to understand. In some instances penalties, expulsions, and exposure
are not enough; the culprit must pay with his life. Nothing less is
satisfactory. The world has witnessed, both in Russia and in the
satellites, highly publicized “purge” trials.
The “crime” was not opposition to the Party, lack of loyalty, or
unwillingness to sacrifice everything for communism. Rather, these
victims were renowned for their devotion, often having spent their entire
lives in the movement. Suddenly, within days, their whole position was
overturned. They were accused of trying to destroy the very thing they
had labored so long to create. How does this make sense?
Communism is cannibalistic. Its servants are periodically offered as
sacrifices on the communist altar. If something goes wrong, the trouble
lies, in communist eyes, not in the policy decreed on high but in its
human instruments. Whenever the “infallible science” of Marxism-Leninism
has been incorrectly applied, disciplinary action must follow.
The purge is characteristic of the communist movement everywhere. Lenin
was a firm advocate of purges and urged: “If we really succeed ... in
purging our Party from top to bottom, ‘without respect for persons,’ the
gains for the revolution will really be enormous.”
William Z. Foster, then Chairman of the Communist Party in the United
States, said:
Communist parties, in line with Lenin’s teachings, also
constantly strengthen the fiber of their organization by
cleansing their ranks of elements that have become confused,
corrupted, worn-out, or defeated in the hard and complex
struggle to build the forces of socialism in the face of a
still powerful and militant capitalism.
A stocky, mustached man stood before the convention of the Communist
Political Association in 1945. A few days earlier he had been the
undisputed leader of communists in the United States. He was now a
“renegade,” an “enemy” of the foulest proportions! Earl Browder was
fighting for his Party life.
Browder’s crime was not disloyalty to the Party but obedience to a policy
that, in his opinion, was in the best interests of communism. Moscow
thought otherwise. Actually, Browder was a pawn of communist tactics and
had to pay the penalty.
He was stripped of Party authority, accused of every conceivable Party
crime—by the very subordinates who had been his most loyal supporters. He
was later expelled ignominiously, becoming a target of vilification for
the entire membership.
Here was a “purge trial” grimly reminiscent, except for bodily
punishment, of the infamous purges under Stalin. We need not wonder what
Browder’s fate might have been if communism had possessed the power of
the state.
In our review of life in the Party we have seen how all communist
processes are pointed to molding the revolutionary. He is the man who
must carry out communist programs such as mass agitation, fronts, and
infiltration, to which we now turn. If anywhere he falters, from the
Party’s point of view, the communist drive for mastery is weakened.
The ousted member in most instances frees himself from the communist
thought-control machine. In him lies hope for regeneration. The deepest
tragedy lies in the conscious and voluntary submission, day after day, of
thousands of Party members. These fanatical devotees, giving their all
for the Party, represent a real danger to our way of life.
_Part V_
THE COMMUNIST TROJAN HORSE IN ACTION
14.
_Communist Strategy and Tactics_
In preceding chapters I have briefly outlined the history and internal
structure of the Communist Party, USA. Now we must consider the Party’s
attack against noncommunist society in the United States.
The Communist Party, USA, is a weapon of attack, not only for the day
of revolution but for _now_. To Party leaders each day is a day of
preparation and dress rehearsal for the day when they hope to come to
power. Noncommunist ranks must be infiltrated, penetrated, and subverted.
The success of the communist mission depends on capturing the enemy’s
stronghold from within.
To this end the Party employs a variety of _mass-agitation_ techniques.
The communist is in the market places of America: in organizations, on
street corners, even at your front door. He is trying to influence and
control your thoughts. Mass agitation weakens the noncommunist enemy and
builds Party structure.
Communists conceive of their attack against capitalist society in terms
of warfare. They see the Party as the “vanguard,” leading the proletariat
in battle against the bourgeoisie. Periods of offense and defense,
attacks and retreats, skirmishes, even pitched battles and casualties are
demanded. They realize that victory can be achieved only by force and
violence.
This warlike character of communist policy is reflected in Party
expressions such as “strongholds of reaction,” “mobilizing the masses,”
“advanced detachments of the proletariat,” “storming the fortress of
capitalism,” “seizing the initiative.” Basic battle plans are conceived
in terms of _strategy_ and _tactics_.
The ultimate aim of the Communist Party is the establishment of a Soviet
America. For more than a generation, never for a moment have American
communists forgotten their allegiance to the Soviet Union. This is the
ultimate strategy of the Communist Party, USA.
Party leaders realize, however, that they are a minority. They simply
cannot march straight to victory. For that reason the approach (tactics)
must be varied, flexible, and constantly subject to change.
To communists, strategy means the determining and carrying out of
long-range goals (such as winning a war), whereas tactics are the working
out of strategy on a day-to-day basis (winning particular battles
and engagements). “Tactics,” Stalin said, “are a part of strategy,
subordinate and subservient to it.”
To achieve the long-range goal, retreats and maneuvers sometimes are
necessary. Is it not like climbing an unexplored mountain? asks Lenin.
How can we “renounce beforehand the idea that at times we might have to
go in zigzags, sometimes retracing our steps, sometimes abandoning the
course once selected and trying various others?”
That explains the communist phrase, “strategic retreat.” It means: Don’t
be afraid to take two steps backward today if it will help to achieve
three steps forward tomorrow.
Keep the goal always in mind, teach the communists; remember that the
enemy is superior in numbers, better armed, more experienced. Moreover,
communists must be willing to endure hardships. Lenin urged: “... if
you are not inclined to crawl in the mud on your belly, you are not
a revolutionary but a chatterbox....” Fight hard and be disciplined,
“carefully, attentively and skilfully taking advantage of every, even the
smallest ‘fissure’ among the enemies....” Seize “every, even the smallest
opportunity of gaining a mass ally, even though this ally be temporary,
vacillating, unstable, unreliable and conditional.” And “Those who do
not understand this fail to understand even a grain of Marxism....”
Use anything to advance the ultimate goal: offensive and defensive
tactics, legal and illegal, long- and short-range policies. All are part
of the over-all battle plan..
Don’t allow the Party to advance too rapidly. Stop, consolidate, maintain
contact with the masses. “... an advance _without consolidating_ the
positions already captured is an advance doomed to failure.” Likewise,
never make a permanent truce with the enemy. Don’t be trapped by
his lures, bribes, and promises. Cooperation or collaboration with
noncommunists must never be more than a “tactic.” It must have as its
actual long-range goal the weakening and discrediting of democracy and
its eventual destruction. The task of the revolutionary leader is to
gauge the comparative strength of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and
decide what particular tactics are then most likely to promote revolution.
Communists employ various tactics in devising methods to inject
themselves into various phases of American life. Their obligation to
defend the interests of the Soviet Union dictates their tactics in
seeking to obstruct and undermine public confidence in our foreign
policy. Thus, seizing upon the inherent desire of all Americans to reduce
taxes, the _Daily Worker_ editorializes that foreign aid should be
curtailed and billions should not be taken “out of our pockets for a new
phony ‘emergency’.... The huge seventy-billion a year ‘defense’ budget is
rushing America to inflation, and economic crisis.” Actually, communists
would like to develop an economic crisis.
Then they urge the development of a peacetime economy by advocating
trade between the United States and Russia because Russia would benefit.
_Political Affairs_ thus urges, “The only remaining untapped market for
U.S. goods is the Soviet Union, China and the Peoples’ Democracies, in
which the threat of crises of overproduction has been removed forever....”
In seeking to curry favor with labor, communists employ tactics of
calling for immediate demands such as higher wages, a shorter work week,
increased vacations, and an abolition of the high cost of living. To
that end a communist labor tactician calls for putting “... ideological
differences aside in order to work together in behalf of a _single
immediate objective_ or a _number of immediate objectives_ ... the unions
must work together....”
The immediate demand tactics are also employed by the communists to find
favor with Negroes by urging the abolition of “Jim Crow Laws,” “full
representation,” and “the fight for Negro rights.” The controversy on
integration has given the communists a field day.
They also have a program “... to stimulate broad united-front actions in
the rural communities in defense of the economic interests of the farming
masses”; “to weld youth unity”; and to “work still harder” for mothers.
A primary tactic of the Communist Party is to preserve the legal status
of the Party. Thus, any organization which has the duty to investigate or
expose communist activity is singled out for attack. For years the Party
has campaigned against the House Committee on Un-American Activities,
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, and the Senate Investigating
Committee. The Department of Justice and the FBI have not been spared,
and we have come to judge our effectiveness by the intensity of communist
attacks.
The Red Fascists have long followed the practice of making full use
of democratic liberties: elections, lawful agitation and propaganda,
and free speech, press, and assembly. Their basic premise: Reap every
advantage possible. However, if it will help, don’t hesitate to use
illegal methods, such as underground operations, terrorism, espionage,
sabotage, lying, cheating. “We have never rejected terror on principle,
nor can we do so. Terror is a form of military operation that may be
usefully applied....” wrote Lenin. Morality is strictly a bourgeois
device. To the communists everything that promotes the revolution is
moral, legal, and beautiful.
Many people are confused by the Party’s abrupt twists and turns, such
as denouncing the United States as an “imperialist” nation from 1939
to 1941, then overnight, after Russia’s entrance into the war, hailing
America as a great ally. Communists often look like frightened rabbits
chasing back and forth. But in reality these “changes in the Party line”
are merely shifting tactics, all designed to promote the ultimate goal of
world revolution. They are not changes in heart.
The Communist Party, USA, has been and is engaged in an all-out war
against American freedom. Its tactics of confusion, retreat, advance,
infiltration, and hypocrisy are in full play. The attack is both legal
and illegal, offensive and defensive, open and concealed.
Above the surface a gigantic propaganda and agitation campaign is in
progress, a campaign that depends for success upon the support of
noncommunists. Basic communist strategy dictates that noncommunist hands,
knowingly or unknowingly, under communist guidance, must further the
influence of the communist world.
To understand communist strategy and tactics, as designed to destroy
American democracy, we must first observe _above-ground_ communist
operations: mass-agitation campaigns, infiltration techniques, and Party
fronts; then in Part VI we will consider the _underground_ organization.
15.
_Mass Agitation_
As stated in Chapter 10, the Party’s attack is geared to the wide variety
of American life. Communism has something to sell to everybody. And,
following this principle, it is the function of mass agitation to exploit
all the grievances, hopes, aspirations, prejudices, fears, and ideals
of all the special groups that make up our society, social, religious,
economic, racial, political. Stir them up. Set one against the other.
Divide and conquer. That’s the way to soften up a democracy.
Here is the advice of a top leader giving instruction on how to spread
the Party’s influence:
Study your friends. See what they spontaneously talk about. What problems
interest them?
—is he an unemployed worker, skilled in his craft but without
work?;
—a storekeeper? Maybe business isn’t so good;
—a trade-union man or a dairy farmer? What are their problems?;
—a young man just out of school? Looking for a job?;
—a member of a minority group?;
—a young mother worrying about sending her child to
kindergarten?
“... unless each one of us grasps the meaning of this individual approach
to every one of our friends and acquaintances, we are in danger” of being
ineffective.
Agitation must be carried on in specialized fields: among women, among
youth, among veterans, among racial and nationality groups, farmers,
trade unions. That’s the responsibility of the Party commissions.
Consider youth, a prime target of communist attack. Communists start out
with this major premise: American imperialism aims to create a corrupt,
completely militarized youth—a “gagged,” “scared” generation. This theme
is expounded by word of mouth, in forums, in literature, in cartoons,
hoping to exploit the lofty dreams of youth.
The approach always has two sides: (1) _the deceptive line designed for
public consumption_, and (2) _the real Party line designed to advance
communism_. Consider this _deceptive line_ for youth:
1. Increase trade with all countries, including the communist
bloc, to provide “hundreds of thousands of new jobs for young
people.”
2. Outlaw all mass destruction weapons (atomic bomb).
3. Promote universal disarmament and peace.
4. Reduce military expenditures and repeal the draft.
5. Repeal all “repressive legislation” and “restore the Bill of
Rights.”
6. “Restore full academic freedom for students and faculties.”
7. Promote world-wide “youth friendship for peace and
democracy,” drop all bars to the travel of youth.
8. Appropriate more money for schools, community centers, etc.
That is the line designed for public consumption. Sounds acceptable,
doesn’t it? But the communists are not genuinely interested in improving
the status of American youth.
For window-dressing, they always support items desired by most of the
people: lower taxes, higher wages, better housing, old-age security,
higher farm income. These are thoroughly legitimate interests. To support
these aims, and many others, is not to be a communist. The Party is
simply attempting to exploit such interests for its own selfish aims They
become Party “talking points.”
Behind this front, as in the call for world-wide youth friendship, more
education, academic freedom, and so on, lurks the ulterior motive, the
real Party line. The attractive “come along” points are merely bait. Look
closely to see how the adoption of these demands, _as conceived by the
Party_, would distort their true meanings and aid the communist cause:
“_Restore the Bill of Rights_,” in communist language, means eliminating
of legal opposition to communism, stopping all prosecution of communists,
and granting amnesty to those presently in jail. “_Repeal the draft law_”
and “_peace_” mean curtailing our national defense effort and allowing
Russia to become militarily stronger than the United States. “_Increase
trade with the Soviet Bloc_” means selling materials that could be used
by the communist nations for armaments. “_Restore academic freedom_”
means to communists that we should permit the official teaching of
communist doctrine in all schools and that we should allow communists
to infiltrate teaching staffs. If the communists had their way, America
would be rendered helpless to protect herself. Incidentally, notice the
communist use of the word “restore,” indicating that freedom is already
gone and that the Party stands for its return.
Now substitute “veterans” for “youth.” The approach is the same:
Increased trade with all countries, including the communist bloc, would
mean thousands of new jobs for _veterans_. “Restore” academic freedom
so _veterans_ can think as they want. Promote world-wide _veteran_
friendship. Drop all bars to the travel of _veterans_. Also, it is good
propaganda policy to add a few “come along” points appealing specifically
to veterans. The technique continues: substitute “women,” “trade union
members,” “nationality groups,” etc.
The propaganda platform contains a combination of immediate “come along”
demands, designed for deceptive and specialized appeal, and basic policy
aimed to advance the communist cause.
Thus the Party, through its specialized and immediate demands, is able to
gain entree into various groups and create favorable working conditions
for future revolutionary action. Very quickly, for example:
—a veterans’ meeting endorses “peace.”
—a nationality festival passes a resolution for “peace.”
—a youth affair favors “peace.”
—a neighborhood group comes out for “peace.”
—a women’s rally fights for “peace.”
Whatever its composition, the group, once under communist control, is
switched to the Party line. The feigned interest in legitimate demands is
merely a trap.
Even holidays are used to enhance the Party’s aims. For example, the
_Daily Worker_ once headlined a story “Mother’s Day to Be Marked by Peace
Tables....” Postcards should be distributed on Mother’s Day, the story
continued, “declaring the deepest need of all American mothers to be a
ban on A- and H-bombs....”
Also planned, according to the story, were special Mother’s Day leaflets
and placards as well as balloons for the children reading “World-Wide Ban
of A- and H-bombs.”
Many people sincerely believe, for many reasons, that these bombs should
be banned. However, to communists, the true meaning of peace and banning
the A- and H-bombs is weakening the United States and advancing Russian
aggressive aims.
And so it goes. A discussion may start about the low price of oats,
better working conditions on the second shift, equal pay for women,
the death rate among Eskimos, but it will end with the endorsement of
“peace”; “amnesty for the Smith Act victims”; “repeal of the Internal
Security Act of 1950 and the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Nationality
Act.”
Scattered, variegated, and inarticulate interests, under Party guidance,
are brought into a common denominator: support for the Party line.
The Party line, in fact, is the sum total of all Party demands at any
given time. You must learn to see it as a whole. Some demands are always
present and seem innocent enough, such as those for higher wages, lower
taxes, and better housing. But, remember, communists don’t really care
about genuine social reforms. These immediate demands are strictly for
agitational purposes. They serve to arouse people and to cause tension.
William Z. Foster says very candidly: “Our Party is a revolutionary
Party. It aims not simply to ease conditions a bit under capitalism for
the workers but to abolish capitalism altogether.”
If ever achieved, these demands will be restated in more extreme form.
Other demands in the Party line are short-term; that is, they may quickly
change, depending on the current national and international situation.
Consider the Party’s stand that Formosa should be returned to China
proper. Suppose the present communist regime in China were overthrown and
a government hostile to Soviet Russia gained power. This demand would be
quickly abandoned. On the other hand, certain demands never change, such
as support of the Soviet Union.
The attack is primarily agitational. Propaganda, although valuable, is
a long-range softener, to be handled chiefly on an intellectual level
by the educational department; agitation is immediate, inflammatory,
conducive to acute discontent, the specialty of the field organizer.
Lenin’s distinction is decisive. A propagandist, he says, to explain
unemployment must talk about the capitalist nature of the crisis, the
need for building a socialist society, etc. “‘Many ideas’” must be
expounded, “so many indeed that they will be understood as a whole only
by a (comparatively) few persons.”
But the agitator, on the other hand, selects one well-known aspect of
the problem, such as “the death from starvation of the family of an
unemployed worker.” He will concentrate on imparting a single idea to
the masses: why this family died. Or, in Lenin’s words, he will show
“the senseless contradiction between the increase of wealth and increase
of poverty.” Evoke discontent and revolt _now_. “Leave a more complete
explanation ... to the propagandist.” Here is an example of how agitation
works:
The communists publish a story: John Doe has been arrested, the charge
is murder. Of course it is a tragic event. Crime always brings sorrow.
It reflects maladjustment in society and points up abuses that genuinely
need correction. But the communists aren’t interested in John Doe. They
do not try to discover the true facts in his case, study his background,
or improve his condition. Here in the day’s news is a human tragedy that
can be exploited for propaganda purposes. That is enough.
The Party machinery springs into action, typical of thousands of
mass-agitation campaigns.
The communist press publicizes the case with pictures, an interview with
the wrongdoer, stories about his family. It carries heart-rending and
sentimental accounts, without regard to truth or the suffering of the
victim of the crime or the sorrow of his loved ones.
If the arrested person is a member of a minority group, or a veteran, the
father of ten children, a union member or unemployed, the agitational
appeal is broadened. “Union Member Framed on Murder Charge.” “Unemployed
Veteran Railroaded to Jail.” “Father of 10 Arrested on False Charges.”
Almost always the charge of “police brutality” is thrown in too.
In a few days a decision must be made. Should the campaign continue?
Maybe the case is quickly over, no special interest having been aroused.
Or the “victim” himself announces that he’s been treated fairly and has
no personal ill feelings. That’s the end. The Party drops it.
Such campaigns are sometimes carried on for months or years, with
varying degrees of intensity. The Party is a self-appointed collector of
“victims” of “framed evidence,” “lynch justice,” “Gestapo brutality,”
“academic witchhunts.” These “martyrs of injustice” include old-timers
like Sacco and Vanzetti and the Scottsboro Case, now remembered only
in “memorials”; and recent ones, such as the “Martinsville Seven,” the
“Trenton Six” or the Rosenbergs; or hot-off-the-griddle varieties, such
as those appearing in the current Party press. All are trotted out at the
slightest twist of tongue or pencil as exhibits of capitalist “terror”
and communist “benevolence.”