Party life. The constitution of the Communist Party, USA, sets forth
specifically this definition of a full-fledged member:
A Party member shall accept the Party program as determined
by the Constitution and conventions of the Party, belong to a
Party club and pay dues.
Very clearly, he is a tool of the Party.
Party policy is built around Party membership. The trained member is one
on whom the Party depends to commit espionage, derail a speeding train,
and organize riots. If asked, gun in hand, to assault the Capitol of
the United States, he will be expected to obey. These members are today
working to promote a Soviet America: some in undercover assignments, some
in communist-front organizations, others as Party officials. They are the
offensive shock troops—confidently expecting that the precise moment will
arrive when conditions will make feasible the revolutionary overthrow of
our government.
If the Party desires to undertake a certain task, Party members, seen
or unseen, will be the leaders. Suppose that a communist front is to be
started; that is, an organization which is to be maneuvered by the Party.
A communist sympathizer may be named president, but a Party member
will probably be executive secretary, placed there to control policies.
Or suppose a giant rally for “peace” is to be held. The platform will
glitter with noncommunists. But a communist member on hand will control
the agenda.
The strength of this inner circle, the real backbone of communist
striking power, lies not in numbers but in organized deception. Following
Lenin’s teachings, the Party is a small, compact, and highly mobile group
that can strike quickly with great fury, often achieving objectives
unwarranted by its numbers. Today’s membership is hard, well trained,
and disciplined. The weak, fainthearted, and skeptical have been purged.
Those who remain faithful to the Party are dedicated to the communist
revolution. They are willing to sacrifice everything for it. Here is an
actual case:
A Party member was given a special assignment. The first step
was to drop everything and go into hiding. That was all he was
told. He obeyed. He took another name, moved away. Time passed.
The children began to ask, “Where is Daddy?” The mother’s
answer: “He is dead. You don’t have a daddy!”
This is the fanaticism of the trained member.
To be obedient, however, is not enough. This select group of Party
members must be made superobedient, meaning subservient beyond the hope
of return. They must be constantly whipped into a state of frenzied
enthusiasm and never allowed to relax. The moment a member “lets up” he
is endangered; a noncommunist thought might slip in. He must be made to
think exclusively in Party terms and nothing else. Some Party members are
old-timers; others are new recruits. All of them grew up in capitalist
society. Many still show the effects of their “enemy upbringing,”
especially the younger ones. That is why they slacken once in a while.
They think for themselves; they put self before Party. These instincts
must be pounded out and communist thoughts instilled. Communists are not
born; they are made. For example:
A Party leader in the Deep South was angry. He was talking to a member
who had “slipped” a little. This individual was not giving his best
effort to the Party, although he had been in the Party for twelve years
and had fought in Spain with the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.
“Work harder for the Party,” was the leader’s theme. “You’ve got to give
more time to the Party than you’re doing now.”
“And starve,” answered the other man. “I’ve got to keep my job. I can’t
make a living just doing Party work.”
“Let your wife work,” retorted the official. “That’ll hold you for a
while, or borrow money if need be.”
“But she can’t make enough. Besides, she wants to keep house.”
“She’s a drawback,” flashed the leader, “a definite hindrance. What are
you going to do, stand up for the Party or your wife?”
The question was direct. The individual answered, “What do you want me to
do? Divorce my wife?”
“If your marriage is such that you can’t work for the Party,” came the
reply, “I’d seriously consider divorce. Your wife is selfish, simply
self-centered. She wants all your time. She doesn’t understand the
movement. She’s interested in her own happiness and security.”
The communist leader rammed home his point. “I’m working all the time, so
much that I can hardly sleep nights. You can’t allow personal problems to
take your mind off the Party. You’ve got to fight that kind of pressure.
Your allegiance to the Party comes first. I never let my wife interfere.
She knows her place.”
2. _Concealed Party members._ Another area dominated by communist thought
control consists of the concealed communist, the individual who, though
accepting Party discipline, does not wish his affiliation to be publicly
known. These two areas, open and concealed members, in fact, are closely
related, often interchanging and always cooperating with each other. The
concealed communist, because he is not known as a communist, can often
advance the Party’s cause among people and in organizations where an open
member would be scorned.
The number of concealed communists is high. They vary in degree of
concealment. Some are concealed from the public and are not openly
identified as communists. Others are concealed even from the membership,
and a few are so deeply hidden that only top leaders know their identity.
Usually the more prominent the individual, the more concealed he must be.
Concealed communists are found in all fields. They may be enrolled
members, although secretly and usually under an alias or assumed name; or
their names may never appear on official rolls. It does not matter. They
are viewed by Party leaders as members. They are equally as dangerous
as the open member, if not more so. They are difficult to identify and,
being concealed, can operate freely in noncommunist groups.
A physician, a lawyer, an educator, a personnel manager in a business
firm, a television script writer—each may be a concealed communist of
great value to the Party. Suppose that a Party member is in hiding. He
becomes ill. The doctor, a concealed communist, is called. He can be
trusted. Or a study group is formed on a campus. The professor “guides”
the discussion and subtly engenders communist doctrine. A personnel
manager hires communist sympathizers, working them into key positions.
Party influence increases, almost without anybody’s knowing it. Here is
an example of how the system works:
Two men huddle in conversation. One is a top Party official; the other,
a high-ranking labor union leader who is a concealed communist, although
his union has since ousted him from his post.
The national convention of the union is about to open in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania. The Party official is issuing instructions. Support this,
support that. He talks in great detail, laying down the over-all Party
policy. Then he becomes more specific, even going so far as to dictate
the wording of resolutions, suggesting the order of convention business,
and advising how certain personalities should be handled. Nothing is to
be left to chance.
The union, leader listens. He can go on the convention floor, since
nobody knows that he is under Party discipline, and carry out the
communist program. This concealed communist is essential to the Party’s
thought-control technique. There are thousands like him always seeking to
penetrate the healthy body of American life and to corrupt it.
In another case, a top communist leader, long before he fled into
the communist underground, was confronted with the problem of being
identified, for he was well known and his picture had been widely
publicized in the press. He could dye his hair, shave off his mustache,
and lose weight, but he still could be readily identified by a mole on
the right side of his jaw. He went to a physician in a Midwest city, a
reported communist, who operated on the Party leader to remove the mole
from his face.
Another concealed member of the Party was the editor-in-chief of a
conservative book-publishing house. This editor, having an excellent
educational background, was highly regarded by his company. On one
occasion, after this publishing house had been criticized by a newspaper
columnist for publishing procommunist books, the president discussed the
problem at a meeting of the board of directors. He reported that he had
asked the editor if, in fact, he was a member of the Communist Party. The
editor entered an emphatic denial. The president then advised the board
that since the editor was a gentleman, the allegations that he was a
communist were false.
The president of the publishing house simply did not know the facts. The
editor’s usual procedure was to have the manuscript of a communist author
submitted directly to him on a personal basis. He would review it, be
sure it was in publishable form, then have the author submit it to the
publishing house through routine channels. Receiving the manuscript later
through the company, he would recommend its publication. Through this
technique, the editor was eminently successful in circulating communist
literature.
When noncommunist authors complained and several terminated their
relations with the publisher, the editor was later quietly eased out of
his job.
There are occasions when a member of the Party will drop his open Party
activities, move to another section of the country, and become a secret,
concealed member. Such was the case of a talented young man who became
active in the Communist Party in New York City before World War II when
he was employed by a motion-picture company. After work he functioned as
a Communist Party organizer, later as a membership director of a Party
club, and, for a while, worked on the paid staff of the American Labor
Party. In the meantime he obtained a job in television and in 1953 became
program director of a television station in a large Southern city.
Soon after his arrival in the Southern city, the TV program director
started to meet secretly with the Party’s “white-collar” professional
group. Word came through that he should sever even these connections,
according to a Party functionary, who said, “We want them [him and his
wife] to be secure for the Party.” He was too valuable a member to
be compromised. The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, however,
uncovered the white-collar professional cell, and when the TV director
declined to answer Committee questions, he was promptly fired by his
employer.
3. _Fellow travelers._ The third area in which communist thought control
works is that of the fellow traveler and sympathizer. These two terms are
distinct but related. The fellow traveler, while not a member, actively
supports (travels with) the Party’s program for a period of time. The
sympathizer is more passive, sympathizing with the Party or individual
members on specific issues, and may or may not give active aid. These
individuals are not Party members, but, in some degree, have come under
Party control.
This control is sufficient to make them work willingly for the Party.
Many consistently follow the Party line, even maintaining personal
contacts with Communist Party officials. Others, the so-called
“intellectuals,” may never have attended a communist meeting and may
know nothing about Party organization. Yet, because of the spell of
communist thought control, they knowingly do the Party’s work. Perhaps
they have been influenced by Marxist writings or the professed aims
of the Party on certain issues. In any case, deluded by communist
propaganda, they desire to render active assistance.
Fellow travelers and sympathizers, unlike open or concealed communists,
cannot be disciplined. A Party leader may request a favor. If the fellow
traveler or sympathizer agrees, fine; if he doesn’t, the Party cannot do
much except hope to exert more influence next time.
Moreover, these people are often undependable, donating money, for
example, to one Party function but not another. Sometimes they may be
“hot,” doing just about anything asked. Then suddenly they grow “cold,”
lose interest, and become inactive.
The value of fellow travelers and sympathizers lies in their alleged
noncommunist affiliation. That is why, in most instances, communist
leaders do not attempt to recruit them into the Party. They are more
valuable outside: as financial contributors, vocal mouthpieces, or
contacts between Party officials and noncommunists. They constitute, in
fact, fronts for, and defenders of, the Communist Party.
The role these individuals can play for the communists is clearly
illustrated in front organizations, where they serve as sponsors or
officials. Behind the scenes is a communist manipulator. Consider, for
example, one such organization. In October, 1951, the _Daily Worker_
announced the formation of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee with
one hundred fifty founders (from thirty-nine states), including fifty who
were educators, clergymen, and professionals.
One of the Committee’s first official moves was to petition the New York
State Commissioner of Education to “forbid the New York City Board of
Education from enforcing its newly-enacted ban on suspected communist
teachers....” Gradually, as the old Civil Rights Congress, a well-known
front, became discredited, the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee took
over its work. In 1956 the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, after
identifying the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, stated, “When the
Communist Party itself is under fire these fronts offer a bulwark of
protection.”
The names of the group’s one hundred fifty founders have been exploited
by the Party to fight its battles.
To make a known Party member president of a front would immediately label
it as “communist.” But if a sympathizer can be installed, especially a
man of prominence, such as an educator, minister, or scientist, the group
can operate as an “independent” organization. This trick has worked time
after time and is still working today. By allowing themselves to be used
as tools, fellow travelers and sympathizers have immeasurably advanced
the communist cause.
In Chapter 17 we shall discuss communist fronts in greater detail.
Of particular interest to the communists is the influence of fellow
travelers and sympathizers in the “thought-molding” field: teachers,
script writers, newspapermen, news analysts. If these individuals can be
subjected to the slightest bit of communist thought control, the Party
will have won a major victory.
One individual in New York City, for example, once occupied an important
role as a news commentator and author. His views were consistently
procommunist. He represented himself as an authority on international
affairs. He claimed to have talked personally to many of the world’s
leaders. Just as the communists would want, everywhere he went he built
himself up as an individual who could give the American people guidance
in their thinking.
This sympathizer was simply irreplaceable in the communist scheme. No
open communist could discuss current events before lecture audiences,
behind the microphone, or through the written word with his degree of
“objectivity” and “independence.” He was able to fool many noncommunists
and exert considerable influence. His lecture tours were often arranged
by communist-front groups. A concealed communist contributed money to his
expenses. Wherever this “world observer” went, he preached communist-line
and pro-Soviet propaganda. When his influence began to slip, he then
changed his ways and sought his livelihood elsewhere.
Men and women of this caliber can do much to bring others into the
communist thought-control net. No wonder the Party works to support them.
4. _Opportunists._ Another group that falls, on occasion, under communist
thought control consists of opportunists, individuals who, if they can
benefit personally, will knowingly support the Party in return for
support or favors from it. Opportunists are cynical and self-seeking, not
caring that by cooperating with the communists, even though temporarily,
they are injuring the nation.
In a large Midwestern city a noncommunist labor leader had aspirations to
become president of a union council. A group of communists, opposed to
the then president, decided that this labor leader could be controlled.
They drafted him as a candidate and, of course, on the election slate
placed also some Party members. The labor leader won the election, and so
did the communists, because they gained a man over whom they had a hold
and whom they could therefore expect to use.
The opportunist was then pushed into various front organizations: he
was put on the board of a communist-sponsored school; designated as a
delegate to a convention of a front group; enlisted to join a campaign
to oppose the “anticommunist clause” in a state-wide labor convention.
He was besieged constantly to “do this” and “help us.” His value to the
Party was shown, for example, when, even though he refused on a certain
occasion to cooperate with a Party front, his position was defended by
the Party. The opportunist, in the Party’s eyes, was more important to it
as a labor leader than as a supporter of the front.
For some time the deal paid off. The opportunist received the prestige
and the communists had a champion. Then things began to change. The
opportunist had his own ideas and ceased to follow the Party lead.
Relations became strained. When the communists wanted the city-wide
council to endorse a well-known comrade as a candidate for the board of
education, they brought up the motion at a meeting when the opportunist
was absent. The communist candidate was endorsed. That was too much for
the opportunist, who promptly issued a public statement denying that he
was backing the communist candidate. A special meeting of the council was
called to reconsider its action.
The communists now moved into high gear. Word went out that the
opportunist would have to be “put in his place” for publicly denouncing
the communist candidate. At a special meeting the opportunist took the
floor and successfully led the fight to reverse the council’s endorsement
of a communist. The communists were bitter in their condemnation of their
onetime protégé; he was a “traitor” and a “hypocrite.” Deciding he had
had enough, the opportunist resigned the presidency.
In such a case who is the ultimate winner? The communists, for they
have advanced their program. When he, the opportunist, faltered, he was
dropped.
Communists watch eagerly for such opportunists; they are usually easy to
influence and exploit. The self-seeker, fighting to win an election or
wanting to earn some easy money, may listen to communist double talk and
cooperate. Not that the Party is under any illusions; the opportunist is
not going to be converted. He will denounce communist support just as
quickly as he accepted it. Relations are strictly “dog eat dog,” each
trying to exploit the other. But the opportunist can be used.
5. _Dupes._ The final area is that of the dupe, or innocent victim, the
individual who unknowingly is under communist thought control and does
the work of the Party. A tragedy of the past generation in the United
States is that so many persons, including high-ranking statesmen, public
officials, educators, ministers of the gospel, professional men, have
been duped into helping communism. Communist leaders have proclaimed that
communism must be partly built with noncommunist hands, and this, to a
large extent, is true.
Communist propaganda is tailored to attract noncommunists. Communism
offers a bogus “spiritual appeal,” a “Kingdom of God on earth.” Its
tactics and strategy are covered with attractive, appealing words,
such as “freedom,” “justice,” and “equality.” The communists claim
they are working for a “better world,” that they have the answer to
discrimination, exploitation, and economic want. To fight for communism,
they say, is to become part of the most sacred crusade in the history of
man.
Many well-meaning citizens, attracted by these words and not seeing
behind the communist intentions, have been swept into the communist
thought-control net. Most are sincerely interested in improving society,
and there are many ways in which our society can and should be improved.
They are willing to devote their time, talents, and energies to a “sacred
cause.” That is how communist thought control works. If it can influence
you on any matter, regardless of how minor, making you think favorably
toward communism, it has gained. It has something to sell everyone.
“Fool the noncommunists!” That is the slogan. And, better still, make
noncommunists fool each other! Encourage the support of as many dupes
as possible. These individuals see only the exterior, or false face,
of communism. They are never shown the inside, the real communism, the
terror, injustice, and slavery. Time after time, in almost unbelievable
fashion, victims, somehow or other under communist thought control, do
communism’s work: signing communist election petitions, contributing
time or money to communist fronts, issuing statements in support of
communist-sponsored campaigns.
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a member of the National Committee of the
Communist Party, USA, quite recently was a candidate for the New York
City Council under the emblem of the People’s Rights Party. Communists
canvassed to obtain at least 3000 signatures on petitions required by law
to place her name on the ballot. They went over the goal with the help of
noncommunists. In the November 5, 1957, election, however, Flynn received
fewer than 1000 votes.
The People’s Rights Party is a sham political party created to give
the Communist Party the legal right to run communist candidates. In
1946, 1952, 1954, and again in 1957 communist candidates have run for
municipal, state, or national office in New York City under the banner
of the People’s Rights Party. Each time signatures had to be obtained to
secure the right of the PRP to place its candidates on the ballot.
Another instance of Party manipulation to gain the support of
noncommunists was the campaign in the summer of 1957 to solicit
signatures for petitions opposing the further testing of nuclear weapons
by the United States government. Most of these signatures, of course,
were those of noncommunists. On this issue the Party was slavishly
following the line of international communism. Communist strategy is to
provide the leadership, encouraging noncommunists to do the work.
Not that these individuals are communists. The great majority of them
are loyal, but deceived, citizens. Sending five dollars to a front
organization with a patriotic-sounding name; signing a communist-inspired
petition urging “world disarmament” (isn’t that a worthy cause?);
attending a giant Party-manipulated rally in support of the “Bill of
Rights”: the noncommunist does not realize these campaigns are being
operated out of downtown communist headquarters. He is fooled because
he believes in the aims they profess and does not recognize the hidden
motive.
But, from the communist point of view, a dollar is a dollar. A victim
makes a contribution. His money is just as good as money from an open
member. A noncommunist allows his name to be used on a letterhead.
Suppose he was fooled? The name is still there. Thus the communists
assemble support from all quarters, whether given intentionally or not,
and apply it toward their objectives.