THE WIDOW OF MILAN
1535-1538
I.
Christina's short married life was over. At the end of eighteen months
she found herself a widow, before she had completed her fourteenth
year. But the brief interval which had elapsed since she left Flanders
had sufficed to turn the child into a woman. From the moment of the
Duke's death, her good sense and discretion won golden opinions from
the grey-headed statesmen around her. The senators and Ambassadors, the
deputies from Pavia and the other Lombard cities, who came to offer
their condolences, were deeply moved at the sight of this Princess,
whose heavy mourning and widow's weeds contrasted strangely with her
extreme youth. The dignity and grace of her bearing charmed them still
more, and all the Milanese asked was to keep their Duchess among
them. By the terms of the late Duke's investiture, if he died without
children, the duchy of Milan was to revert to the Emperor, but the city
of Tortona was settled on the Duchess. By Francesco's will the town and
Castello of Vigevano, which he had done so much to beautify, were also
bequeathed to her. Immediately after the Duke's funeral, in obedience
to his dying lord's order, Stampa hoisted the imperial standard on
the Castello of Milan, but refused to allow Antonio de Leyva to take
possession of the citadel until he received orders from Cæsar himself.
This was faithfully reported to the Emperor by Christina, who gave her
uncle a full account of the steps which she had taken to administer
affairs as her lord's representative, adding:
"If I have failed in any part of my duty or done anything
contrary to Your Majesty's wishes, I beg you to excuse my
ignorance, assuring you that I have acted by the advice of
my late husband's Councillors, and with no regard to my own
interests, but with the sole object of promoting Your Majesty's
honour and service, and remain
"Your very humble and obedient servant,
"CHRÉTIENNE.
"November 20, 1535."[128]
The messenger whom Stampa sent to Palermo on the day of the Duke's
death missed the Emperor, who had already left for Messina, and the
news did not reach him until he had landed in Calabria, on his way to
Naples. It was not till the 27th of November that a horseman bearing
letters from Cæsar arrived in Milan. Here intense anxiety prevailed
among all classes, and the Spaniards were as much hated as the Duke
and Duchess had been beloved. Accordingly, the relief was great when
it became known that, although Signor Antonio de Leyva was appointed
Governor-General, Stampa was to retain his post as Castellan, and the
Duchess was to remain in the Castello.
"The Duchess remains Duchess," wrote the chronicler, "and all
the other officials retain their places. Above all, Count
Massimiliano keeps his office, and the city is perfectly
quiet."[129]
[Sidenote: DEC., 1535] THE PRINCE OF PIEDMONT]
Stampa now made a last effort to maintain the independence of Milan.
He proposed that the widowed Duchess should be given in marriage to
the Duke of Savoy's eldest son, Louis, a Prince of her own age, who
was being educated at his imperial uncle's Court. A petition to this
effect, signed by Chancellor Taverna and all the leading senators, was
addressed to the Emperor, and Giovanni Paolo Sforza was sent to Rome to
meet His Majesty and obtain the Pope's support.
"Gian Paolo Sforza and Taverna," wrote the Venetian Envoy,
Lorenzo Bragadin, "have begged Cæsar to give the hand of his
niece, the widow, to the Duke of Savoy's son, and this is the
wish of all the people of Milan."[130]
Unfortunately, Giovanni Paolo fell ill on the journey, and breathed his
last in a village of the Apennines, and before Charles left Naples he
heard that the promising young Prince of Piedmont had died on Christmas
Day at Madrid. His brother, Emanuel Philibert, was a child of seven,
and although his ambitious mother, Duchess Beatrix, hastened to put
forward his claim, nothing more was heard of the scheme.
By this time another marriage for Christina was being seriously
discussed at the Imperial Court. Even before the Duke's death, the
French King had done his best to provoke a quarrel with him, and
had begun to make active preparations for war. Hardly had Francesco
breathed his last, than he openly renewed his old claim to Milan, and
sent an Ambassador to the Emperor at Naples, demanding the duchy for
his second son, Henry, Duke of Orleans, the husband of Catherine de'
Medici. This plan, which would have made the French supreme in North
Italy, could not be entertained for a moment, but Charles, in his
anxiety to avoid war, was ready to accept almost any other alternative.
When his sister Eleanor implored him to agree to her husband's
proposal, and, by way of cementing the alliance, give "the little widow
of Milan" in marriage to the King's third son, the Duke of Angoulême,
he replied that he would gladly treat of the proposed marriage, but
only on condition that Angoulême, not Orleans, was put in possession of
Milan.
The union of the French Prince with Christina now became the subject of
prolonged negotiations between the two Courts. The Imperial Chancellor,
Granvelle, drew up a long and careful memorandum, dwelling on the
obvious advantages of the scheme, on the virtues and charms of the
young Duchess, on her large dowry and great popularity in Milan, and
Charles told Francis plainly that he would agree to no scheme by which
the widowed Duchess was removed from the State, "where she was so much
beloved and honoured, and where the people placed all their hopes of
tranquillity in her presence." One great object of these negotiations,
he wrote, "is to find a noble and suitable husband for our niece, the
Widow of Milan, who is to us almost a daughter, and who has always
shown herself so discreet and so obedient to our wishes."[131]
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1536] MANY SUITORS]
Both the Pope and the Venetians supported this scheme as the best
means of avoiding war and preserving the independence of Milan. At
the same time Pope Paul did not fail to put in a plea for his own
kinsman, the son of his niece Cecilia Farnese, and Count Bosio Sforza,
a descendant of Francesco I.'s half-brother. Bosio had been a loyal
supporter of the late Duke, but died soon after Christina's marriage,
leaving a son of fifteen, who was brought up at the Court of Milan.
The Pope himself addressed a grateful letter to Christina, thanking
her for the kindness which she had shown the boy, and throwing out a
hint that a marriage with her young Sforza cousin might be possible.
Another husband whom Granvelle proposed for her was Duke Alexander
of Florence, but, fortunately, Charles decided to give him his own
illegitimate daughter Margaret, and Christina thus escaped union with
this reckless and profligate Prince, who was soon afterwards murdered
by his kinsman.[132] Meanwhile the Scottish Ambassadors at the French
Court made proposals to the Emperor on behalf of their King, James
V., who had not yet made up his mind to wed Magdalen of Valois, and
these negotiations were only interrupted by the high-handed action of
King Henry's new favourite, Thomas Cromwell. Thus, a few weeks after
the Duke of Milan's death his widow's hand had become the subject of
animated controversy in all the Courts of Europe.[133]
But while others were negotiating the French were arming. On the 6th of
March, the first day of Carnival, news reached Milan that a French army
had crossed the Alps. The strong citadel of Montmélian was betrayed by
the treachery of a Neapolitan captain, and after a gallant defence the
Duke of Savoy was compelled to evacuate Turin, and take refuge with
his wife and children at Vercelli. All hope of peace was now over, and,
in a consistory held in the Vatican on the 8th of April, the Emperor
appealed to the Pope to bear witness how earnestly he had tried to
prevent war, and how fruitless his efforts had proved. At Granvelle's
suggestion, he determined to carry the war into the enemy's country,
and, following in the steps of Charles VIII., crossed the Apennines,
and marched by the Emilian Way and along the banks of the Po towards
Asti.
[Sidenote: MAY, 1536] MEETING WITH CHARLES V.]
The dread of a French invasion had united all parties in Milan. The
citizens forgot their hatred of the Spaniards in their terror of
another siege, and cheerfully submitted to fresh taxes to pay the
defending army. It was a late spring that year in Lombardy, the weather
was bitterly cold, and by the end of April the vines had only put forth
tiny shoots, and the roses were not yet in flower. Nothing was heard
in the streets but the din of approaching warfare, and the tramp of
armed _Landsknechten_ marching from Tyrol on their way to the frontier.
But in the last days of April Christina's dull life was brightened by
the sudden arrival of the Duchess of Savoy, who fled from the camp at
Vercelli to take refuge in the Castello of Milan. Times were altered
since the two Princesses had met at Turin, and the Duchess Beatrix, who
had welcomed the little bride so warmly, was sadly changed in body and
mind. She had lost her eldest son, and been driven out of her home by
foreign invaders, never to return there again in her lifetime. With her
she brought her two remaining children, the little Princess Catherine
and Emanuel Philibert, who was one day to become famous as the bravest
captain in Europe. And she also brought a treasure which excited the
utmost enthusiasm among the Milanese--the Holy Shroud of St. Joseph of
Arimathea, which had been preserved for centuries at Chambéry. Crowds
flocked to the Duomo when Beatrix's Franciscan confessor preached,
in the hope of seeing the precious Shroud; but the Duchess would not
allow the relic to leave the Castello, and on the 7th it was exposed
on the ramparts to the view of an enormous multitude assembled in the
piazza.[134]
A week later Francesco Sforza's cousin, Ferrante Gonzaga, and the Duke
of Savoy, came to Milan, but soon left for the camp. Beatrix then
obtained permission to pay the Emperor a visit on his journey north,
and by Charles's express request took Christina with her. On the 18th
of May the magistrates of Pavia received orders from the Duchess of
Milan's _maggiordomo_, Benedetto da Corte, to prepare lodgings for
Her Excellency and the Duchess of Savoy, as near to each other as
possible.[135] The Castello of Pavia had suffered terribly in the siege
by Lautrec in 1528, but a few rooms were hastily furnished, and on the
20th Beatrix and Christina arrived, escorted by Count Massimiliano and
several courtiers. Early on the following morning the two Duchesses
rode out to Arena on the Po, where they found the Emperor awaiting
them. Charles was unfeignedly glad to see both his sister-in-law and
the niece whom he had left as a child at Brussels four years before,
and welcomed them affectionately.[136] But the interview was a short
one, and the next day he continued his journey to Asti, where he joined
Antonio de Leyva and Ferrante Gonzaga, and prepared to invade Provence.
[Sidenote: OCT., 1536] CARDINAL CARACCIOLO]
Meanwhile Beatrix and Christina returned to Milan, and spent the summer
together in the Castello. A close friendship sprang up between the two
Duchesses. Beatrix took a motherly interest in her young companion, and
the children's presence helped to cheer these anxious months. At first
the Emperor's arms were entirely successful. The French retired before
him to Avignon, laying the country waste, and he met with no opposition
until he reached Aix, which resisted all his attacks. During the long
siege which followed, his soldiers suffered severely from disease and
famine, and many youths of the noblest Milanese families were among
the victims.[137] Early in September, while Christina's own secretary,
Belcorpo, was robbed and murdered on his way to the camp, Antonio de
Leyva, the redoubtable Commander-in-Chief, died, and was buried in S.
Eustorgio at Milan. The Papal Legate, Cardinal Caracciolo, a Neapolitan
by birth, was appointed to succeed him as Viceroy of Milan. He had
only just assumed the reins of office, and paid his first visit to the
young Duchess, when he received a summons from the Emperor to join him
at Genoa. Finding it impossible to reduce Aix, Charles had determined
to abandon the campaign, and on the 16th of November a three months'
truce was signed between the two monarchs. The Emperor was anxious to
return to Spain, where his presence was sorely needed. But before his
departure he sent for the Cardinal, desiring him to leave some trusty
lieutenant to govern the State in his absence, and take charge of his
niece the Duchess. Accordingly, Caracciolo went to Genoa on the 4th of
October, accompanied by Beatrix of Savoy, who, after a long interview
with the Emperor, joined her husband at Nice, the only city which
still belonged to him. Soon after this her health gave way under the
prolonged strain, and this once brilliant and beautiful woman died in
January, 1538, as she said herself, of a broken heart.
Christina, now left alone at Milan, wrote a long letter to the
Cardinal, whom she addressed in the language of a caressing child,
saying that he was dear to her as a father, and seeking his help for
two objects which lay very near her heart.
"The true affection," she writes, "which Your Excellency has
shown me, and the kind remembrance of me which you always keep,
makes me anxious for your health and welfare. So I beg you to
tell me how you have prospered on your journey, and if you are
well in health."
She then begs her friend the Cardinal to use his influence with the
Emperor on behalf of her sister Dorothea, "the person now nearest and
dearest to her on earth," who is in need of her powerful uncle's help.
Probably the Palatine was, as usual, endeavouring to recover arrears
of the pension due to him by the Emperor, and to obtain compensation
for the costs which he had incurred in the disastrous expedition
against Copenhagen. Hubert had lately been sent to Charles with this
object, and had at the same time suggested that, if the Emperor needed
a Viceroy for Milan, no one could be more suitable than his lord. But
whatever the precise object of Dorothea's request may have been,
Christina's intercession, it is to be feared, availed her little.
The Duchess's other petition was more easily granted.
"As a whole year," she wrote, "will soon have elapsed since the
death of my dearest husband, of blessed memory, I beg you to
entreat His Majesty, in my name, to be pleased to give orders
that this anniversary may be observed in a due and fitting
manner. And I am quite certain that he will not refuse to hear
this my prayer."[138]
It would indeed have been impossible for the Emperor to refuse so
reasonable a request, and the anniversary of the late Duke's death was
observed with due ceremonial in all the churches of Milan. But the days
of the young Duchess's abode in this city were fast drawing to a close.
Before Charles left Italy he had determined to place a strong Spanish
garrison in the Castello, to defend Milan against the risk of a French
invasion, and had only delayed to take this step from fear of exciting
discontent in the city. Stampa had hitherto succeeded in warding off
the blow, but now he was forced to bow to the imperial command, and
surrender the Castello to a foreign captain.
Charles, it must be owned, did his best to soften the blow. He made the
Count a present of the rich fief of Soncino in the province of Cremona,
and sent him as a parting gift the costly plate which had belonged to
the late Duke, with a cordial invitation to follow him to Spain. But we
see, from a letter which Stampa's friend Aretino sent him, how sorely
this vexed his noble heart.
[Sidenote: DEC., 1536] ARETINO'S COMFORT]
"I will not grieve, my illustrious friend," wrote the
time-serving Venetian, "if you have to give up the Castello,
which you held for love of His Excellency, of happy memory,
because to my mind it was a prison for your genius. Dry your
tears, and console yourself with the reflection that now at
least you are a free man. His Majesty is relieved from the
jealousy of his Spanish servants, and you are saved from
further anxieties on this subject. Now you can, if you choose,
follow him to Spain, and lay down your office with honour
unstained, and then return to Milan to live in freedom and
contentment."[139]
This was poor comfort for Massimiliano, but the Emperor's will was
not to be gainsaid, and the Count could only lay down his office and
take leave of the young Duchess, assuring her of his undying loyalty
and faithfulness. Charles had not forgotten his niece, and before he
sailed for Barcelona on the 15th of November he sent one of his oldest
and most trusted servants, Jean de Montmorency, Sieur de Courrières,
the Captain of the Archers' Guard, to take charge of the Duchess, and
eventually conduct her to Flanders. But while negotiations for her
second marriage were still pending, it was felt desirable that she
should remain in Lombardy; and since the Castello would no longer be a
fit place for her, Montmorency was ordered to escort her to Pavia. On
the 10th of December, 1536, De Courrières arrived with fifty archers of
the Imperial Guard, and, after a brief consultation with the Cardinal
and Stampa, decided to take the Duchess to Pavia without delay.[140]
The leaves of the trees in the gardens were turning yellow, and a pale
wintry sun shone down on the Castello, which Christina had first seen
in the joyous May-time, when a little procession of black-robed ladies,
with their attendants, issued from the Rocchetta, and mounted the
horses and litters in waiting for them. A few bystanders saluted them
reverently, and followed them with wistful eyes as they rode out of the
gates, down the street leading to the Porta Ticinese, until they were
out of sight.
A few days later Count Massimiliano Stampa marched out of the Castello
at the head of his troops, and gave up the keys, which he had received
from the last Sforza Duke, to the Spanish Captain Alvarez de Luna,
who entered the gates amid the curses and groans of the citizens.
Henceforth the life of Milan as an independent State was over, and the
yoke of Spain descended on the ancient capital of Lombardy.
II.
[Sidenote: DEC., 1536] A PALACE IN RUINS]
The city of Pavia had always been loyal to the House of Sforza. In
no part of the duchy was there greater rejoicing on the restoration
of Duke Francesco II.; nowhere was his premature death more deeply
lamented. Several of Christina's most faithful servants were natives of
Pavia; among others, Benedetto da Corte, the master of her household,
and Bottigella, who had been so active in the preparations for her
reception. Now the people of Pavia welcomed her coming warmly, and
exerted themselves to see that nothing was lacking to her comfort. But
the city and Castello had suffered terribly in the protracted struggle
with France. The palace which had been the pride of the Sforza Dukes
was stripped of its fairest treasures. The frescoes and tapestries
were destroyed, the famous library was now in the castle of Blois,
and a great part of the walls had been thrown down by French guns and
allowed to crumble to pieces. So dilapidated was the state of the
building that it was difficult to find habitable rooms for the Duchess
and her suite.
On the 21st of December, ten days after Christina's arrival, she
was forced to address a request to the chief magistrate, Lodovico
Pellizone, begging that her bedroom might be supplied with a wooden
ceiling, as the room was lofty and bitterly cold in this winter season.
Pellizone wrote without delay to the Governor of Milan, but received
no reply, and on New Year's Day Montmorency himself wrote to remind
the Cardinal of the Duchess's request, urging that the work might
be done without delay, and putting in a plea for a better provision
of mattresses to accommodate the members of her household. Still no
redress was obtained, and at length the Captain of the Archers took the
law into his own hands, and sent for carpenters to panel the Duchess's
bedroom.[141] But in spite of these drawbacks, in spite of the wind
that whistled through the long corridors and the comfortless air of the
empty halls, Christina's health and spirits were excellent. Her spirits
quickly recovered their natural buoyancy in these new surroundings, her
eyes shone with the old brightness, and the sound of merry laughter
was once more heard in the spacious halls and desolate gardens. On
the 3rd of January, only two days after Montmorency addressed his
fruitless remonstrance to the Viceroy, Christina herself wrote a
letter to the same illustrious personage in a very different strain.
She had, it appears, seen a very handsome white horse in the hostelry
of the Fountain in Pavia, and was seized with a passionate desire to
have the palfrey for her own use. So she wrote in the most persuasive
language to her good Father the Cardinal, begging his leave to buy the
horse, which she is convinced will suit her exactly. But, since she
fears that her monthly allowance will not suffice to defray the cost,
she begs His Eminence to advance the necessary sum, and charge it to
the extraordinary expenses for which she is not responsible. This
letter, written in her large round hand, was sent to Milan by one of
the Duchess's lackeys, with the words "Cito, cito" on the cover, and
an urgent plea for an immediate answer.[142] The kindly old Cardinal,
who had a soft side for the youthful Princess, could hardly refuse so
pressing a request, and Christina probably bought the white horse, and
had the pleasure of mounting it when she rode out to visit the friars
of the Certosa or hunted in their park.
[Sidenote: FEB., 1537] THE EMPEROR'S SERVANT]
She had another good friend and devoted servant in the Sieur de
Courrières--Monsignor di Corea, as he was called in Italy. This
gallant gentleman had grown up in close intimacy with the Emperor from
his boyhood. He accompanied Charles to Spain as cupbearer, and was
appointed Captain of the Archers' Guard on attaining his majority.
In 1535 he followed his master to Africa at the head of a chosen
band of archers, fifty of whom remained with him as an escort for
the Duchess. By Charles's orders, he sent constant reports to His
Majesty from Pavia. The correspondence fills a whole volume, and is
extremely interesting if only because it shows the familiarity with
which the great Emperor treated his old servant, and the freedom which
Montmorency allowed himself in addressing his master.
On the 15th of February, Charles wrote from Valladolid, thanking
De Courrières cordially for the services which he had rendered the
Duchess, approving highly of her residence at Pavia, and promising
to pay for the maintenance of his archers. He alludes pleasantly to
Montmorency's meeting with another of his confidential servants,
Simonet, whom he had left at Milan.
"Simonet was right to put off his return to Flanders until the
worst rigours of winter were over, and was fortunate in meeting
you, for old folks of the same country are very glad to meet
in foreign lands, even if they are not natives of Brabant.
Farewell, _cher et féal_, for the present, and God have you in
His holy keeping!"
Five weeks later he wrote again, expressing his satisfaction at hearing
of his dear niece's health and happiness, and saying how entirely he
trusted Montmorency to provide for her comfort.
"At the same time," he continued, "we cannot help feeling, both
with regard to the Duchess's widowed condition and the troubled
state of Italy, that she would be better with our sister, the
Queen of Hungary, in our own country, _par-deça_, where some
suitable marriage might be found for her. Accordingly we have
written to our sister on the subject, and desired Cardinal
Caracciolo to make all needful preparation for her journey.
You had better see that she has a proper escort and all else
that is necessary to her comfort, without making these things
public, until we hear from our sister."[143]
Mary on her part was most anxious for her niece's return, and lost no
time in letting Charles know how impatiently she expected her. But,
with characteristic dilatoriness, the Imperial Council, which met at
Monzone on the 2nd of June, pronounced that it was highly expedient
for the Widow of Milan to go to Flanders, but that the Queen's wishes
must first of all be consulted.[144] Meanwhile Count Massimiliano
Stampa returned from Spain with instructions from the Emperor to
make arrangements for the Duchess's journey with the Cardinal and
Montmorency, and Charles wrote again to beg the Captain to start
without delay. But this, as Montmorency replied, was not so easy. Three
months' pay was due to his men, and in his penniless condition it was
hard to provide them with food or their horses with fodder.
"I will do my utmost, Sire," he wrote on the 15th of June, "but
some things are impossible. As I told you when you left me at
Genoa, six months' wages were due to me, and I can only beg you
to have pity on your poor Captain; for we are in sore straits,
and you alone can help us, for, as the Scripture saith, _Tua
est potentia_."
At the same time, like the brave soldier that he was, the writer cannot
refrain from expressing his joy at the good news of the capture of S.
Pol, which had just arrived from Flanders.
[Sidenote: AUG., 1537] CAPTAIN OF THE ARCHERS]
"Sire, I hear grand news from S. Pol, and am sure, when you
return to your Low Countries, you will find that the Queen
has been very vigilant in charge of your affairs, and will be
welcomed by very humble and loyal subjects. But you will have
something to say to the citizens of Ghent, for I fear those
gentlemen are not as wise as they might be. Sire, I hear that,
after the surrender of Hesdin, your sister the Queen of France
came to the camp in rich attire, with a number of ladies all
in white. Such insolence cannot last long, as S. Pol--both the
town and the Apostle--bear witness. I hear that Madame the new
Duchesse d'Étampes was nowhere. _Sic transit gloria mundi._ All
this Latin is to show Your Majesty that I have not wasted my
time in Pavia, any more than Don Beltrami did at Louvain. Once
more I beg you to have pity on _La Chrétiennete_, who needs
your help more than ever."
But the summer months went by, and still no orders and no money came
from Spain. Pavia became unhealthy, and the Duchess and all the members
of her household fell ill of fever.
"Hardly one has escaped," wrote Montmorency on the 22nd of
August, "but now, thank God, my Lady has recovered, and I am
trying to raise money to carry out your orders, although I fear
my purse is not long enough to feed my poor archers."[145]
A month later the Captain went to Milan to expedite matters, but as
yet could hear nothing from Spain, and on his return to Pavia early in
October, he addressed long remonstrances both to Charles and Granvelle.
"Sire," wrote the irate Captain, "I have been ordered to take
my Lady Duchess to Flanders, but not a word has been said as
to the route that I am to take. Since it is your pleasure, it
shall be done; but if any harm comes to her in Germany, seeing
the poor escort we shall have, who will be to blame? My fear is
that, as we pass through the duchy of Würtemberg, the Duke's
son may fall upon us with his _Landsknechten_, and my Lady
would certainly not be a bad match for him! Your Majesty has
not given me a single letter or warrant for the journey, and
has not written me a word. And when I get _par-deça_, I know
not what I am to do or say. My Lady, too, is much surprised
not to have received a letter from Your Majesty before her
departure, but of this, of course, I have no right to speak."
In a postscript he adds that he has raised 500 gold crowns, and given
each of his men 10 crowns to buy new saddles, as they hope to start on
the 15th of October. He ends by humbly reminding His Majesty that he is
growing old, and is almost fifty, and that if he does not soon take a
wife it will be too late.
"All this coming and going ages a man, and before long I shall
be as wrinkled as the rest. So when I reach the Queen, I hope
some little token of honour may be given me, that men may see
Your Majesty has not wholly forgotten me. And you will, I hope,
tell me what I am to do when I have taken Her Excellency to
Flanders, as I have written to Granvelle repeatedly, and had
no answer, but suppose he is busy with great affairs. And I
pray that all prosperity may attend Your Majesty, and that this
year, which has begun so well, may end by seeing you back in
Piedmont."[146]
[Sidenote: OCT., 1537] CHRISTINA'S DEPARTURE]
On the 14th of October Christina herself wrote to inform the Emperor of
her intended departure, and of the good order of her affairs, thanks to
the Cardinal and Seigneur de Courrières. "We hope to start to-morrow,
and travel by way of Mantua and Trent, and through Germany, taking
whichever seems to be the shortest and safest route." There had, it
appears, been much discussion over the revenues assigned to the Duchess
as her dower, and in the end she was deprived of the town and Castello
of Vigevano, which the Duke had left her by his will. But by the terms
of her marriage contract she remained absolute mistress of the city of
Tortona, and informed the Emperor that, acting on the advice of the
Cardinal, as Lady of Tortona, she had appointed a certain Gabriele
Panigarola to be Governor of the town, and begged his approval. At
the same time she sent her uncle a memorial, drawn up by Montmorency,
explaining that, since she had not received the arrears of her dowry,
she was not able to pay her servants, and had been forced to contract
many debts at Pavia, and to spend money on the repair of the rooms
which she occupied in the Castello.
Many last requests were addressed to the Duchess by the poor and needy
whom she had befriended, and from her own servants, who with one
voice begged to be allowed to follow her to Flanders. One of the most
pressing came from an old Milanese couple, whose son, Niccolò Belloni,
was Christina's secretary, and at their earnest prayer she decided
to allow the young man to remain in her service as one of the four
Italians who accompanied her to Flanders by the Emperor's orders. And
the last letter which the Duchess wrote to the Cardinal, on the eve of
her departure, was to plead for a community of noble ladies in Pavia
who were reduced to dire poverty owing to the late wars, and begged
humbly for a remission of taxes.[147] During the ten months which she
had spent at Pavia the young Duchess had made herself beloved by all
classes of people, and her departure was lamented by the whole city.
III.
[Sidenote: OCT., 1537] "EN VOYAGE"]
On the 15th of October Christina and her suite left Pavia, and started
on their long-deferred journey to Flanders. When she first set foot in
Italy as a bride, three and a half years before, the Lombard plains
were in the first flush of spring, roses and myrtles were breaking
into bloom, and the flowers sprang up under her feet. Now the autumn
rains fell in such torrents that Cardinal Caracciolo was seriously
alarmed, and wrote to Benedetto da Corte and Monsignore di Corea,
asking if it might not be well to delay their departure. The first
idea had been to go from Pavia to Cremona in a single day, but the bad
roads and swollen rivers increased the difficulties of travel, and the
Cardinal wrote to implore Messer Benedetto and Corea not to undertake
such long journeys, lest the Duchess should be overtired. So the party
only rode as far as Codogno, the castle of Count Gaspare Trivulzio,
where he and his beautiful wife, Deianira, received them joyfully,
and entertained them "as magnificently as if they had been invited to
a wedding." Christina's lady-in-waiting, the Princess of Macedonia,
rejoiced to be under her daughter's roof, and Benedetto da Corte wrote
to tell the Cardinal that nothing could exceed the splendour and
hospitality of Count Gaspare's reception. On the 18th the travellers
rode along the plains flooded by the swollen Po till they reached
Cremona, the dower city of Bianca Visconti, where she had been married
to the great Condottiere Francesco Sforza, and which had clung with
unswerving loyalty to the fortunes of his house. Here the Castellan
came out to meet the Duchess, at the head of the chief citizens, and
escorted her to the Castello under the shadow of the famous Torrazza,
where she and all her suite found the best of cheer. The next morning
the travellers resumed their way, and crossed the rushing Oglio, under
the castle of the Gonzagas of Bozzolo, and rode along the green meadows
by Castiglione's country home, where his aged mother was still living.
The great courtier's name was familiar to all Charles V.'s servants,
and Montmorency, who had known him in Spain, may have paused to look at
the fair sepulchral chapel which Giulio Romano had lately reared in the
pilgrimage church of S. Maria delle Grazie. At Mantua another splendid
welcome awaited Christina. The Gonzaga Princes never forgot their close
relationship to the Sforzas, and while the reigning Duchess welcomed
the Princess of Macedonia as a kinswoman, the old Marchesana, Isabella,
rejoiced to embrace her nephew's wife, and looked with affection on
this youthful Duchess who bore the same title as her long-lost Beatrice.
The next morning Benedetto da Corte sent the Cardinal a glowing
account of their journey, which, in spite of the weather, had been one
triumphal progress:
"REVERENDISSIMO,
"Her Excellency arrived safely here at Mantua yesterday with
all her company, horses, and carriages, and was received
most royally, as has, indeed, been the case in every place
where we have halted on our way. Her whole household has been
entertained with the best fare, and with little damage to our
purses.... The kindness with which we have been received has
made these perpetual rains tolerable. We are quite accustomed
to them, and shall not be afraid of the next tempest! We are
resting here on this sixth day of our journey at the entreaty
of these illustrious Princes. On Sunday, please God, we shall
reach Verona, and I have sent to ask the Governor to prepare
convenient lodgings for Her Excellency. His Reverence the
Cardinal of Trent has sent a messenger here to-night to inquire
how many we number, and so we go on gaily from stage to stage.
Once we have reached Trent, we shall seem to be in sight of
the Rhine, and can pursue our way at less peril to our lives,
and, let us hope, to the greater advantage of His Majesty's
service. I kiss Your Reverence's hand, and so also does
Monsignore di Corea.
"BENEDETTO DA CORTE.
"Mantova, October 20."[148]
[Sidenote: OCT., 1537] THE CARDINAL OF TRENT]
The Cardinal's worst anxieties were relieved by the receipt of
Benedetto's letter, and he sent a reply to the Castle of Trent thanking
him and Monsignore di Corea for their trouble, and expressing great
satisfaction to hear of their prosperous journey. The travellers now
turned their steps northwards, and, after spending a night in the city
of the Scaligeri, followed the Adige through the rocky defile known
as La Chiusa di Verona. As they passed through the fortified gates at
the farther end of the ravine, a salute from the guns made them aware
that they had entered Austrian territory. A few miles farther they
were met by the Cardinal-Bishop, Bernhard von Clès, who had ridden out
with a great train to welcome the Duchess. A strong Imperialist no
less than an active reformer, Bernhard von Clès had been raised to the
cardinalate at Charles's coronation, and was now Vice-Chancellor of the
Empire.[149] He had lately received a visit from Christina's uncle,
King Ferdinand, and his wife, Anna, who honoured his niece's wedding
with their presence, and the sumptuous rooms which they had occupied
were now placed at Christina's disposal. "Nothing was lacking," wrote
Benedetto da Corte, "which could please the eye or delight the mind."
The splendour of the episcopal palace and the open-handed liberality of
the Cardinal made a great impression on Montmorency, who wrote himself
to tell the Cardinal how well Madama had borne the journey.
"I cannot tell you," he adds, "how splendidly Monsignor
Reverendissimo has received the Duchess, and how sumptuously he
has feasted us. Here we mean to rest all to-day, and to-morrow
we will pursue our journey with the utmost diligence."
But so pressing was the Cardinal, and so luxurious were the quarters
provided for them, that the travellers remained at Trent several days,
and only resumed their journey on the 27th of October.
The most arduous part of the way now lay before them, and Benedetto
describes how they harnessed the mules to the chariot in order that
the Duchess and her ladies might drive across the Brenner Pass, at
least as far as Innsbruck. Montmorency was in some doubt as to the
route which the Duchess had better take through Germany, but, much to
his satisfaction, he found the long-expected letter from the Emperor
awaiting him at Innsbruck. It was written from Monzone on the last day
of October, a fortnight after Christina had left Pavia. Charles put the
blame of his delay on the Queen of Hungary's shoulders, and, since it
was too late to wait for her directions, bade him consult the Cardinal
of Trent as to their future journey.
"If you have already left Trent, you had better go on either
by road or else by the Rhine. If you are at Innsbruck, you can
take advice from the King our brother or from Dr. Matthias
Held"--one of Ferdinand's most trusted German Councillors--"and
choose whichever route they consider the safest. If you have
received no letters from the Queen, you had better send a
messenger to Flanders, and we will inform you as soon as we
know her pleasure regarding our niece's future plans."
In conclusion the Emperor tells Montmorency that he is sending the
letters patent for which he asked, although they are hardly necessary,
and has already told the Queen to refund all the expenses which he has
incurred, and to be mindful of his great and long services.[150]
The travellers spent some time at Innsbruck in the ancient castle which
is still adorned with the Sforza arms, and Christina saw the superb
monument erected by her great-grandfather Maximilian in the church
hard by. Ferdinand and his wife and daughters were in Vienna, but the
route which Montmorency chose was that followed by most travellers,
along the Lake of Constance and down the Rhine to Spires. From the
first Christina had been very anxious to visit her sister Dorothea on
her journey north, and she succeeded in obtaining her uncle's consent
to this arrangement. The two Princesses had not met since Christina
left Brussels in the spring of 1534, and Dorothea was no less impatient
to see her sister. Even before the travellers reached Trent, they met
two Genoese merchants, who told Montmorency that on their way through
Germany they had seen the Count Palatine Frederic and Madama la
Principessa, his wife, with a great company, on their way to Heidelberg
to await the Duchess's coming. When, in November, the travellers at
length reached Heidelberg, they found themselves impatiently expected,
and Christina received the warmest welcome from the Elector Palatine
and his family.
[Sidenote: DEC., 1537] AT HOME AGAIN]
Festivities such as Frederic and Dorothea took delight in--jousting,
banquets, and dances--followed each other in rapid succession, and the
castle blazed with innumerable torches through the winter nights.
It was a great change from the funereal blackness of the Castello of
Milan and the desolate halls of Pavia, and the young Duchess enjoyed it
to the full. The days sped by all too quickly, and so happy were the
sisters in each other's company that the Elector invited Christina to
stay over Christmas. The young Duchess accepted the proposal gleefully,
and all were preparing to spend a joyous festival, when Montmorency
received peremptory orders from the Queen-Regent to bring her niece
forthwith to Flanders. After this no delays were possible. The sisters
parted sadly from each other, and the travellers once more took boat
and sailed down the Rhine to Cologne.
From here it was an easy journey to Aix-la-Chapelle, and through the
friendly State of Cleves to Maestricht, and thence to Louvain and
Brussels. On the 8th of December Christina set foot once more in the
ancient palace of the Dukes of Brabant, and was clasped in her aunt's
arms. Ten days afterwards she wrote a letter to inform the Emperor
of her safe arrival, and of "the good and loving welcome" which she
had received from "Madame my aunt." She begged His Majesty to keep
her still in his remembrance, and signed herself, "Your humble niece,
Chrétienne."[151]
She was at home once more among her own people, and all the strange
sights and scenes, all the wonderful experiences which she had known,
in these four eventful years, seemed to fade away like a dream. But she
had left Flanders a child, and she came back a woman.
IV.
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1537] THE CLEVES MARRIAGE]
Christina's return was impatiently awaited at Brussels. The courtiers
who remembered her mother, and had known her as a child, were eager
to see the young Duchess, whose courage and wisdom had been shown in
such trying circumstances. All through the summer her coming had been
expected, and the Regent was seriously annoyed at the prolonged delays
which had hindered her niece's departure from Milan. Her heart yearned
over the child from whom she had parted with so much reluctance. More
than this, she had in her mind's eye a second husband ready for the
young Duchess. This was William, the only son and heir of the reigning
Duke of Cleves. A handsome and well-educated young man of twenty-two,
the young Duke had not yet developed that fatal weakness of purpose
which proved his bane, and was to all appearances an excellent match
for the Emperor's niece. The political advantages of the union were
obvious. Duke John had married the heiress of Jülich and Bergh, and
reigned over three rich and peaceful provinces on the Lower Rhine. He
had always been on friendly terms with the Emperor, and when, a few
months after the Duke of Milan's death, he asked for the young widow's
hand on behalf of his son, Mary welcomed these advances gladly, and
hastened to communicate them to the Emperor.[152] At first Charles
replied coolly that, if the marriage with Angoulême could not be
arranged, the proposals made by the King of Scotland or Cleves might be
entertained. In October, 1536, Mary sent a confidential messenger, La
Tiloye, to Genoa to learn the Emperor's pleasure in the matter, but
nothing further was done. After the fresh outbreak of war in 1537, and
the invasion of Artois by the French, Charles became more alive to the
importance of the question, and wrote to his sister from Spain, saying
that he had ordered the Widow of Milan to go to the Low Countries, and
hoped she would proceed at once to the conclusion of the marriage with
Cleves.[153]
At that moment all Mary's energies were absorbed in the struggle with
France. She herself went to Lille to superintend military operations,
and appeared on horseback in the trenches before Thérouenne, where her
courage excited the admiration of John Hutton, the English Ambassador.
"Let the King but tarry fifteen days," she exclaimed, "and I will show
him what God may strengthen a woman to do!" But, in spite of these
brave words, Mary, as Hutton soon discovered, was sincerely desirous
to end the war. "The Queen's anxiety for peace," he wrote home, "is as
great as her ardour in war."[154] She knew the straits to which the
Emperor was reduced and the exhaustion of the Treasury. "The poverty
of this country is so great," she wrote to Charles on the 9th of June,
"that it is impossible to provide necessary funds for the war. We must
have peace, or we are lost."[155] Under these circumstances she lent a
willing ear to her sister Queen Eleanor's advances, and the two sisters
had the satisfaction of arranging a truce at Bomy, a village near
Thérouenne. The siege of this city was raised, the French evacuated the
towns which they held, and on the 10th of September peace was ratified
by the Emperor at Monzone.
[Sidenote: JAN., 1538] THE SUCCESSION OF GUELDERS]
Mary felt that she could once more breathe freely. She lost no time
in renewing negotiations with the Duke of Cleves, and the proposed
marriage became the talk of the Court. "The Queen," wrote Hutton,
on the 2nd of September, from Bruges, where Mary was hunting after
her wont and spending all day in the saddle, "looketh daily for the
Duchess of Milan, who shall be married to the Duke of Cleves's son and
heir."[156] A month later the Cleves Envoys arrived at Brussels, and,
after repeated interviews with the Queen and her Council, returned,
well satisfied, to obtain their master's consent to the terms of the
contract. The news spread rapidly, and was reported by Ambassadors
from Spain and Germany, from Rome and Paris, with the same unanimity.
Suddenly an unexpected event altered the face of affairs. Charles of
Egmont, the fiery old Duke of Guelders, who had for many years been
the Emperor's bitter enemy, fell ill, and, feeling his end to be near,
summoned the Estates of his realm to choose a successor. Since he had
no issue, his own wish was to leave his States to the French King; but
his subjects positively refused to be handed over to a foreign Power,
and chose the young Duke William of Cleves, who hastened to visit
Nimeguen, where he was acclaimed by his future subjects. This was a
clear breach of faith, since, by the treaty concluded a year before
with the Emperor, Guelders was to pass into his hands at Charles of
Egmont's death, and the ancient rights to the duchy which the House
of Cleves formerly claimed had been already sold to the Dukes of
Burgundy.[157] Mary's indignation was great. She wrote angrily to tell
William of Cleves that Guelders was the property of the Emperor, and
that if he persevered in his pretensions all idea of his marriage
to her niece must be abandoned. The young Duke returned a courteous
answer, saying that nothing could be farther from his thoughts than a
breach of loyalty to the Emperor, and professing the utmost anxiety
for the marriage. At the same time the old Duke's action excited great
annoyance in Lorraine, where his nephew, the reigning Duke Anthony,
claimed to be heir to Guelders, through his mother, Philippa of Egmont.
An attempt to pacify him by reviving a former marriage contract between
his son Francis and the Duke of Cleves's daughter Anne met with no
encouragement, and Ambassadors were sent to Guelders to enter a protest
on the Duke of Lorraine's behalf.[158] But Charles of Egmont turned
a deaf ear to all remonstrances, and on the 27th of January, 1538,
William of Cleves received the homage of the States of Guelders, and
was publicly recognized as the old Duke's successor.
Such was the state of affairs when Christina reached Brussels on the
8th of December, 1537. Her faithful guardian, Montmorency, alludes to
the Cleves marriage in the following letter, which he addressed to
Cardinal Caracciolo on the 5th of January, 1538:
"I wrote last from Trent on the 26th of October, and since
then have received several letters from you, and have duly
informed the Duchess of their contents. She is very grateful
for your kindness regarding her affairs, and begs you not to
relax your efforts.... As to Madama's marriage with Cleves, as
far as I can learn, it will not take place, because the Duke
has quarrelled with Lorraine, and Guelders is interfering.
Negotiations, however, are not yet broken off."
Three months later he referred to the matter again in another letter,
and this time expressed his conviction that the marriage would never
take place.[159]
Montmorency's own claims had not been forgotten. Soon after his return
he married a lady of the Lannoy family, and was appointed Bailiff
of Alost. Both Charles and Mary treated him with marked favour, and
employed him on important diplomatic missions. But he still held an
honorary post in the Duchess's household, and never ceased to be her
devoted servant.
During the winter Hutton alluded repeatedly to the affair of Cleves in
his letters to Cromwell, saying that the Duke had been recognized by
the Communes of Guelders as their liege lord, and that the Queen quite
refused to let him wed the Duchess, although he was still eager for the
alliance. All sorts of wild rumours were flying about, and an Italian
merchant at Antwerp wrote to London that young Cleves was about to
marry the daughter of Lorraine, with Guelders as her dowry. But on the
25th of January Hutton reported that the Queen had sent Nassau and De
Praet to Duke William, to break off marriage negotiations and clear her
of all former promises.[160]
[Sidenote: JAN., 1538] THE PALACE OF BRABANT]
Christina herself was the person least concerned in these rumours.
Princes and Ministers might wrangle as they chose; they could not
destroy the happiness of being in her old home, surrounded by familiar
faces. The sound of the French tongue and the carillon in the towers
were music in her ears. Three things above all impressed Italian
travellers, like Guicciardini and Beatis, who came to the Low Countries
for the first time--the cleanliness of the streets and houses, the
green pastures with their herds of black and white cows, and the
beautiful church bells. These were all delightful to the young Duchess,
who had been so long absent from her old home. The city of Brussels,
with its fine houses and noble churches, its famous hôtel-de-ville,
and 350 fountains, was a pleasant town to live in. And the Palace of
Brabant itself was a wonderful place. There was the great hall, with
its lofty pointed arches, and priceless Burgundian tapestries, and the
golden suns and silver moons recently brought back from the New World
by Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico.
The Queen gave Christina a suite of rooms close to her own, looking out
on the glossy leaves and interwoven boughs of the labyrinth, and the
gardens beyond, which Albert Dürer had called an earthly paradise, and
which the Cardinal of Aragon's secretary pronounced to be as beautiful
as any in Italy.[161] Here the young Duchess lived with her ladies and
household, presided over by Benedetto da Corte and Niccolò Belloni.
Every morning she attended Mass in the Court chapel, and dined and
spent the evenings with the Queen. On fine days, when Mary could spare
time from public affairs, they rode out together and hunted the deer
in the park, or took longer expeditions in the Forest of Soignies. As
fearless and almost as untiring a rider as her aunt, Christina was
quite at home in the saddle, and followed the Queen's example of riding
with her foot in the stirrup, an accomplishment which was new in those
days, and excited Brantôme's admiration.[162]
The following Christmas was celebrated with great festivity at
Brussels. The war was over, and the presence of a youthful Princess
gave new charm to Court functions. Wherever Christina went she made
herself beloved. Her quick wit and frank enjoyment of simple pleasures
charmed everyone. Although in public she still wore heavy mourning
robes after the Italian fashion, and hid away her bright chestnut locks
under a black hood, in the evening, by her aunt's desire, she laid
aside her weeds, and appeared clad in rich brocades and glittering
jewels. Then she conversed freely with her aunt's ladies and with the
foreign Ambassadors, or played cards with the few great nobles who were
admitted to the Queen's private circle--Henry, Count of Nassau, the
proudest and richest lord in Flanders; the Duke of Aerschot and his
wife, Anne de Croy, the heiress of the Princes of Chimay; his sister,
Madame de Berghen; Count Büren; and a few others.
[Sidenote: FEB., 1538] A PERFECT KNIGHT]
Among them was one whom the young Duchess regarded with especial
interest. This was the hero of S. Pol, René, Prince of Orange. The
only son and heir of the great House of Nassau, René had inherited
the principality of Orange, in the South of France, from his uncle
Philibert of Châlons, the Imperialist leader who fell at the siege of
Florence, and whose sister Claude was Henry of Nassau's first wife.
As a child René had been Prince John of Denmark's favourite playmate,
and Christina had not forgotten her brother's old friend. Now he had
grown up a handsome and chivalrous Prince, skilled in all knightly
exercises. He had won his first laurels in the recent campaign, and
was the foremost of the valiant band which surprised the citadel of
S. Pol. The Queen honoured him with her especial favour, and, as the
Nassau house stood close to the palace, the young Prince was often in
her company. When, on Shrove Sunday, a grand tournament was held at
Court, one troop, clad in blue, was led by Count Büren's eldest son,
Floris d'Egmont; and the other by René, wearing the orange colours of
his house, with the proud motto, _Je maintiendrai_. Christina looked
down from her place at the Queen's side on the lists where the gallant
Prince challenged all comers, and it was from her hand that the victor
received the prize. Neither of them ever forgot that carnival.[163]
FOOTNOTES:
[128] Potenze Sovrane, 1535. Archivio di Stato.
[129] Burigozzo, 528.
[130] G. de Leva, "Storia Documentata di Carlo V.," etc., iii. 152.
[131] Granvelle, "Papiers d'État," ii. 407, 446, 435.
[132] Granvelle, ii. 407.
[133] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, v. 1, 586; Granvelle, ii. 417.
[134] Burigozzo, 532.
[135] Museo Civico di Storia Patria, Pavia, 546.
[136] L. Gachard, "Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas," ii. 133.
[137] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, v. 2, 230.
[138] Autografi di Principi, Archivio di Stato (see Appendix II.).
[139] Aretino, "Lettere," i. 45.
[140] "Correspondance de Charles V. avec J. de Montmorency, Seigneur de
Courrières," Papiers d'État de l'Audience, No. 82, p. 1, Archives du
Royaume, Bruxelles.
[141] Carteggio con Montmorency, Archivio di Stato, Milan.
[142] Autografi di Principi, Archivio di Stato, Milan (see Appendix
III.).
[143] Papiers d'État, 82. 2, 12, Archives du Royaume.
[144] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, v. 2, 353.
[145] Papiers d'État, 82, 8-10.
[146] Papiers d'État. 82, 12.
[147] Autografi di Principi, Archivio di Stato, Milan.
[148] "Carteggio con Montmorency, Conte di Corea," 1537-38, Archivio di
Stato, Milan.
[149] L. Pastor, "Geschichte d. Papste," iv. 375; M. Guazzo, 371.
[150] Papiers d'État, 82, 13, Archives du Royaume, Bruxelles.
[151] Papiers d'État, 82, 19; State Papers, Record Office, viii. 6;
Calendar of State Papers, xii. 2, 415, 419.
[152] Lanz, ii. 657.
[153] Lanz, iii. 667, 677.
[154] State Papers, Record Office, vii. 695.
[155] Lanz, ii. 675.
[156] Calendar of State Papers, Henry VIII., xii. 2, 231.
[157] Henne, vii. 263, 267.
[158] Calendar of State Papers, Henry VIII., xiii. 1, 35.
[159] Carteggio Diplomatico, 1537-38, Archivio di Stato, Milan.
[160] State Papers, xiii. 1, 8; Record Office, viii. 27, 29.
[161] L. Pastor, "Reise des Kardinal Luigi d'Aragona," 116. L.
Guicciardini, "Paesi-Bassi," 74.
[162] "Œuvres," xii. 107.
[163] State Papers, Henry VIII., Record Office, viii. 16.