CHAPTER VI.

THE BEGINNING OF WAR.

The United States navy had done little to distinguish itself since its

wonderful achievements in the War of 1812 with Great Britain. During

the Mexican War it took part in the occupation of California, and

performed what service it could in the Gulf, but there was no

opportunity for anything remarkable. Wilkes had made his exploring

expedition in Pacific and Antarctic waters; Ingraham, in the St. Louis,

had demanded and secured the release of Martin Koszta at Smyrna;

Tatnall, with his famous "blood is thicker than water," had

participated in the bombardment of the Chinese forts at Peiho; Hudson,

in the Niagara, had assisted in laying the first Atlantic cable; and

several cruisers had pursued pirates in the West Indies. But with the

exception of these occurrences the navy had done nothing to attract

popular attention for more than forty years. Yet it had quietly

accomplished much good work on the Coast Survey; and the Naval Academy

at Annapolis, from its establishment in 1845, educated officers who

gave character and efficiency to the service, and when the day of

battle came showed themselves to be worthy successors of the famous

captains who had preceded them.

A great crisis in the nation's history was now approaching, more

rapidly than any one suspected. The older statesmen were gone. Adams,

Jackson, Clay, Calhoun, and Webster, all had passed away within a

period of seven years. Their successors were men of different mold, and

the problem that had given them the most serious trouble, while

comparatively small in their day, had now grown to monstrous

proportions. The difficulty arose from the existence of two exactly

opposite systems of labor in the two parts of the country. In the

Southern States the laborers were of a different race from the

capitalists and ruling class, and were slaves; in the Northern States

all (except a very small proportion) were of the white race and all

were free. The different ideas and interests that arose from these two

different states of society had constantly tended to alienate the

people of one section from those of the other, and the frequent

clashing of these interests in the halls of legislation had obscured

the fact that in a much larger view, and for permanent reasons, the

interests and destiny of the whole country were the same. In the summer

when young Dewey was graduated at the Naval Academy, Abraham Lincoln,

then in the midst of a heated canvass on this question, said in a

speech that became famous: "I believe this Government can not endure

permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be

dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will

cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other."

Most of the Southern statesmen, and a few of those at the North, looked

to a division of the country as the best, if not the inevitable,

solution of the problem. But against this there was a barrier greater

and more permanent than any wording of constitution or laws enacted in

the last century by a generation that had passed away. This was the

geography of our country. Mr. Lincoln did not distinctly name it as the

reason for his faith in the perpetuity of the Union, but he probably

felt it. History shows unmistakably that the permanent boundaries of a

country are the geographical ones. Conquest or diplomacy occasionally

establishes others, but they do not endure. Separate tribes or peoples,

if living within the same geographical boundaries, ultimately come

together and form one nation. Had our country been crossed from east to

west by a great river like the Amazon, or a chain of lakes like those

that separate us from Canada, or a high mountain range, the northern

and southern sections might never have come together, or would have

been easily separated into two distinct peoples. But with no such

natural line of division, and with the Mississippi running south

through the center of the country, and with railroads, telegraphs, and

other rapidly multiplying means of communication tying the sections

together, the perpetuity of the Union was a foregone conclusion,

whatever might be the arguments of the politician or the passions of

the people.

Nevertheless, the struggle had to come, whether this great

consideration was realized or not, and come it did. The Southern

statesmen were in earnest in their threat of disunion, and when Abraham

Lincoln was elected to the presidency in 1860 they proceeded to carry

it out. South Carolina passed an ordinance of secession in December,

and most of the other Southern States followed quickly, and the new

government, called the Confederate States of America, was organized at

Montgomery, Alabama, in February, 1861. They proceeded to take

possession of the United States forts, arsenals, and navy yards within

their territory, and soon had them all without firing a gun, except

those at Pensacola and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor. The

Confederate forces erected several batteries within reach of Sumter,

and on April 12th opened fire on the fort and compelled its surrender.

This was the actual beginning of hostilities, and within twenty-four

hours the whole country, North and South, was ablaze with the war

spirit. The President called for volunteers to suppress the rebellion

and restore the national authority, and was offered several times as

many as he asked for. The South was already in arms. Many of the

military and naval officers who were from the South went with their

States, and young men who had been educated together at West Point or

Annapolis were now to take part on opposite sides in one of the

greatest conflicts the world has ever seen. In some instances brother

was against brother, and father against son.

Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, was Secretary of the Navy in President

Lincoln's cabinet. Though some of the naval officers resigned their

commissions and offered their services to the Confederacy, the vessels

of the navy, except a very few that were captured at Norfolk navy yard,

remained in the possession of the National Government. There was need

of all these and more, for a mighty task was about to be undertaken,

and there were large bodies of troops to be transported by sea, cities

to be captured, fortifications to be bombarded, and ports to be held

under blockade. This last was a most important duty, though little idea

of glory was connected with it, and popular reputations could not be

made in it; for the Southern States had very few manufactures, and for

arms, ammunition, and other necessaries they depended mainly on

importation.

At this time the United States navy was undergoing transformation. In

the more important vessels steam had been substituted for sail power,

but they were still constructed of wood, and the development of the

ironclad was just beginning. In the emergency the Government bought a

large number of merchant vessels of various kinds, including some

ferryboats, turning them into gunboats and transports, and began the

construction of ironclads. Many ironclads of light draught for use on

the western rivers were built in a hundred days. The Southerners were

almost without facilities for building vessels from the keel, but they

made two or three formidable rams and floating batteries by covering

the wooden hulls of some of the captured ships with railroad iron.

The first naval expedition of the war sailed in August, 1861, commanded

by Flag-Officer Silas H. Stringham. It consisted of ten vessels,

including two transports, carried about nine hundred soldiers, and was

directed against the forts that guarded Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina.

The troops, with some difficulty, were landed through the surf, and a

combined attack by them and the naval force reduced the defenses and

compelled their surrender with about seven hundred prisoners. The

garrisons had lost about fifty men, the assailants not one. This was

due to the fact that the work was done chiefly by rifled guns on the

vessels, which could be fired effectively while out of range of the

smooth-bore guns of the forts.

Late in October another expedition, commanded by Flag-Officer Samuel F.

Du Pont, sailed from Hampton Roads. It consisted of more than fifty

vessels, and carried twenty-two thousand men. A terrific gale was

encountered, one transport and one storeship were lost, and one gunboat

had to throw its battery overboard. When the storm was over, only one

vessel was in sight from the flagship. But the scattered fleet slowly

came together again and proceeded to its destination--the entrance to

Port Royal harbor, South Carolina. This was guarded by two forts. The

attack was made on the morning of November 7th. The main column, of ten

vessels, led by the flagship, was formed in line a ship's-length apart,

and steamed past the larger fort, delivering its fire at a distance of

eight hundred yards, and then turned and sailed past again, somewhat

closer. In this manner it steamed three times round a long ellipse,

delivering its fire alternately from the two broadsides. Some of the

gunboats got positions from which they enfiladed the work, and two of

the larger vessels went up closer and poured in a fire that dismounted

several guns. This was more than the garrison could endure, and they

evacuated the fort and were seen streaming out of it as if in panic.

The other column, of four vessels, attacked the smaller fort in the

same manner, with the same result.

[Illustration: SCENE OF THE NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE WESTERN RIVERS.]

Meanwhile, a much larger and more important naval expedition than

either of these was planned at Washington. New Orleans was the largest

and richest city in the Confederacy. It had nearly one hundred and

seventy thousand inhabitants--more than Charleston, Mobile, and

Richmond together. In the year before the war it had shipped

twenty-five million dollars' worth of sugar and ninety-two million

dollars' worth of cotton. In these two articles its export trade was

larger than that of any other city in the world. And as a strategic

point it was of the first importance. The Mississippi has several

mouths, or passes, and this fact, with the frequency of violent gales

in the Gulf, made it very difficult to blockade commerce there.

Moreover, if possession of the Mississippi could be secured by the

national forces it would cut the Confederacy in two and render it

difficult if not impossible to continue the transportation of supplies

from Arkansas and Texas to feed the armies in Virginia and Tennessee.

Add to this the fact that any great city is a great prize in war,

highly valuable to the belligerent that holds it, and the importance of

New Orleans at that time may be readily appreciated.

The defenses of the city consisted of two forts--Jackson and St.

Philip--on either bank of the stream, thirty miles above the head of

the passes and about twice that distance below New Orleans. They were

below a bend which had received the name of English Turn, from the

circumstance that in 1814 the British naval vessels attempting to

ascend the stream had here been driven back by land batteries. The

forts were built by the United States Government, of earth and brick,

in the style that was common before the introduction of rifled cannon.

They were now garrisoned by fifteen hundred Confederate soldiers, and

above them lay a Confederate fleet of fifteen vessels, including an

ironclad ram and an incomplete floating battery that was cased in

railroad iron. Below the forts a heavy chain was stretched across the

river, supported on logs; and when it was broken by a freshet the logs

were replaced by hulks anchored at intervals across the stream, with

the chain passing over their decks and its ends fastened to trees on

the banks. A similar chain was stretched across the Hudson at the time

of the Revolutionary War. In addition to all this, two hundred

Confederate sharpshooters constantly patrolled the banks between the

forts and the head of the passes, to give notice of any approaching

foe, and fire at any one that might be seen on the deck of a hostile

vessel. The Confederate authorities fully appreciated the value of the

Crescent City. The problem before the national authorities was, how to

take that city in spite of all these barriers.

The Hero of Manila: Dewey on the Mississippi and the Pacific · 第 6 / 15 章