups became a natural outlet for Party

activity. In recent years the Nationality Groups Commission has

coordinated agitation in this field.

The Party has attempted to use national groups, among other things,

to exert pressure for changes in American foreign policy. Pressure

campaigns are organized, petitions circulated, testimonials secured,

hoping to make the government believe that a national group, such as the

Italians, Hungarians, or Slovaks, supports the line desired by the Party.

Party-controlled newspapers grind out accompanying propaganda.

Party fronts have been particularly active among national groups. The

communists always make strenuous efforts to infiltrate and capture

fraternal insurance societies serving national groups. As we have seen,

such tactics give the Party a ready base, along with somebody else’s

money, for further agitation. The Party, moreover, always likes to

pose as the “protector” of national cultures. Hence, it often sponsors

nationality bazaars, picnics, and dances, where costumes from native

lands are worn and native music is played. After the Soviet conquest of

Eastern Europe, however, the Party had increasing difficulty trying to

peddle the “glories” of communism. Too much information was received from

the old homelands describing true conditions behind the Iron Curtain.

Minority groups, like other patriotic organizations, have realized that

no communist-created Utopia can compete with the American way of life.

The ability of the communists to propagate their false doctrines is a

challenge to our educational process. We need to counter communism by

making the hopes and aspirations of the American ideal a reality for all

to enjoy.

19.

_The Communist Attack on Judaism_

The communist propaganda machine with its tactics of infiltration and

division has long fostered the false claim of widespread influence in the

Jewish communities of America. One of the most malicious myths that has

developed in the United States is that persons of the Jewish faith and

communists have something in common. The people who gave the world the

concept of our monotheistic God and the Ten Commandments cannot remain

Jews and follow the atheism of Karl Marx and the deceit of the communist

movement.

It is a matter of record that numerous Communist Party leaders call

themselves Jews and claim a Jewish origin. This does not, however, make

them Jews, any more than William Z. Foster’s Catholic background and Earl

Browder’s Protestant background give them any standing in present-day

Catholic and Protestant communities in the United States.

One highly placed Party leader recently pointed out that it was necessary

for communists working in Jewish groups to represent themselves as Jews.

This, of course, is a tactical maneuver. Such a technique, the leader

urged, “can be duplicated.”

Typical of communist claims which have led to the false myth indicating

that Jews have an affinity for communism are the remarks of Paul Novick,

the editor of the _Morning Freiheit_, a communist paper published in

Yiddish in New York City. Novick said: “The development of Yiddish

literature in the United States went hand-in-hand with the growth of the

Socialist movement at the beginning of this century and of the Communist

Party after the October Revolution.” On the same occasion Novick then

went on to brand the followers of Judaism for “... degeneration sown

among the Jews by reaction....” and then condemned their opposition to

“... the progressive movement, against the Soviet Union and against

Communism....” Novick revealed his true loyalties in December, 1956,

in an article in the _Morning Freiheit_ after the display of Soviet

brutality in Hungary with the apology that there was an anti-Semitic

and fascist element in the Hungarian uprising, and insisted that, “...

we must not only approve the Soviet actions in Hungary, but really

appreciate it!”

The widely read Jewish newspaper, _Jewish Daily Forward_, on February

16, 1957, effectively identified Novick in a story captioned “Editor

of Communist ‘Freiheit’ Is Bitter Enemy of the Jewish People.” Here it

was asserted that after the Hitler-Stalin pact the _Freiheit_ justified

and praised it, which caused writers to leave and Novick made sure that

those who remained wrote without error following the pro-Hitler line. The

newspaper further revealed that Novick had gone out of his way to prove

that the communist dictators in Czechoslovakia were correct in arresting

Rudolph Slansky (and thirteen former communist leaders, eleven of whom

were Jews) and that the arrested Moscow Jewish doctors were involved in

a conspiracy to poison Stalin. The _Jewish Daily Forward_ article flatly

said that “anti-Semitic poison just poured out” of Novick.

One Party member, after having been in the Party for twenty-five years

and having held high Party offices, explained to our agents that when he

joined the Party he had renounced the existence of God, that he had tried

to impose on others his atheistic views, and that he was “not a religious

Jew.” He flatly said that most Party members he knew who claimed to be

Jews did not follow their religion; they did not attend the synagogue,

although they did not work on religious holidays; and the comrades who

claimed to be Jews took no part in organized Jewish religious activities.

Some of the most effective opposition to communism in the United States

has come from Jewish organizations such as B’nai B’rith, the American

Jewish Committee, the American Jewish League Against Communism, the

Anti-Defamation League, and a host of other Jewish groups.

The reasons for the extensive activities of the Communist Party in

seeking to infiltrate and make extravagant claims for its work in some

Jewish organizations and those of other minority groups are readily

apparent. In the Soviet Union, the proving ground for Marxism-Leninism,

communists are confronted with a minority problem of staggering

proportions. Only 58 per cent of the population in the Soviet Union is

Russian whereas 42 per cent is non-Russian and consists of 168 national

minorities.

The Bolsheviks prior to 1917 sought to win support from minorities

by defending their rights and developing such propaganda come-ons as

“self-determination of nations,” “national cultural autonomy,” and so on.

Once in power, the communists soon forgot their promises but continued to

pay lip service to minority rights. The Soviet Union still retains the

“legal fiction” that it is a voluntary federation of union republics,

each of which is free to secede if it wishes. In fact, Article 17 of the

Soviet Constitution of 1936 states, “The right freely to secede from the

USSR is reserved to each constituent republic.” No “republic,” however,

has ever tried to secede, and the possibility is remote indeed, as long

as the Red army responds to the will of the dictators in the Kremlin as

it did in Hungary.

A more important reason for communist interest in minorities in the

United States is, of course, the opportunities they provide for

exploitation and propaganda. The large number of communist fronts using

the word “Jewish,” as well as publications that the communists dominate,

is for the obvious purpose of conveying a false impression of strength

among those who embrace the Jewish faith. This also accounts in part for

the literary interest communists devote to the problems of Jews. Prior

to issuing the _Communist Manifesto_, Karl Marx, the atheist, wrote a

treatise called, “On the Jewish Question” which sets forth his views

regarding Judaism and Jewish culture.

From that time to this in dealing with those of the Jewish faith, the

communists invariably do so in terms of discussing “the Jewish question.”

In fact, by this propaganda technique the communists deliberately

try to make the Jews a “problem,” which is denied by the record of

good citizenship and civic responsibility of adherents of Judaism in

the United States. As an example: The American Jewish League Against

Communism stated as early as 1948 that “Soviet Russia’s million and

a half Jews are the forgotten people of the world.” The League lists

among its proudest achievements that “... it was the first American

organization to expose and document the communist anti-Jewish policies.”

A true follower of the Jewish faith, like those of other religions,

cannot embrace communism. Marxism-Leninism is irrevocably opposed to all

religious beliefs and all forms of worship, whether they be Catholic,

Protestant, Jewish, or Moslem. One of Lenin’s basic teachings is, “We

must combat religion—this is the A.B.C. of _all_ materialism, and

consequently of Marxism.... The Marxist must be a materialist, i.e., an

enemy of religion....”

In theory and practice the communists make no distinction among any of

the world’s greater religions, as the leading Soviet crusader against

religion, E. Yaroslavsky, makes clear:

... the priests of every cult have their own way of deluding

the masses: the Jewish rabbi, the Roman Catholic priest,

the Russian Orthodox priest, the Mohammedan mullah, the

Evangelist, Baptist and other ministers of religion, each

has his own way of fooling the people.... As to differences

between one religion and another, they are of little, if any,

consequence....

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