CLEVES, ORANGE, AND LORRAINE
1539-1541
I.
The negotiations for the King of England's marriage with the Duchess of
Milan were broken off. But there was no lack of suitors for Christina's
hand. During the winter and spring of 1539 the Emperor's niece received
offers of marriage from three princely bridegrooms. The first of these
was Antoine, Duke of Vendôme, whose courtship of the Duchess on the
journey to Compiègne had aroused King Henry's jealousy. The second was
William of Cleves, who since the old Duke Charles's death had taken
possession of Guelders, and was now seeking to obtain the investiture
of the duchy, together with Christina's hand. The third was Francis,
the Marquis of Pont-à-Mousson, and heir of Lorraine. From the day that
this Prince first met the Duchess at Compiègne, he sought her for his
bride with a constancy and steadfastness that were eventually to be
crowned with success. But for the moment the Duke of Cleves seemed
to have the best chance of winning the coveted prize. From the first
Mary of Hungary had regarded this alliance with favour, and when,
in January, 1539, she consulted her Councillors on the Duchess's
marriage, it was this union which met with their highest approval.
"Duke William," wrote the Queen in her reply to the Emperor,
"has greatly offended Your Majesty, both as a private
individual and sovereign lord, by taking possession of
Guelders. Still, as he renews his suit and professes to be your
loyal friend and servant, it would be well to treat with him
and offer him the Duchess's hand, on condition that he will
give up Guelderland."[243]
The alternative proposal, she proceeded to say, deserved consideration,
seeing the great anxiety which the Duke of Lorraine's son showed for
the marriage. No doubt the Emperor's niece, with her large dowry, would
be a very honourable match for him, and well worth the surrender of his
rights on Guelders; but, since it was most desirable to recover this
duchy without delay, it might be well to secure the help of Lorraine by
this means.
The situation was a difficult one, and from the moment of the old
Duke's death in June, 1538, Mary had never ceased to entreat Charles to
come to Flanders and take active measures for the recovery of Guelders
before it was too late. Throughout the winter Duke William went from
town to town, endearing himself to his new subjects; and when the
deputies of Lorraine asserted their master's superior claims, he told
them that he would never give up Guelders to any mortal man. By the
death of his father on the 6th of February, 1539, he succeeded to the
rich provinces of Cleves and Jülich, and became the wealthiest and most
powerful Prince in North Germany.[244]
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1539] ANNE OF CLEVES]
Still Charles put off his coming, and told his sister that he was
bent on undertaking a second Crusade against the Turks, and could not
spare the time for a journey to Flanders. This was too much for Mary's
equanimity, and she protested in the strongest language against the
Emperor's folly in exposing his person to such risks, declaring that
this Crusade would not only prove the utter ruin of the Netherlands,
but of all Christendom.[245] Fortunately, Mary's remonstrances were
supported by the Emperor's wisest Councillors, and, in deference to
their representations, he decided to abandon his Crusade for the
present and come to Flanders. This decision was confirmed by the
discontent which the Duke of Cleves's intrigues helped to foment in
Ghent--always a turbulent city--as well as by the news that the King of
England had entered into a close alliance with Cleves, and was about to
marry his sister.
Cromwell, with his habitual duplicity, had been in correspondence with
the German Princes while he professed to be zealous for the Emperor's
alliance; and in March Christopher Mont, his Envoy to Frankfort,
was desired to make diligent inquiries as to the shape, stature,
and complexion, of the Duke of Cleves's sister Anne. If these were
satisfactory, he was to suggest that proposals of marriage should be
made by that Prince and his brother-in-law, the Elector John Frederick
of Saxony. Mont sent glowing descriptions of the lady's beauty, and was
bold enough to declare that she excelled the Duchess of Milan as much
as the golden sun excels the silver moon.[246]
Henry was now all on fire to see the Lady Anne, although he had not
yet lost all interest in Christina, whose name still figures constantly
in letters from Brussels. On the 6th of April we hear that the Duchess
of Milan is sick of fever, and ten days later Cromwell writes to the
King that Her Grace is no longer sick, and that "at Antwerp the people
still cherish a hope that Your Highness will yet marry her."[247] If he
could not make her his wife, the King was determined to prevent another
suitor from succeeding where he had failed, and renewed his offer of
his daughter Mary with a large dowry to the Duke of Cleves. William,
however, showed no alacrity to avail himself of this offer, and sent
Envoys both to Brussels and Toledo to press his suit for Christina's
hand.
The sudden death of the Empress at Toledo on the 1st of May altered all
Charles's plans. A few weeks before this Isabella had given birth to a
son, who only lived a few hours, and Charles had written to inform his
sister of the infant's death. On the 2nd of May he wrote a few touching
lines with his own hand to tell Mary the grievous news. The doctors had
pronounced her to be out of danger, but catarrh attacked the lungs, and
proved fatal in a few hours.
"I am overwhelmed with sorrow and distress, and nothing can
comfort me but the thought of her good and holy life and the
devout end which she made. I leave you to tell my subjects
over yonder, of this pitiful event, and ask them to pray for
her soul. I will do my best to bow to the will of God, whom I
implore to receive her in His blessed paradise, where I feel
certain that she is. And may God keep you, my dear sister, and
grant you all your desires."[248]
[Sidenote: MAY, 1539] THE PALATINE'S TRAVELS]
When this sad event took place, Christina's sister Dorothea and her
husband, Count Frederic, were staying at the Imperial Court. These
adventurous travellers had come to Spain in the vain hope of inducing
the Emperor to support their claims on Denmark, and, after crossing the
Pyrenees in rain and snow, had at length reached Toledo, where they
were hospitably entertained. The Empress treated Dorothea with great
affection, but Frederic's German servants, who consumed five meals
a day and ate meat on Ash Wednesday, shocked the Spanish courtiers,
and drew down the censures of the Inquisition upon them. Even the
Emperor asked his cousin why he brought so numerous a suite on his
travels; but, although he would make no promises of further help, he
good-naturedly paid Frederic's expenses at Toledo, and gave him a
present of 7,000 crowns. The death of the Empress, Dorothea's best
friend, put an end to all hope of further assistance. The Emperor
shut himself up in a Carthusian convent, and the Palatine and his
wife started for the Low Countries.[249] On their way through France
they were royally entertained by the King and Queen in the splendid
Palais des Tournelles, and Francis took so great a fancy to his wife's
niece that Eleanor felt it wise to keep Dorothea continually at her
side. Here they were detained some time by Frederic's illness, and
after his recovery spent several days at Chantilly with the Constable,
and at the King's fine new villa of Cotterets, on their way to the
Netherlands.[250]
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1539] A MOCK FIGHT]
Here the travellers were eagerly awaited by Christina and her aunt.
After the funeral services for the repose of the Empress's soul had
been duly celebrated, and the last requiem sung in S. Gudule, the Queen
set out on a progress through Holland and Friesland, and spent some
time at Bois-le-Duc, on the frontiers of Guelders, trying to arrange
matters with the Duke of Cleves. But, although friendly letters and
messages were exchanged, nothing could be settled until the Emperor's
arrival, which was now delayed till the autumn, and the Court moved
to the Hague for August. Here the Queen received news that the Count
Palatine and his wife had reached Dordrecht and were coming by sea to
Holland. Christina at once travelled to Rotterdam, intending to go by
boat to meet the travellers. But the weather was rough and stormy, and
the sailors were reluctant to set out. The Duchess, however, would
hear of no delay, and, embarking in a small boat, bade the sailors
put out to sea. Hardly had they left the shore before a terrific gale
sprang up, and from the deck of their ship the Palatine and his wife
saw a barque tossed on the raging seas, sending up signals of distress.
Altering their course, they hastened to the rescue, and found, to their
great surprise, that the Duchess of Milan was on board. Count Frederic
scolded his sister-in-law soundly for her rashness, but Dorothea was
enchanted to see Christina, and laughed and cried by turn as she
embraced her.[251] The Queen awaited the travellers no less eagerly,
in her anxiety to hear the latest news from Spain, and agreed readily
to Frederic's proposal that his wife should remain at the Hague while
he returned to Germany. Early in September the Palatine took leave of
his relatives and went to Antwerp, saying that he must raise money for
his journey to Heidelberg. But he kept his true destination a secret.
During his illness in Paris, Bishop Bonner had brought Frederic a
letter from Cromwell, begging him to come to England, since he was only
divided from this country by a narrow arm of the sea, and His Majesty
was very anxious to see him again. All immediate alarm of war had died
away, and the irascible monarch's anger was allayed by the arrival of a
new French Ambassador in the person of Marillac, and by the permission
which Mary gave him to buy ammunition in the Low Countries. In return,
he ordered an imposing requiem to be held in St. Paul's for the late
Empress, and desired Cromwell and the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk,
with twenty Bishops, to attend the service.[252] He resumed his old
habit of spending the summer evenings on the river, enjoying the
music of flutes and harps, and sent to France and Italy for excellent
painters and musicians--a sure sign, Marillac was told, that he was
about to marry again. Another fête, at which the Ambassador declined
to be present, was a mock-fight on the Thames between two galleys,
one of which bore the King's arms, while the other was decorated with
an effigy of the Pope with the triple tiara and keys, attended by
the Cardinals. The show ended in the triumph of the English sailors,
who threw the Pope and Cardinals into the river--"the whole thing,"
according to Marillac, "being as badly represented as it was poorly
conceived."[253]
Now the King was anxious to hear the Emperor's intention from the
Palatine's own lips, while Frederic on his part was flattered by this
powerful monarch's invitation, and felt that his assistance might
prove of use in his visionary schemes for the recovery of Denmark. But,
knowing that of late relations between Henry and the Queen had been
strained, he kept his counsel, and told no one but his wife that he was
bound for Calais.
Here he was courteously entertained by Lord Lisle, an illegitimate son
of Edward IV., and escorted by him to Canterbury and London. Frederic
was lost in admiration at the rows of stately palaces along the Thames,
and the fine Castle of Richmond, but was disappointed, when he visited
Westminster Abbey, not to see the famous antlers of the stag which King
Dagobert caught, and which wore a golden collar inscribed with the
words, "Julius Cæsar let me go free." Afterwards he learnt that these
legendary trophies had lately been removed by the King's orders, for
fear the monks, whom he was about to expel, might conceal them.
In the absence of the King at Ampthill, Cromwell, who had been told
to "grope out the reason of Frederic's coming," entertained the Count
splendidly at his own house, and showed him the Tower of London and
the Temple Church. But the Deputy's wife, Lady Lisle, who looked on
Cromwell with deep distrust, begged her husband to beware of the Lord
Privy Seal's fair words, and was none too well pleased to hear that he
had partaken of the partridge pasty and baked cranes which she had sent
from Calais, together with her own toothpick for the Palsgrave's use,
having noticed that her noble guest "used a quill to pick his teeth
with."[254]
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1539] THE PALATINE AT WINDSOR]
Meanwhile the Palatine's visit to England was exciting much curiosity,
and not a little alarm, in some quarters. The Pope and the French King
feared it might lead to a secret covenant between Henry and Charles,
while in London it was commonly reported that Frederic came to renew
negotiations for his union with the Duchess of Milan, and the Duke of
Cleves hastily sent Ambassadors to conclude his sister's marriage.
These Envoys reached Windsor on the same day as the Count Palatine,
whom Henry invited to a banquet there on the 24th of September.
When he bade the Lord High Admiral escort the Palsgrave to Windsor,
Southampton, eager to curry favour with the King, expressed his
opinion that the Cleves alliance was preferable to a marriage with a
French Princess or one of the Emperor's family, "albeit the Duchess of
Milan was a fair woman and well spoken of," and told the King of the
resentment which his union with the Lady Anne had aroused at the Court
of Brussels. Henry remained plunged in thought for some moments; then
a smile broke over his face, and he exclaimed: "Have they remembered
themselves now? They that would not when they might, when they would
they shall have nay!"[255]
Nothing was lacking, however, to the splendour of the Palatine's
reception at Windsor. The Duke of Suffolk rode out to meet him beyond
Eton Bridge with 100 horsemen clad in velvet, and the banquet was
served on golden dishes in a hall carpeted with cloth of gold, to the
strains of delicious music from the King's famous band. The Cleves
Envoys were at table, but after dinner the King took the Count apart,
and conversed with him for over two hours on his travels. Frederic
took this opportunity of begging the King to help him in driving out
the usurper of Denmark, and releasing his unhappy father-in-law,
Christian II.[256] Henry listened kindly, and promised to consider the
matter, but no mention was made of Christina. The next day a great
hunting-party was given in the Palsgrave's honour. A pavilion of
green laurel boughs was set up in a meadow on the banks of the river,
and while the King and his guests were at dinner the merry note of
hunting-horns rang through the air, and a stag bounded across the turf,
followed by the hounds at full cry. Immediately the whole party sprang
to horse and joined in the chase, which lasted for three hours, and
ended in the slaughter of thirty-four stags. From Windsor Frederic went
to Hampton Court, and on the 3rd of October finally took leave of the
King, who gave him 2,000 crowns as a parting gift. Hubert also received
a silver cup from the Lord Privy Seal, who begged him and his lord to
return at Christmas, and surprised him by asking if the Palsgrave had
any castle to let or sell, as it might be convenient for him to secure
a retreat abroad. The Minister evidently realized the precarious nature
of his position, and Hubert remembered his request when he heard of the
doom which soon afterwards overtook the King's favourite.[257]
[Sidenote: OCT., 1539] THE LADY ANNE]
In his last interview Henry told the Count that he feared it would be
impossible for him to join in any enterprise against Denmark, as his
new allies the German Princes were in league with the present King.
At the same time he informed his good cousin of his intended marriage
to the Lady Anne of Cleves, a Princess of suitable age and elegant
stature, and begged him to obtain a safe-conduct from the Regent for
his bride's passage through the Low Countries.[258] The next day
Frederic crossed the Channel and joined his wife at Brussels. Here, as
Dorothea had already told him, he found the Queen much displeased at
the trick which he had played her, and Hubert came in for his share of
blame. They soon left Brabant for Heidelberg, and the Palatine sent
Lady Lisle--or, as he called her, "Madame ma bonne mère"--a barrel of
fine red and white Rhine wine in remembrance "of her loving son."[259]
II.
King Henry's marriage to Anne of Cleves, as Southampton told his
master, was exceedingly unpopular in the Netherlands. The alliance
of so powerful a monarch with Duke William was fraught with danger,
and the people bitterly resented the insult which, in their eyes, had
been offered to the Duchess of Milan. The merchants of Antwerp said
openly that, if King Henry chose to break faith with their Princess, he
should not enjoy the company of another wife, and declared they would
not allow the Lady Anne to pass through their city. The Cleves Envoys
in England were so much alarmed by these reports that they travelled
back to Düren in disguise, and advised the bride to take the sea-route
from Germany. But Mary of Hungary was too wise to show her annoyance,
and sent a gracious message to Henry, saying that she would send Count
Büren to wait on the Lady Anne, on her journey through the Emperor's
dominions. The King wrote back in high glee to thank "his dearest
sister," and on the 27th of December his new bride landed safely at
Dover.[260] The loyal citizens of Flanders consoled themselves with
the thought that, if their Duchess was not to be Queen of England,
they would keep her among them, and the old rumour was persistently
repeated: "She shall marry the Prince of Orange." All through the past
year René had devoted himself to Christina's service, had worn her
favours and broken lances in her honour. Her Italian servants called
him openly the Duchess's _cavaliere sirvente_.[261] But it was plain
to Italians and Flemings alike that the affection was not at all on
one side, and that this gallant Prince had won Christina's heart. Old
courtiers smiled kindly on the young couple, and ladies drew aside
discreetly to leave them together. They were eminently fitted for each
other by age, race and character. If the succession to the principality
of Orange, which had been lately restored by the French King, hardly
entitled René to a place among the reigning Princes of Europe, at least
he could offer her splendid homes at Brussels and Breda, and a position
which many ladies of royal birth might envy. The Countess Palatine
Dorothea privately encouraged the Prince, and her husband warmly
approved of the match, and said openly that, since his sister-in-law
could not be King Henry's wife, she had better marry the man of her
choice, and not waste the best years of her life, as he himself had
done.[262]
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1539] THE REVOLT OF GHENT]
Queen Mary was, clearly, not averse to the Prince's suit, and had
a strong liking for René; but reasons of State prevented her from
giving the union her public sanction, and all parties were agreed that
nothing could be arranged until the Emperor's arrival. The date of his
journey was now definitely fixed, and in November Mary told the English
Ambassador Vaughan that her brother would be at Brussels by the New
Year. Charles at length realized the critical situation of affairs,
and saw that if he wished to keep his provinces _de par-deça_ he must
no longer delay his coming.[263] In September, 1539, the citizens of
Ghent, who had long been discontented, broke into open revolt. After
refusing to pay their share of the subsidy voted by the States, the
leading citizens put to death their chief magistrate, Lieven Pyl,
because he declined to bear their insolent message to the Regent, and
proceeded to tear up the famous "Calf-vel," a parchment deed containing
an agreement which they had made with Charles V. twenty-four years
before. Worse than all, they sent deputies to King Francis, asking him
to defend their liberties against the Emperor. At the first tidings of
these disorders Mary hastened to Malines and took energetic measures
to suppress the insurrection, which had already spread to several of
the neighbouring towns.[264] For some weeks the alarm was great, and
watchers were posted on the tower of S. Rombaut night and day; but the
Queen's presence of mind, and the support of her able lieutenants,
Aerschot and De Courrières, who was now Bailiff of Alost, succeeded in
confining the mutiny to the walls of Ghent. A simultaneous rising at
Maestricht was put down by the Prince of Orange, who raised 300 horse
and hastened to restore order in that city. But the citizens of Ghent
still openly defied the Regent, although Francis, to do him credit,
refused to help the rebels. More than this, he addressed a letter
with his own royal hand to Charles, saying that, if the Emperor was
coming to chastise his revolted subjects, he hoped that he would do
him the honour of passing through France, assuring him, on the faith
of a Prince, that every possible honour and hospitality would be shown
him.[265]
So critical was the situation, both with regard to Ghent and Guelders,
that Charles decided to accept the offer and take the shortest route to
Flanders.
"My good brother the Emperor," wrote Francis to his Ambassador
in England, "is coming to visit me on his way to the Low
Countries, a thing which not only does me the greatest honour,
content, and pleasure, but is a proof of the good and perfect
friendship between us."
He expressed the same feelings in still stronger terms to Wyatt, whom
Cromwell sent to Blois in December to be present at the meeting of the
two monarchs.
"The Emperor," he added, "is doing me the greatest honour that
can be, by coming to visit me, and showing thereby that he
taketh me for an honest man."[266]
[Sidenote: NOV., 1539] A SPLENDID RECEPTION]
On the 23rd of November Charles left Burgos, and four days later
he entered Bayonne, attended by the Dauphin and the Constable
Montmorency, whom the King had sent to meet him on the frontier. He
had begged Francis to dispense with ceremonies, as his great object
was to reach Flanders as quickly as possible, and to excuse him from
entering on political matters, since he could not decide anything of
importance until he had seen the Queen-Regent.[267] But, in spite of
this request, he was everywhere received with the utmost pomp and
festivity. Triumphal arches were erected at the city gates, and the
prison doors were thrown open at his entrance. Bordeaux presented him
with 300 barrels of wine, Poitiers gave him a golden eagle, Orleans a
dinner-service of richly chased plate. The meeting of the two monarchs
took place at Loches on the 10th of December. Charles, clad in deep
mourning, walked under a canopy of cloth of gold, adorned with the
imperial eagles, across the picturesque court to the gates of the
castle, where King Francis met him, surrounded by a brilliant company.
Three times over he embraced his guest, and led him to the hall, where
Eleanor, in robes of purple satin glittering with pearls, welcomed
her brother with transports of joy. Banquets and hunting-parties now
followed each other, as the Court journeyed by slow stages along the
banks of the Loire, from one fair château to another. At Amboise a heap
of tow caught fire as Charles rode up the famous spiral staircase in
the dusk, and he narrowly escaped being suffocated. But, mercifully,
no one was injured, and Francis escorted his imperial brother by way
of Blois and Orleans to Fontainebleau, where Christmas was spent and
the Emperor was allowed to enjoy a week's rest. On New Year's Day the
Emperor entered Paris, where the Parliament and University received
him "as if he were a god from heaven," and the following motto was
inscribed on the gates in golden letters:
"Ouvre, Paris, ouvre tes hautes portes,
Entrer y veut le plus grand des Chrétiens."[268]
Queen Eleanor, who scarcely left her brother's side, took him to see
the _Sainte Chapelle_ which St. Louis had built to receive the Crown of
Thorns, and escorted him to the Louvre, where sumptuous rooms had been
prepared for his reception. On Sunday a grand tournament was held on
the Place des Tournelles, in front of the palace which then occupied
the Place des Vosges, and the Duke of Vendôme and the Count of Aumale
opened the joust, while it was closed by Francis of Lorraine, the
Marquis of Pont-à-Mousson. Charles left Paris on the 7th of January,
and was presented by the city with a silver model of the Column of
Hercules, seven feet high, bearing his motto, _Plus oultre_.[269] The
King took his guest to dine at his new pleasure-house, the Château de
Madrid, accompanied him to St. Denis, where he visited the Tomb of the
Kings, and went on to the Constable's house at Chantilly. Finally,
on the 20th, the Emperor took his leave of the King and Queen at St.
Quentin, and with tears in his eyes thanked his host for this truly
brotherly reception.[270]
[Sidenote: JAN., 1540] THE CALENDAR OF FOOLS]
In spite of the sinister warnings which Charles had received before
he set out on his journey, in spite of Mary of Hungary's fears and of
Madame d'Étampes' thinly-veiled hostility, the experiment had proved a
brilliant success. Spanish and French poets celebrated the triumph of
Peace over War, and the return of the golden age. And Charles himself
laughed heartily when the King's jester, Triboulet, told him that he
had inscribed His Imperial Majesty's name on his Calendar of Fools,
because he had been so rash as to venture into his enemy's country,
but now that he had reached the end of his journey without mishap,
he should rub out Charles's name, and write that of Francis in its
place.[271]
The French King went home in high delight, and wrote to Marillac saying
that now all his differences with the Emperor would be easily arranged.
During those five weeks the King had respected his guest's wishes
and avoided politics, but the Constable, who enjoyed the Emperor's
confidence in a high degree, had made good use of this opportunity,
and flattered himself that he had been entirely successful. He was
above all anxious to effect a marriage between the widowed Emperor and
the King's daughter, and told Granvelle that Madame Marguerite was a
rose among thorns, an angel among devils, and that, if His Imperial
Majesty thought of making a second marriage, he could not do better.
But Charles was firmly resolved never to take another wife, and, when
the Constable pressed the point after he had left France, wrote that he
must beg the King to give up all idea of such a union, as he did not
intend to marry again, and was too old for Madame Marguerite.[272]
[Sidenote: 1539-41] A COURTLY FAREWELL]
In spite of the splendour and cordiality of his reception, Charles was
sad and tired, and longed more than all else to find himself among
his kindred and people. It was with heartfelt relief that he reached
Cambray, and found the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Aerschot, and his
faithful De Courrières, with the Archers' Guard, awaiting him. The
next day he went on to Valenciennes, where his loyal subjects welcomed
his return with passionate joy. Triumphal arches adorned the streets,
and the houses were hung with tapestries. Now it was his turn to act
as host, and do honour to the Dauphin and Duke of Orleans, who, with
Vendôme, the Constable, and Aumale, the Duke of Guise's eldest son,
had insisted on escorting him across the frontier.[273] The keys of
the city were presented to the Dauphin at the Cambray gate, torches
blazed all along the streets, and the bells rang merry peals as Charles
led the way to the ancient hôtel-de-ville, known as La Salle, where
the Queen of Hungary and the Duchess of Milan received him with open
arms. The next two days were given up to mirth and festivity. Charles
showed the French Princes the sights of the town, while the Constable
was invited to dine alone with the Queen and her niece, and sat down to
table between the two royal ladies. A splendid banquet was followed by
a ball, which lasted far on into the morning. All the ladies appeared
in magnificent costumes--French, Italian, Flemish, or Spanish, as they
chose--and wore the richest jewels. The Emperor moved through the vast
hall, blithe and debonair beyond his wont, jesting with his old friends
and rejoicing to be once more in his native land. Mary and Christina,
both of whom, remarks the chronicler, although widows, were still young
and beautiful, danced with the French Princes all the evening, and
were in high spirits.[274] There was much gay talk, and the Pope's
Legate, the young Cardinal Farnese, amused the guests with stories of
the latest gossip from the Court of England, which Queen Eleanor had
heard from Marillac. According to him, the new Queen, Anne of Cleves,
was too old and ugly for King Henry's taste, while her dresses and
those of her German "Fraus" were so monstrous that the King would
not allow them to appear at Court, and told his wife to adopt French
fashions.[275]
The next morning the French Princes appeared early to bid the Queen
farewell, and were very gracious in their manner of leave-taking. The
Dauphin received a superb diamond jewel in the shape of a griffin,
and a very fine emerald was bestowed on the Constable. There was some
talk of a marriage between the Duke of Orleans and a daughter of
King Ferdinand, while the King of Navarre and his wife, Margaret of
Angoulême, were eager for a match between their only daughter, Jeanne,
and the Prince of Spain. Vendôme probably realized that he had little
chance of winning the Duchess of Milan, but he shrugged his shoulders
and went his way gaily, saying he would wed the Pope's granddaughter,
Vittoria Farnese, the sister of the boy Cardinal. And they all rode off
in high spirits to join the King at La Fère and show him the Emperor's
costly gifts. They met him on his way back from hunting, riding at the
side of the Queen's litter, clad in a scarlet cloak, which made the
English Ambassador remark how much better Eleanor was treated since
her brother's visit. And the whole Court, in Bishop Bonner's words,
"made much demonstration of gladness, thinking they have God by the
foot."[276]
III.
Among all his political anxieties and preoccupations, the Emperor had
not forgotten his niece. Before he left Spain on this perilous journey
through his old enemy's country, he drew up a paper of instructions to
be given to his son Philip in case of his own death. A large part of
this advice was devoted to the choice of a wife for the Prince himself,
the heiress of Navarre being on the whole, in Charles's opinion, the
most eligible bride for his son. After suggesting various alliances
for his little daughters, Maria and Juana, the Emperor proceeded to
urge on his successor the importance of finding a husband for his
niece, the Widow of Milan, saying that he counted her as one of his
own children. Three Princes, he said, were all eager to marry her--the
Duke of Cleves, the heir of Lorraine, and the Duke of Vendôme--but
it would be necessary to defer his decision until he had ascertained
the best measures for recovering Denmark and settling the question of
Guelders. "And if God," he added, "should call to Himself the Palatine
Frederic, who is old and broken, one of these Princes might marry his
widow."[277] Christina's marriage, it is easy to see, was closely bound
up with the settlement of Guelders, an object which lay very near to
her uncle's heart.
[Sidenote: FEB., 1540] GUELDERS]
The English Ambassador Wyatt, who had been posting after the Emperor
across France, "through deep and foul roads," was convinced that
Charles in his heart of hearts cared more for Guelders than he did for
all Italy. This earnest desire to recover Guelders was, he felt sure,
the true reason why the Emperor had undertaken this long journey in the
depth of winter, and exposed his person to such great risks in passing
through France. When, contrary to the Constable's express orders, Wyatt
obtained an audience from the Emperor at Châtelhérault, as he came
in from hunting with the Dauphin, and informed him of His Majesty's
marriage and alliance with Cleves, Charles turned angrily on him,
saying:
"What hath Monsieur de Cleves to do with Guelders? I mean to show him
that he has played the young man. I hope the King will give him good
advice, for, I can tell you, Monsieur de Cleves shall give me reason. I
say he shall--he shall! If he does," he continued, laying his hand on
his heart, "he shall find in me a Sovereign, a cousin, and a neighbour.
Otherwise he will lose all three."[278]
When, two months later in Brussels, Wyatt craved another interview
of the Emperor, and begged him in Henry's name to look favourably on
his brother-in-law's petition, Charles said he must desire the King
not to meddle between him and his subjects, repeating the same words,
"Je ne ferai rien," two or three times over. An Envoy from the Duke
of Cleves came to meet him at Brussels, but was told that the Emperor
could not attend to his master's business until the affairs of Ghent
were settled. These, as Wyatt remarked, had already quieted down in
a singular manner from the moment that the Emperor started on his
journey, and deputies from the revolted city had been sent to meet him
at Valenciennes. But he refused sternly to see them, saying that they
would learn his pleasure when he came to Ghent.[279]
[Sidenote: APRIL, 1540] A SEVERE PUNISHMENT]
It was Charles's intention to overawe the turbulent city by an
imposing display of armed force. On the 14th of February, 1540, he
entered Ghent--"that great, rich, and beautiful city," writes the city
chronicler, "with its broad streets, fair rivers, noble churches,
houses, and hospitals, the finest in the Netherlands"--at the head of
a stately procession. The Queen rode on his right hand, the Duchess
of Milan on his left, followed by the Princess of Macedonia and other
ladies in litters, the officers of the household, and a long train
of foreign Ambassadors, Princes, and Knights of the Golden Fleece.
Cardinal Farnese, Don Ferrante Gonzaga, Viceroy of Sicily, the Prince
of Orange, the Dukes of Alva and Aerschot, Count Egmont, Büren, De
Praet, Lalaing, and Granvelle, were all present. In their rear came
the troops--4,000 horse, 1,000 crossbowmen, 5,000 _Landsknechten_,
and a strong body of artillery, numbering in all 60,000 persons and
15,000 horses. Their entry lasted six hours, and it was dusk before
the last guns and baggage defiled through the streets. Charles, with
his sister and niece, alighted at the Prinzenhof, the house where he
had been born just forty years before, and the Archers' Guard took
up their station at the gates.[280] A strong body of infantry was
encamped in the neighbouring market-place, pickets of cavalry occupied
the chief squares, and the rest of the troops were quartered in other
parts of the city. But there was not the least show of resistance on
the part of the citizens. Absolute tranquillity reigned everywhere
while the stricken city awaited the Emperor's sentence. It was, as
might be expected, a severe one. Twenty-three of the ringleaders were
arrested, and after a prolonged trial were found guilty. On the 17th
of March, nine of these were put to death in the market-place, while
the others were banished and heavily fined. On the 29th of April the
Emperor convened the chief officers of State and magistrates in the
great hall of the Prinzenhof, and, in the presence of the Queen and
her Court, delivered his sentence on the guilty city. The charters and
privileges of Ghent were annulled, the property of the Corporation
was confiscated, and heavy additional fines were imposed, beside the
payment of the 400,000 florins which had been the cause of the quarrel.
In their consternation, the burghers turned to Mary and implored her
to intercede on their behalf; but she could only advise them to throw
themselves on the Emperor's mercy. On the 3rd of May a memorable and
historic scene took place in the court of the Prinzenhof. Here the
Emperor, seated on a tribunal, with his crown on his head and sceptre
in his hand, and surrounded by the Archers' Guard, received the
senators and chief burghers, as, robed in black, with bare heads and
feet, and halters round their necks, they knelt in the dust at his
feet. The sentence of condemnation was read aloud in the presence of
a brilliant assembly of nobles and courtiers, and of a vast crowd who
looked on from the windows and roofs of the neighbouring houses. Then
Mary, who occupied a chair at her brother's side, rose, and, turning to
the Emperor, in eloquent words implored him to have pity on his poor
city of Ghent, and to remember that he had been born there. The Emperor
gave a gracious answer, saying that out of brotherly love for her and
pity for his poor subjects he would pardon the citizens and restore
their property. But he decided to build a citadel to keep the city in
subjection, and, after taking his brother Ferdinand to the top of the
belfry tower to choose a site, he eventually fixed on the high ground
above the River Scheldt, where St. Bavon's Abbey stood. The demolition
of the ancient monastery was at once begun, and before the Emperor left
Ghent the first stone of the new fortress was laid.[281]
While these tragic events were taking place, a succession of
illustrious guests arrived at Court. First of all, at the end of
February, came Ferdinand, King of the Romans, a simple and honest
Prince, the best of husbands and fathers, and as fondly attached to his
sister Mary as she was to him. At the same time the Palatine Frederic
sent his wife to join the family party and plead her unfortunate
father's cause with the all-powerful Emperor. Although his journey
to England had failed to secure Henry's support, he still cherished
designs against Denmark, and was anxious to prevent a renewal of
the truce between the Low Countries and King Christian III. After
consulting Archbishop Carondelet, the President of the Council, and
Granvelle, the two sisters, Dorothea and Christina, drew up a petition
to the Emperor, imploring him to have pity on the poor prisoner,
who had already languished seven years in solitary confinement, and
reminding him gently of the pledges given to the Palatine at his
marriage.
[Sidenote: APRIL, 1540] WILLIAM OF CLEVES]
"My sister and I,"--so ran the words of Dorothea's
prayer--"your humble and loving children, entreat you, as
the fountain of all justice, to have compassion on us. Open
the prison doors, which you alone are able to do, release my
father, and give me advice as to how I may best obtain the
kingdom which belongs to me by the laws of God and man."[282]
But although the sisters' touching appeal on behalf of their captive
father moved many hearts, and both Henry VIII. and James V. of Scotland
wrote to assure the Palatine of their sympathy, no one was inclined to
embark on so desperate an enterprise, and Dorothea went back to her
lord at Heidelberg without having obtained any satisfaction. On the
14th of April a truce was concluded with the Danish Envoys, who had
followed the Emperor to Ghent, and the illusory hopes of the three
crowns which had been so long dangled before the Palatine's eyes melted
into thin air.[283]
There was still one important question awaiting settlement. William of
Cleves had sent three successive Ambassadors to congratulate Charles on
his return and to seek the investiture of Guelders at his hand. Now, at
King Ferdinand's instance, he arrived at Ghent one day in person, to
the surprise of the whole Court.
"The Duke of Cleves," wrote an eyewitness of his entry, "has
come to Ghent with a fine suite, to claim Guelders and marry
the Duchess of Milan. This is not to be wondered at, for she
is a young and very beautiful widow as well as a Princess of
the noblest birth. He who wins her for his bride will be a
fortunate man."[284]
The English Ambassador at Düren, Nicholas Wotton, had done his utmost
to prevent the Duke from accepting Ferdinand's invitation; and Wyatt
was charged by Cromwell to neglect no means of preventing an alliance
which would defeat all his schemes. The wily Ambassador laid his snares
cleverly. When the Cleves Ambassador, Olisleger, told him that the Duke
was about to wed the Duchess, he whispered that his master had better
be careful and take counsel of King Henry before he took any further
pledges.
"I told him," wrote Wyatt to King Henry, "to advise his master,
in case of marriage, to use his friend's counsel, and herein,
if I shall be plain with Your Majesty, I cannot but rejoice
in a manner of the escape that you made there; for although I
suppose nothing but honour in the Lady, yet methinketh Your
Highness's mate should be without mote or suspicion; and yet
there is thought affection between the Prince of Orange and
her, and hath been of long; which, for her bringing-up in
Italy, may be noted but service which she cannot let, but I
have heard it to proceed partly from her own occasion. Of this
Your Majesty will judge, and do with your friend as ye shall
think meet."[285]
René's courtship of the Duchess was no secret, and Christina's
preference for the popular Prince was plain to everyone at the Imperial
Court; but the unworthy insinuations by which the Ambassador strove to
blacken her character were altogether his invention.
[Sidenote: APRIL, 1540] THE DUKE'S SUIT]
Since this was the surest way to win both Henry's and Cromwell's
favour, Wyatt made unscrupulous use of these slanders to poison William
of Cleves's mind against the Duchess whose hand he sought. On the
13th of April the Duke arrived at Ghent, and was met by the Prince
of Orange, who brought him to King Ferdinand's rooms. Late the same
evening the English Ambassador had a secret interview with him, and
did his utmost to dissuade him from entering into any treaty with the
Emperor. The Duke's irresolution was now greater than ever. The next
day Ferdinand himself conducted him into the Emperor's presence, where
he received the most friendly greeting, and was invited to join the
imperial family at dinner. The gracious welcome which he received from
Mary, and the sight of Christina, went far to remove his doubts, and
during the next few days the harmony that prevailed among the Princes
excited Wyatt's worst misgivings. The Venetian Ambassador, Francesco
Contarini, met the Countess Palatine returning from Ghent, and heard
from her servants that a marriage was arranged between her sister and
the Duke of Cleves. Monsieur de Vély, the French Envoy, sent this
report to Paris, and it was confidently asserted at the French and
English Courts that Cleves had settled his quarrel with the Emperor,
and was to wed the Duchess.[286]
[Sidenote: MAY, 1540] AN ABRUPT DEPARTURE]
But these reports were premature. The Duke told Wotton and Wyatt that
nothing would induce him to give up Guelders, and at their suggestion
he placed a statement of his claims in the hands of Ferdinand, who
promised to submit the document to the Emperor. During the next
fortnight the question was discussed in all its bearings by Charles and
his Councillors. The Duke pressed his suit for the Duchess's hand, and
the Emperor went so far as to offer him the reversion of Denmark if he
would renounce Guelders. But William was as obstinate as the Emperor,
and, when Ferdinand induced Charles to offer Cleves his niece and the
duchy of Guelders for his lifetime, he quite refused to accept this
proposal. All Ferdinand could persuade him to do, was to consent that
the question of Guelders should be referred to the Imperial Chamber,
a compromise which satisfied neither party. Still friendly relations
were maintained outwardly. On Sunday, the 27th of April, the imperial
family attended Mass in state, the Emperor riding to the Church of St.
John with the King of the Romans and the boy Legate, Cardinal Farnese,
on his left, followed by the Dukes of Brunswick, Cleves, Savoy, and the
Marquis of Brandenburg. In the afternoon Ferdinand sent for the Duke
again, and made one more attempt to arrange matters, without success.
Some insolent words spoken by Cleves's servants aroused the Emperor's
anger, upon which the Duke became alarmed, and sent Wotton word that,
seeing no hope of agreement, he intended to return home. Early the
next morning, without taking leave of anyone, he rode out of the town
secretly, and never halted until he was safe in his own dominions.
His royal brother-in-law, King Henry, sent him a long letter,
congratulating him on his safe return, and advising him solemnly not to
marry the Duchess of Milan without finding out the true state of her
affections towards the Prince of Orange, lest he should be deceived.
Wotton told the King, in reply, that the Duke's affection for Christina
was now cooled, partly because she had refused him, and partly because
of the information which Henry had given him. All idea of the marriage
was certainly abandoned, and on the 22nd of June Cleves himself wrote
to tell Henry that he had received friendly overtures from the French
King, and was sending Ambassadors to make proposals for his niece, the
Princess of Navarre.[287]
Meanwhile the Duke's strange conduct had excited much surprise at
Ghent. The Emperor, who had spent the anniversary of his wife's death
in retirement at a Carthusian convent in the neighbourhood, returned
to find Cleves gone. Henry of Brunswick rode with his friend to the
outskirts of the town, and hurried back to be present at the imperial
table, where he tried to explain the Duke's abrupt departure by saying
that he was afraid of treachery. But Ferdinand and Mary were both
seriously annoyed, and the only member of the family to rejoice was
Christina, who felt that she could once more breathe freely.
The pacification of Ghent was now complete, and the bulk of the forces
were disbanded. On Ascension Day--the 6th of May--the imperial family
attended Mass at St. John's, the Queen "walking lovingly up the church,
hand in hand with the King of the Romans." The Ambassadors were all
present, as well as Cardinal Farnese--in Wotton's opinion "a very calf,
and a greater boy in manners and condition than in years."
On the 12th the King of the Romans took leave of his family, but the
Council at which he assisted lasted so late in the evening that he did
not actually set out on his journey till two o'clock on the following
day. About six in the cool hours of the May morning, the Emperor,
with his sister and niece, rode out to see the foundations of the new
citadel laid, and then continued their journey towards Antwerp, where
"great gun-shot" and bonfires welcomed their arrival.[288]
IV.
[Sidenote: JULY, 1540] CROMWELL'S FALL]
The Court spent the next three weeks at Bruges, the beautiful old city
which was always a favourite with Charles and his sisters, in the
ancient Prinzenhof where their mother had died. During these summer
days many important events took place, and startling news came from
England. On the 10th of June Cromwell was suddenly arrested and sent to
the Tower on a charge of high-treason. A fortnight later the new Queen,
Anne of Cleves, left Whitehall for Richmond, and on the 9th of July
her marriage was pronounced null and void by a decree of Convocation.
The ostensible reason for the divorce was a precontract between Anne
and Francis of Lorraine. It was true that as children they had been
affianced by their respective parents, but, as was common in such
cases, all idea of the marriage had been afterwards abandoned, and
Henry had professed himself entirely satisfied with the explanations
given by Anne's relatives on the subject. But from the first moment
that he met his bride at Rochester, on New Year's Day, 1540, he was
profoundly disappointed. When Cromwell asked him how he liked her, he
replied, "Nothing so well as she was spoken of," adding that, had he
known as much of her before as he did now, she should never have set
foot in his realm. However, he felt constrained to marry her, for fear
of "making a ruffle in the world," and driving her brother into the
Emperor's arms. At Whitsuntide he told Cromwell that from the day of
his marriage he had become weary of life, and took a solemn oath that
before God Anne had never been his lawful wife.
From that moment Cromwell knew that his own fate was sealed. "The King
loves not the Queen," he said to Wriothesley. "What a triumph for the
Emperor and the Pope!" A week afterwards he was committed to the Tower,
and on the 28th of July he was beheaded.[289]
The news of his fall was received with general satisfaction abroad.
King Francis gave vent to boisterous joy, and sent his brother word
how sincerely he rejoiced to hear that this false and wicked traitor,
who had brought the noblest heads in England to the block, was at
length unmasked. The Emperor, on the contrary, showed no surprise or
emotion when he heard the news from Archdeacon Pate, the new Envoy
who had succeeded Wyatt, but merely said: "What! is he in the Tower
of London, and by the King's counsel?" And when, on the 6th of July,
Pate informed him that the King had repudiated his wife, he cast his
eye steadfastly on the speaker, and asked what scruples His Majesty
entertained regarding his marriage with the daughter of Cleves. The
Ambassador explained, as best he could, what he took to be the motives
of the King's action, upon which the Emperor said that he was convinced
Cromwell was the true cause of all the terrible crimes which had of
late years been committed against religion and order in England. So
friendly was the Emperor that Pate wrote to the Duke of Norfolk: "If
His Majesty hath thereby lost the hearts of the Electors, he hath in
their places gained those of the Emperor and the French King."[290]
[Sidenote: JUNE, 1540] RENÉ OF ORANGE]
Both at Bruges and Antwerp the news aroused much excitement among
the merchants, who were unanimous in the opinion that the King now
intended to take the Duchess of Milan "for the true heart which she
bore him." But nothing was further from Christina's mind. She had
rejoiced at the failure of the King's suit, and saw the Duke of Cleves
leave Ghent without regret. Now all seemed ripe for the fulfilment of
her long-cherished hopes. The Prince of Orange had been unremitting in
his attendance on the Emperor since his arrival, and, as all men knew,
was honoured by His Majesty's confidence and affection. His popularity
with the army was unbounded, and it was a common saying that wherever
the Prince's little pony went, every Dutchman would follow. The Queen
looked kindly on his suit, and Christina's heart was already his own.
But when, in these bright June days at Bruges, he modestly laid his
suit before the Emperor, an unexpected difficulty arose. Three years
before a marriage with the Duke of Lorraine's only daughter had been
proposed for the young Prince of Orange by his uncle, William of
Nassau-Dillenburg, the head of the German branch of the house. The idea
met with Henry of Nassau's cordial approval, and at his request the
Emperor sent his servant Montbardon to obtain Duke Antoine's consent.
This was granted without any difficulty, and the contract was drawn
up before the Count of Nassau's death.[291] Now the Duke urged the
Prince to keep this long-standing engagement and marry his daughter
Anne--the plain but excellent lady whose portrait Holbein had taken
for King Henry. The Prince had never seen his destined bride, and was
very reluctant to carry out the contract, but the Emperor was resolute.
Antoine already had a serious grievance in the matter of Guelders, and
it was of the highest importance to secure his alliance. Accordingly,
Charles told René that he must prove himself a loyal knight, and with
his own hand drew up the articles of the marriage treaty, and sent
them to Nancy by the Archdeacon of Arras. Christina's name is never
mentioned in the whole transaction. It was the old story of the Count
Palatine and the Archduchess Eleanor. She was a daughter of the House
of Habsburg, and knew that the Emperor's will must be obeyed. So she
could only bow her head in silence and submit to his decrees. If she
wept bitter tears, it was in secret, in her quiet chamber in the
ancient Cour des Princes at Bruges, looking down on the green waters of
the canal.[292]
There was great rejoicing throughout Lorraine when the Emperor's
messenger reached Nancy and the marriage was proclaimed. Anne was very
popular throughout the duchy, and since her mother's death, a year
before, had taken a prominent place at the ducal Court, where her tact
and kindness made her universally beloved. The wedding took place in
the last week of August at Bar.[293] All the members of the ducal house
were present, including the Duke and Duchess of Guise, with their sons
and daughters, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, who came from the French
Court to pronounce the nuptial blessing.
The Prince of Orange's martial appearance and his splendid suite made
a favourable impression on his new relatives, as Antoinette de Bourbon
wrote to her daughter in Scotland:
"I have delayed longer than I intended before writing to you,
but we have been so well amused by the wedding of Mademoiselle
de Lorraine that until this moment I have not had leisure to
begin this letter. Yesterday we left the assembled company.
There was a very large gathering, and the wedding took place
last Tuesday. Monsieur le Prince arrived honourably attended,
and is, I can assure you, a very charming and handsome Prince.
He is much pleased with his bride, and she is devoted to him.
They are to go home in a fortnight. The fête was at Bar, but
there were very few strangers present--only a few nobles and
ladies of the neighbourhood."[294]
On the 27th of September the Prince of Orange brought his bride to
Brussels, where the States were assembled. The whole Court rode out
to welcome the happy pair, and escorted them to the Nassau palace,
where the Prince changed his travelling dress for a Court mantle, and
hastened to pay his respects to the Emperor. A succession of fêtes
was given in their honour, and dances, masques, and banquets, were
the order of the day. The Princess charmed everyone by her gracious
manners, and her fine figure and splendid clothes and jewels became the
object of general admiration.
[Sidenote: OCT., 1540] ANNE OF LORRAINE]
On the 2nd of October a grand tournament was given in the Prince's
house, which the Emperor, Queen Mary, and Christina, honoured with
their presence. René himself challenged all comers at the barriers,
and his wife was the most charming hostess. Before Charles left, he
presented Anne with a costly ring, and appointed the Prince to succeed
Antoine de Lalaing as Stadtholder of Holland and Friesland. Three
days afterwards the newly-married pair left Court for their own home
at Breda, and the Emperor set out on a progress through Artois and
Hainault, leaving his sister and niece at Brussels.
René's wife soon became a great favourite with the Queen, and Christina
danced as gaily as the rest at the wedding fêtes. But it is significant
that the only mention made of her in contemporary records is in the
despatches of the English Ambassador, Richard Pate, who tells us that
the Duchess of Milan spent much of her time in the company of her
brother-in-law, the Palatine.[295] Frederic had come to Brussels to
confer with the Emperor on German affairs, and, if possible, to raise a
loan of 600,000 ducats for his intended campaign against Denmark. But
although Charles professed himself ready and anxious to oblige his good
cousin, the Regent would give him no answer, and ended by telling him
to get the money from the Imperial Treasury. Richard Pate held long and
confidential conversations with the Palatine, who recalled his visit
to Windsor with delight, and spoke with warm admiration of the beauty
of the singing in St. George's Chapel. He was curious to know if his
old friend the King had grown as fat as he was represented in recent
portraits, and rejoiced to hear that His Majesty was lusty and merry.
As for the Duchess of Milan, he could only feel sorry that so charming
a lady should still lack a husband, and frankly regretted that she had
not married King Henry, or, failing him, the Prince of Orange.[296]
After his return to Germany, Frederic made another attempt to bring
about his sister-in-law's marriage to the Duke of Cleves, who still
hesitated between his old love for Christina and his reluctance to give
up Guelders. But negotiations were already in progress with another
suitor, who had bided his time patiently, and who was now at length to
obtain his reward.
[Sidenote: 1539-41] LOUISE DE GUISE]
The Prince of Orange's union with Anne of Lorraine had strengthened
the ties that bound her father to the Emperor, and a second marriage,
which took place this autumn, united the two houses still more closely.
Among the young nobles who accompanied René to Bar for his wedding was
Charles, Prince of Chimay, the eldest son of the Duke of Aerschot, the
wealthy and powerful Governor of Brabant, who was foremost among the
Regent's confidential advisers, and whom she affectionately called by
the pet name of "Moriceau." On the death of his mother in 1539, the
young Prince had succeeded to her vast estates, and lived at the fine
castle of Beaumont, near the French frontier. At Bar he saw and fell
in love with Louise de Guise, the lovely girl whom Henry VIII. would
gladly have made his wife. But there were difficulties in the young
suitor's way. His own family began by opposing the marriage, and it
was some time before Charles's consent could be obtained. The Duke of
Guise had long been the Emperor's most bitter enemy, and was known to
have strongly opposed his journey through France. Fortunately, Duchess
Antoinette was from the first on the lovers' side, and succeeded in
gaining her husband's consent. For some time past King Francis had been
trying to arrange a marriage between her eldest son, the Count of
Aumale, and the Pope's granddaughter, "_Vyquetorya_ Farnese," as Louise
calls her in one of her letters. But the Pope haggled over the dowry,
and insisted on asking the Emperor's consent; so that Antoinette had a
troublesome task in her lord's absence, and complained sorely to the
Queen of Scotland of these vexatious delays.
"By way of consolation, however," she writes on the 30th of
November, "we have an offer for your sister. Monsieur le Duc
d'Aerschot has sent to ask for her, on behalf of his eldest
son, the Prince of Chimay, a youth about twenty, handsome and
well brought up, we hear. He will give him a portion of 50,000
crowns a year, and he will have some fine estates, such as the
duchy of Aerschot, the principality of Chimay, the counties of
Beaumont and Porcien, most of them near Guise. I have told your
father, who is at Court, and he approves, and has spoken to
the King and to our brothers, who all advise us to accept the
proposal. So do my brother-in-law [the Duke of Lorraine] and my
mother [Madame de Vendôme]. It has been arranged that we should
all meet at Bar on the Conception of Our Lady, as my lord the
Duke wishes the matter to be settled at his house. I hope your
father will be there, but if not he will give me the necessary
powers. If things can be arranged, she will be well married,
for the Prince has great possessions and beautiful houses, and
plate and furniture in abundance. But it is a great anxiety to
be treating of two marriages at once."[297]
Happily for the good Duchess, the young Prince had his way, and the
contract between him and Louise was duly signed at Bar on the 22nd of
December. On the same day the Emperor, accompanied by the Regent and
Duchess of Milan, paid a visit to the Duke of Aerschot at Beaumont, and
offered him their warmest congratulations on his son's marriage.[298]
The wedding took place at Joinville in the following March, by which
time Christina's own marriage to Louise's cousin was arranged, and all
Lorraine rang with the sound of wedding-bells.
V.
[Sidenote: JAN., 1541] CHRISTINA'S BETROTHAL]
The vaunted alliance between Charles and Francis did not last long,
and less than a year after the Emperor and King had parted at St.
Quentin, vowing eternal friendship, a renewal of war seemed already
imminent. Francis was bitterly disappointed to find that none of the
great results which he expected from Charles's visit had come to pass.
The Emperor firmly declined to marry his daughter, and gave no signs
of surrendering Milan to the Duke of Orleans. All he would offer was
the reversion of the Low Countries as his daughter's portion if she
married Orleans. This failed to satisfy Francis, who declared that
he would have Milan and nothing else. In order to prevent his niece,
Jeanne of Navarre, marrying the Prince of Spain, the King offered her
to the Duke of Cleves, who signed a treaty with France this summer, but
was not actually affianced to the little Princess until the Duchess of
Milan was finally betrothed to Francis of Lorraine. Upon hearing of
the alliance between France and Cleves, Charles retaliated by solemnly
investing his son Philip with the duchy of Milan. This ceremony took
place at Brussels on the 11th of October, and was regarded by Francis
as an open act of defiance. He vented his anger on the Constable, who
asked leave to retire; while Madame d'Étampes did her best to obtain
her rival's disgrace and induce the King to declare war against the
Emperor. But Francis was loth to let his old servant go, and said to
Montmorency, with tears in his eyes: "How can you ask me to let you
leave me? I have only one fault to find with you, that you do not love
what I love."[299] The Constable consented to remain, and for the
moment the crisis was delayed.
After visiting the forts along the frontier and leaving garrisons in
every town, the Emperor came to Namur for Christmas, and prepared
for his final departure. Forty chariots were needed for his own use,
and all the horses and carts in the neighbouring provinces were
requisitioned to provide for the conveyance of his immense suite. On
Innocents' Day the Court moved to Luxembourg, and all the gentlemen
of the countryside rode out to meet the Emperor. With him came the
Queen and the Duchess of Milan, and on the same evening they were
joined by the Duke of Lorraine and his son Francis, the Marquis of
Pont-à-Mousson. On the Feast of the Three Kings the imperial party
attended Mass in the cathedral, and the Emperor, after his usual
custom, presented golden cups to three abbeys in the town. And on
the same day the marriage of the Marquis to the Duchess of Milan
was finally concluded, to the great delight of the old Duke, who
was as much pleased as the bridegroom. Two days afterwards Charles
took an affectionate farewell of his sister and niece, and went on
to Regensburg, leaving them to return to Brussels, while the Duke of
Lorraine hastened to Nancy to summon the States and inform his loyal
subjects of his son's marriage.[300]
On the 1st of March the contract drawn up by the Imperial Ministers,
Granvelle and De Praet, was signed by the Duke of Lorraine at Bar, and
on the 20th by the Emperor. The ducal manors of Blamont and Denœuvre
were settled upon the Duchess, and, in order that she might not lose
any rank by her marriage, the Marquis received the title of Duke of
Bar.[301] On the 12th of March the Queen and Duchess both went to the
Castle of Beaumont in Hainault, to be present at the splendid reception
which the Duke of Aerschot gave his daughter-in-law. The Duchess of
Guise herself accompanied the beloved Louise to her future home,
and wrote the following account of the festivities to Queen Mary of
Scotland from her husband's château at Guise:
"MADAME,
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1541] WEDDING-BELLS]
"I have been so confidently assured that the safest way for
letters is to send them by Antwerp merchants that I am sending
mine by this means, and your sister will be my postmistress in
future. I wrote to tell you of the conclusion of her marriage,
and sent the articles of the treaty and the account of her
wedding by your messenger. I have just taken her to her new
home, a fine and noble house, as well furnished as possible,
called Beaumont. Her father-in-law, the Duke, received her very
honourably, attended by as large and illustrious a company as
you could wish to see. Among others, the Queen of Hungary was
present, and the Duchess of Milan, and both the Prince and
Princess of Orange, who, by the way, is said to be with child,
although this is not quite certain as yet, and I confess I have
my doubts on the subject. I think your sister is very well
married. She has received beautiful presents, and her husband
has made her a very rich wedding-gift. He is young, but full of
good-will and excellent intentions. It did not seem at all like
Lent, for the sound of trumpets and the clash of arms never
ceased, and there was some fine jousting. At the end we had
to part--not without tears. I am now back at Guise, but only
for one night, and go on to-morrow to La Fère. My brother the
Cardinal, and my brother and sister of St. Pol, will be there
on Wednesday. For love of them I will stay at La Fère over
Thursday, and set out again on Friday, to reach Joinville as
soon as may be, in the hope of finding your father still there,
as well as our children--that is to say, the little ones and
the priests."[302]
Ten days later Louise herself wrote a long and happy letter to her
sister from Beaumont, full of the delights of her new home and of the
kindness with which she had been received by her husband's family.
"MADAME,
"Since God gave me this great blessing of a good husband, I
have never found time to write to you. But I can assure you
that I count myself indeed fortunate to be in this house,
for, besides all the grandeur of the place, I have a lord
and father-in-law whom I may well call good. It would take
three sheets of paper if I were to tell you all the kindness
with which he treats me. You may therefore be quite satisfied
of your sister's happiness, and she is further commanded to
offer you the very humble service of the masters and lords of
this house, who beg that you will employ them on any occasion
that may arise, since they will always be very glad to obey
your wishes. We also have a very wise and virtuous Queen, who
has done me the greatest honour by coming here to our house,
expressly, as she condescended to say, to receive me. She
told me herself that she meant to take me for her very humble
daughter and servant, and that in future she hoped I should
be often in her company, which, considering how little she has
seen of me, was exceedingly kind. The Duchess of Milan said
the same, and was the best and kindest of all. We may soon
hope to see her in Lorraine, for her marriage to the Marquis
is in very good train. Since my mother went home, she has sent
a letter asking me to find out if this route to Scotland will
be shorter than the other. If this is the case, and you like
to send me your letters for her, I shall be delighted. Only,
Madame, you must be sure to address your packets to the Duke
of Aerschot, which will be easy for you, as then the merchants
who come from Scotland will leave them at Antwerp or Bruges,
or any other town, and they will not fail to reach me, since
my father-in-law is greatly loved and honoured throughout the
Netherlands. And I pray that God will give you a long and happy
life.
"Your very humble and obedient sister,
"Louise of Lorraine.
"From Beaumont, the 25th day of March."[303]
The keenest interest in these marriages was shown at the Court of
Scotland. King James wrote cordial letters from Edinburgh to his
sister-in-law and to the Duke of Aerschot, and congratulated the
Princess of Orange on her happy expectations, begging her to write
to him and his wife more frequently.[304] Anne had always been on
affectionate terms with her aunt and cousins at Joinville, and the
presence of Louise at Brussels this summer was another bond between
them.
[Sidenote: APRIL, 1541] AN UNWILLING BRIDE]
Meanwhile King Francis was greatly annoyed to hear of the Duchess of
Milan's marriage. He complained bitterly to the Duke of Guise and the
Cardinal of their brother's desertion, and vowed that Antoine and his
son should feel the full weight of his displeasure. He was as good
as his word, and, when the Prince assumed the title of Duke of Bar,
disputed his rights to this duchy on the ground that it was a fief of
the Crown. In order to satisfy these new claims, the Duke was compelled
to sign an agreement on the 22nd of April, by which he and his son
consented to do homage to the King for the duchy of Bar, and to grant
free passage of French troops through this province.[305]
At the same time Francis invited the Duke of Cleves to come to Blois,
as he wished his marriage to the Princess of Navarre to be celebrated
without delay. On the 11th of April the States assembled at Düsseldorf
were amazed to hear from Chancellor Olisleger that their Duke, being
unable to obtain the Duchess of Milan's hand without the surrender of
Guelders, was about to contract another marriage with the Princess of
Navarre, and had actually started on his wedding journey.[306] The
King and Queen of Navarre had always been averse to their daughter's
union with the Duke of Cleves, but Margaret's resistance was overcome
by the royal brother whom she adored, and her husband gave a reluctant
consent to the marriage; but the little Princess Jeanne, a delicate
child of twelve, refused in the most determined manner to marry this
foreign Prince. In vain she was scolded and whipped, and threatened by
her uncle the King with worse punishments. For many weeks the child
persisted in her refusal, and, when compelled to yield, signed a
protest on the eve of her marriage, which with the secret connivance
of her parents was duly witnessed and preserved. On the 14th of June,
1540, the strange wedding was finally solemnized at Châtelhérault, on
the Garonne. A series of Arcadian fêtes in beautiful summer weather
were given by King Francis, who never lost an opportunity for indulging
his love of romance. Arbours and colonnades of verdure were reared on
the river-banks. King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table were
seen riding forth in quest of adventure; high-born ladies, clad as
nymphs and dryads, danced on the greensward by torchlight.[307] The
bridegroom gave his bride magnificent jewels, although Jeanne was never
seen in public, and did not even appear at the ball on the night before
the wedding. Finally, when all were assembled in the royal chapel, and
the King came to lead his niece to the altar, the little Princess,
weighed down by her costly jewels and gold and silver brocades, was
unable to walk. "Take her by the neck!" cried the impatient monarch to
Montmorency, and the Constable of France, not venturing to disobey the
royal command, lifted up the frightened child in his arms and bore her
to the altar before the eyes of the whole Court. As he did so he was
heard to mutter, "C'en est fini, de ma faveur, adieu lui dis!" and,
surely enough, the day after the wedding he received his dismissal, and
left Court, never to return during the lifetime of Francis.[308]
[Sidenote: JULY, 1541] CHRISTINA'S WEDDING]
The Duke had agreed, in order to satisfy the King and Queen of Navarre,
that the marriage should be merely formal, and consented to leave his
unwilling bride with her parents for another year. Accordingly, three
days later he bade them farewell, and rode, attended by a strong French
escort, through the Ardennes, and travelled down the Moselle and Rhine
to Cologne. As he passed through Luxembourg he saw the trained bands
gathering in force on the frontier, and heard that they were assembling
under Count Büren to meet his successful rival, Francis of Lorraine,
and bring him to Brussels for his wedding.[309]
Here great preparations had been made to do honour to the Emperor's
niece, and the guests came from far and wide. Christina's trousseau
was worthy of her exalted rank, and the Queen presented her with a
wonderful carcanet of rubies, diamonds, and emeralds, with pendants
of large pear-shaped pearls. The marriage was solemnized on Sunday,
the 10th of July, in the great hall where, twenty-six years before,
Isabella of Austria, had been married to the King of Denmark. Only two
of the foreign Ambassadors were absent from the wedding banquet--the
Englishmen Vaughan and Carne--a fact which naturally excited much
comment. King Henry changed colour when Chapuys told him of Christina's
marriage, and was at no pains to conceal his surprise and vexation.
He said repeatedly that he wondered how the Emperor could allow so
noble and renowned a Princess to marry the Marquis, when there could
be no doubt that Anne of Cleves was his lawful wife, and insisted
that this had been the chief reason of his own separation from this
lady. After the wedding he again referred to the incident, and told
Chapuys in confidence that the Duke of Lorraine had secretly made
over his rights on Guelders to the French King, and would never help
the Emperor against France, since Monseiur de Guise and the Cardinal
of Lorraine were entirely on the French side. Chapuys listened with
polite attention, and reported most of the King's conversation for the
amusement of the Court at Brussels.[310]
Here a series of fêtes took place after the wedding. A grand tournament
was held in front of the hôtel-de-ville, followed by the mock siege
of a fortress in the park, and a hunting-party in the Forest of
Soignies.[311]
On the 14th, the Duke and Duchess of Bar left Brussels to pay a round
of visits in the neighbourhood and "see the country," and on the 27th
the Queen went to meet them at the Duke of Aerschot's hunting-palace at
Heverlé, near Louvain, and spent several days there with the two other
newly-married couples, the Prince and Princess of Orange and the Prince
and Princess of Chimay.[312]
[Sidenote: AUG., 1541] A NOBLE LADY]
Finally, on the 1st of August, the bride and bridegroom set out on
their journey, attended by a brilliant company, which included the
Prince and Princess of Orange, the Duke of Aerschot, the Prince and
Princess of Chimay, the Counts of Berghen, Büren, and Brederode. They
travelled by slow stages, resting at Namur, Luxembourg, Thionville,
and Metz. Triumphal arches were erected over the gates of each city,
and the burghers came out in procession to greet the bride. At Metz
Christina was presented with an illuminated book on "Marriage," by the
Regent of the University, Édmond du Boullay, and the Chapter of Toul
offered her a gold cup, filled with 300 crowns, while the city gave her
200 crowns and ten barrels of choice wine.[313]
On the 8th the wedding-party reached Pont-à-Mousson, and found a
large family gathering waiting to receive them. A few days before
the Cardinal of Lorraine had joined the Duke and Duchess of Guise at
Joinville, and had accompanied them to Pont-à-Mousson, as Antoinette
wrote,
"in order to give our new Lady her first greeting and conduct
her to Nancy. Great preparations have been made to welcome
her, and there is to be some fine jousting. I will tell you if
there is anything worth writing, and must confess I am very
curious to see if the Marquis makes a good husband. At least
the country rejoices greatly at the coming of so noble and
excellent a lady."[314]
The Duchess of Guise had collected most of her family for the occasion,
and brought four of her sons--Aumale, Mayenne, Charles, Archbishop of
Reims, and Louis, Bishop of Troyes--to Pont-à-Mousson, as well as her
little grandson, the Duke of Longueville, the Queen of Scotland's son
by her first marriage. Duke Antoine and his younger son, Nicholas de
Vaudemont, Bishop of Metz, were also present, together with all the
chief nobles of Lorraine.
It was a strange meeting. Guise and his sons had often crossed swords
with the Prince of Orange and Aerschot, and the Duke had refused to
meet the Emperor on his memorable visit to Chantilly. Now he was
engaged in repairing the forts along the frontier in view of another
war, an occupation which had at least one merit in his wife's eyes,
and kept him longer at home than he had been for many years. All
alike, however, friends and foes, joined in giving the new Duchess a
hearty welcome, and drank joyously to the health and prosperity of the
illustrious pair.
At Pont-à-Mousson Francis took his bride to the convent of Poor Clares,
to see his grandmother, Philippa of Guelders, who had taken the veil
twenty years before, but still retained all her faculties, and was
the object of her sons' devoted affection. The Duke of Guise and his
wife constantly visited the good old lady, whose name appears so often
in Antoinette's letters, and who now embraced her new granddaughter
tenderly and gave the bridal pair her blessing. The next day Christina
entered Nancy, where immense crowds assembled to receive her, and
choirs of white-robed maidens welcomed her coming at the ancient
gateway of La Craffe. One quaint medieval practice which had lasted
until this century was dispensed with. It was the custom for a band
of peasants from the neighbouring village of Laxou, to beat the pools
in the marshes under the palace walls all through the night when the
Princes of Lorraine brought their brides home, to drive away the
frogs, whose croaking might disturb the ducal slumbers. But instead
of this, the peasant women of Laxou stood at the palace gates as the
Duchess alighted, and presented her with baskets of flowers and ripe
strawberries and cherries.[315]
[Sidenote: AUG., 1541] REJOICINGS AT NANCY]
A grand tournament was held the following morning, on the Place des
Dames in front of the ducal palace, in which many of the Flemish
nobles took part, and was followed by a state banquet and ball--"all
very sumptuously done," wrote Lord William Howard, the English
Ambassador.[316] Then the wedding festivities came to an end, the gay
party broke up, and the old city which was henceforth to be Christina's
home resumed its wonted air of sleepy tranquillity.
FOOTNOTES:
[243] Papiers d'État. 82. 20, Archives du Royaume, Bruxelles.
[244] Lanz, ii. 297; Calendar of State Papers, xiii. 2, 16.
[245] Lanz, ii. 289, 683.
[246] State Papers, Record Office, Henry VIII., i. 605; Calendar of
State Papers, xiv. 1, 192.
[247] Calendar of State Papers, xiv. 1, 348, 374.
[248] See Appendix; Papiers d'État, 82, 26, Archives du Royaume,
Bruxelles.
[249] Hubert Thomas, 376-390; Cust, "Gentlemen Errant," 377-379.
[250] "Zimmerische Chronik," ii. 547.
[251] H. Thomas, 396.
[252] Kaulek, 104.
[253] _Ibid._, 105.
[254] Calendar of State Papers, xiv. 2, 61; H. Thomas, 393-398.
[255] State Papers, Record Office, Henry VIII., i. 616; Calendar of
State Papers, xiv. 2, 54.
[256] Calendar of State Papers, xiv. 2, 66, 69, 94, 368.
[257] H. Thomas, 399-401; Kaulek, 136.
[258] Kaulek, 135.
[259] Calendar of State Papers, xiv. 2, 215; H. Thomas, 401.
[260] Calendar of State Papers, xiv. 2, 127, 232; Calendar of Spanish
State Papers, vi. 1, 200; Kaulek, 138, 139.
[261] Calendar of State Papers, xiv. 2, 127; Nott, ii. 399.
[262] Calendar of State Papers, xvi. 61; Henne, vi. 301-396.
[263] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 205.
[264] Bulletin de la Commission d'Histoire, série ii., 3, 490.
[265] Granvelle, "Papiers d'État," ii. 540; Calendar of State Papers,
xiv. 1, 437, 2, 193; Gachard, "Relation des Troubles de Gand," 258.
[266] Kaulek, 142; Nott, ii. 353.
[267] Gachard, 252.
[268] Gachard, 49.
[269] Henne, vii. 4; A. de Ruble, "Le Mariage de Jeanne d'Albret," 46;
R. de Bouillé, "Histoire des Ducs de Guise," i. 123.
[270] Gachard, 305.
[271] M. du Bellay, iv. 413.
[272] Granvelle, "Papiers d'État," ii. 562; Kaulek, 153.
[273] Gachard, 531.
[274] Gachard, 664-666.
[275] Calendar of State Papers, xv. 65.
[276] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 236, 237.
[277] Granvelle, "Papiers d'État," ii. 542.
[278] Nott, ii. 358.
[279] Nott, ii. 380, 391.
[280] Gachard, "Relation des Troubles de Gand," 65.
[281] Henne, vii. 40-90; Gachard, 67-70, 389.
[282] Lanz, ii. 308.
[283] Henne, vii. 282; Nott, ii. 418.
[284] Gachard, 65, 71.
[285] Nott, ii. 398.
[286] Nott, ii. 417; State Papers, Record Office, viii. 329.
[287] Calendar of State Papers, xv. 349, 367.
[288] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 336, 340, 354; Calendar of
State Papers, xv. 318.
[289] Calendar of State Papers, xv. 363, 390, 391.
[290] Kaulek, 191; State Papers, Record Office, viii. 386, 397, 412.
[291] L. Hugo, "Traité sur l'Origine de la Maison de Lorraine," 212.
[292] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 398.
[293] Pfister, "Histoire de Nancy," ii. 188.
[294] Balcarres Manuscripts, ii. 15, Advocates' Library, Edinburgh.
[295] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 444.
[296] Calendar of State Papers, Henry VIII., xvi. 1, 60.
[297] Balcarres Manuscripts, ii. 22.
[298] W. Bradford, "Itinerary of Charles V.," 517; State Papers, Record
Office, viii. 508.
[299] F. Decrue, "Montmorency à la Cour de François I.," i. 392.
[300] Gachard, "Voyages de Charles V.," ii. 167.
[301] A. Calmet, "Histoire de Lorraine," iii. 387.
[302] Balcarres Manuscripts, ii. 5 (see Appendix). The priests were
Antoinette's two sons, Charles, Archbishop of Reims, and Louis, both of
whom afterwards became Cardinals.
[303] Balcarres Manuscripts, ii. 153 (see Appendix).
[304] _Ibid._, ii. 157.
[305] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 609.
[306] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 550; Calendar of State Papers,
xv. 344, 362; A. de Ruble, "Mariage de Jeanne d'Albret," 83.
[307] M. du Bellay, "Mémoires," iv. 415.
[308] A. de Ruble, 118; F. Decrue, "Anne de Montmorency à la Cour de
François I.," 403.
[309] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 585.
[310] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vi. 1, 332, 349.
[311] Henne, vii. 282; Calendar of State Papers, xvi. 1, 470.
[312] Calendar of State Papers, xvi. 1, 508.
[313] J. B. Ravold, "Histoire de Lorraine," iii. 743; Hugo, 217; C.
Pfister, "Histoire de Nancy," ii. 192.
[314] Balcarres Manuscripts, ii. 4 (see Appendix).
[315] Pfister, ii. 63, 188; Ravold, iii. 703.
[316] State Papers, Record Office, viii. 609.