Difficult Position of the Government--A Cloud in the East--Italian
Affairs--Suppression of a Despatch--Sir Charles Napier goes
to India--Sir James Graham's Alarms--Lord John Russell's
Position--Battle of Novara--Opposition to the Repeal of the
Navigation Laws--Sir James Graham's Pusillanimity--State of
France--Conflicting Views on Irish Relief--Lord John contemplates
a Peerage--Interview of Lord Clarendon with Sir Robert Peel--The
Navigation Bill--Maiden Speech of Sir R. Peel's second Son--An
Omission of Lord Palmerston's--Lord Palmerston's Opponents--Lord
Palmerston's Defence--A Trip to Scotland--Dr. Candlish's
Sermon--History of the Debates on Foreign Affairs--Extension
of the Suffrage--The Queen's Visit to Ireland--A Council
at Balmoral--Prince Albert's Conversation--Lord Aberdeen's
Views--Lord John's Defence of Lord Palmerston.
_London, March 16th, 1849._--On Thursday in last week Mr. Disraeli made
his promised display in favour of the landed interest. His speech was
vehemently praised by the Tories, but regarded with very different
opinions by different people; on the whole it was not much admired. The
night before last, the debate having been adjourned for several days,
Charles Wood answered it in one of the best speeches that has been heard
for a long time, and by far the best he ever made. Peel warmly
congratulated him, and he told Ellice it was not merely a good, it was a
great speech. This has been very useful to the Government as well as to
the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, and both required something of
credit. The Government are (as heretofore) hampered with measures which
they have brought forward with very doubtful means of being able to
carry them. The Rate in Aid and the Navigation Laws are both in
jeopardy, though this time by no fault of the Government, who have done
all they could to pass both. It is a state of things full of difficulty
and uncertainty. Every party is strong enough to thwart and embarrass
its opponents, and to obstruct and damage measures it dislikes, and none
is strong enough to have its own way, and carry matters with a high
hand. All this was foreseen as the inevitable result of the Reform Bill,
but so many years elapsed during which peculiar circumstances prevented
the actual occurrence of the result, that people forgot the prediction,
and everybody fancied matters were to be carried on exactly as they used
to be before the Reform Bill had destroyed the machinery of rotten
boroughs, and let in a flood of popular influence.
[Sidenote: A CLOUD IN THE EAST.]
_March 20th._--The complication of foreign affairs is not a little
increased by the bad humour into which we have thrown the Emperor of
Russia by our proceedings at Constantinople. Brunnow, generally so
_couleur de rose_ and such a fast friend of Palmerston, holds language
quite unusual with him. Graham told me he met him at a great dinner of
diplomats and politicians at Aberdeen's last Wednesday, when he talked
to him with much vehemence and in a very menacing tone. The case is
this:--By the treaty of Ackerman the Hospodars in the provinces are
elected for seven years, by that of Adrianople the election is for life.
The Emperor desired to revert to this former mode, and proposed it to
the Turks. They were disposed to consent, when Stratford Canning
interposed, prevailed on them to refuse, and so excited them that they
assumed a military attitude and began to arm. This is Brunnow's version
of the affair; at the same time intimating that he attributed it more to
Stratford Canning than to Palmerston himself. It is well known that
Stratford Canning is strongly anti-Russian, both politically and
personally, but I don't believe he would take any serious course without
being assured of Palmerston's concurrence; and Eddisbury[93] told me he
had done quite right. We suppose that Russia and Austria have a perfect
understanding, and if it be so, this is the result of Palmerston's
having quarrelled with Austria.
While clouds are gathering in that quarter, and the Hungarian war seems
far from its termination, the Danes have denounced their armistice, and
the King of Sardinia his, the Sicilians seem resolved to reject the King
of Naples' terms, and war is about to break again with fresh fury over
half of Europe, France and England alone remaining at peace within
themselves, with each other, and with all the world.
[Footnote 93: [The Right Hon. Edward John Stanley was called up to the
House of Lords on May 12, 1848, by the title of Baron Eddisbury. He
succeeded his father as second Baron Stanley of Alderley in 1850. Lord
Eddisbury was at this time Under Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs.]]
_March 25th._--Lord Aberdeen made a strong attack on Palmerston on
Thursday night about the affairs of Piedmont, denouncing his partiality
for Sardinia and against Austria, and particularly his suppression of an
important despatch in the papers he had laid before Parliament at the
beginning of the last session. Lord Lansdowne replied with his usual
spirit, but he could not parry the attack, and was reduced to the
necessity of making a somewhat discreditable defence. Brougham rose
afterwards and lashed the whole transaction, and there it ended; but
Lord John was amazed at what had occurred, and said that he never saw
the Blue Books before they are presented, and therefore had not known
what was put before Parliament and what was not. It was a very damaging
discussion to Palmerston, as far as _character_ is concerned, but he
does not mind that sort of damage, and no other can be done to him.
The Government are dissatisfied with Dalhousie,[94] and it appears to be
in agitation to recall him. Hobhouse told me that Napier had proposed to
him to make him (Napier) Governor-General. It was not indeed a formal
proposal, but he said, 'Why don't you make me Governor-General at once?'
They would have given him a peerage if he had insisted on it as the
condition of his going to India, but this he did not know. When the
command was offered him, he would not give his answer without
twenty-four hours' consideration, in spite of all pressing to accept at
once. The Directors swallowed the pill with a good grace enough. Three
of them voted against his having a seat in Council, the rest agreed.
[Footnote 94: [Then Governor-General of India.]]
[Sidenote: A PEERAGE SUGGESTED FOR LORD JOHN.]
_March 30th._--At Althorp the last three days, for Northampton races.
The day before I went there I sate for two hours with Sir James Graham,
who was very serious and very sad about everything, more especially
Ireland and India. I think he now regrets not having gone to India, and
would go if it were again offered him. He is now prodigiously alarmed at
the opposition the Rate in Aid is meeting with from the Northern Irish,
and greatly staggered by Twistleton's[95] evidence and resignation, in
short he is shrinking from his original opinions on this subject,
expressed a great wish to talk to Clarendon, and discussed Palmerston
and foreign affairs, _cum multis aliis_. Amongst other things he spoke
of the conduct of the Chancellor to Romilly, Solicitor-General, about
the report of a committee, of which Romilly was chairman last year, to
enquire into legal abuses. Romilly had drawn up a report, and he said
because it affected the Master's offices, the Chancellor insisted on
burking it, and frightened Romilly from going on with it. As he made it
out, it was a very bad case.
Graham talked much of John Russell, and said his loss would be so great
that if he was unable to face the severe work of the House of Commons,
he had better go to the Lords and retain his office. At Althorp I told
the Duke of Bedford all that had passed between Graham and me. He was so
much struck by what he had said about Lord John, which chimed in with
his own feelings, that he resolved to write to him and propose to him to
take this course, and the next morning he told me he had done so; and
that he intended, if Lord John did it, with Tavistock's assent to make
him a sufficient dotation. This is so great an object for him and for
his son, that it will probably reconcile him in great measure to the
sacrifice of quitting the House of Commons.
[Footnote 95: [The Hon. Edward Twistleton had held the office of Chief
Poor Law Commissioner in Ireland, but had recently resigned.]]
Yesterday came the news of the defeat of the Sardinians[96] and the
abdication of Charles Albert, which was received with universal joy,
everybody rejoicing at it except Palmerston, who will be excessively
provoked and disappointed, though he will not venture, and is too
clever, to show it. Clarendon had a conversation with him a few days
ago, in which he told Palmerston how much he wished that Radetzky might
crush the King of Sardinia, when Palmerston did not disguise the
difference of his own opinions, and his wishes that the Austrians might
be defeated. Yesterday there was a Drawing-room, at which everybody, the
Queen included, complimented and wished joy to Colloredo, except
Palmerston, who, though he spoke to him about other things, never
alluded to the news that had just arrived from Italy. I met Colloredo at
Madame de Lieven's (who was in a state of rapturous excitement), and he
told us so there. Nothing could be more striking than this marked
difference between the Foreign Secretary and his Sovereign, and all his
countrymen, and we may be sure Colloredo will not fail to make a pretty
story of it to his Court. The moral, however, is deplorable, for while
it must satisfy the Austrians that England has no bad feeling towards
Austria but the reverse, they cannot but see that Palmerston is
permitted to drag the English Government and nation wherever it pleases
his crotchets, caprices, or prejudices to make them go. I certainly
never saw a more general expression of satisfaction than the
intelligence of Radetzky's victory excited here.
[Sidenote: THE NAVIGATION LAWS.]
While I was at Althorp the Duke of Bedford showed me two letters, which
Hobhouse had sent him, of the Duke of Wellington's to Dalhousie,
containing his advice and opinions on the conduct of the war in the
Punjaub, which are admirable, and show that his mind is as vigorous,
comprehensive, and sagacious as ever.
[Footnote 96: [Marshal Radetzky defeated the Sardinian army at Novara on
March 23, 1849. This event was followed by the abdication of Charles
Albert, and deferred the emancipation of Italy for ten years. The
Piedmontese were unquestionably the assailants in this campaign, hence
it was thought that they were justly punished for their presumption.
Lord Palmerston was constant in his hatred of the Austrians and his
attachment to the cause of Italy.]]
_April 1st._--I do not think anything Palmerston has done has excited so
great a sensation, and exposed him to so much animadversion, as his
behaviour to Colloredo at the Drawing-room the day on which the news of
Radetzky's victory arrived. Everybody is talking of it; Clarendon told
Lord Lansdowne of it, who was both shocked and surprised. The impolicy
of this unmistakeable display of _animus_ is the more striking, because
we are now (through Ponsonby) entreating the Austrian Government to show
moderation, and not to exact large contributions. This is not the first
time men have suffered more from their small misdeeds than from their
great ones.
The Duke of Bedford told me yesterday that Lord John had taken in very
good part his proposal, and had promised to discuss the matter with him,
but said very justly that he must not quit the House of Commons without
a clear necessity, and that it would be very inexpedient to go to the
House of Lords just at the moment when a decision of that House may
possibly upset the Government. This may take place on the Navigation
Laws, for the Government have made up their minds to resign if they are
beaten upon it, and Lord John was to propose to the Cabinet that Lord
Lansdowne should announce their intention in the House of Lords.
Meanwhile it is understood that Lord Stanley means to beat them if he
can, and is prepared to take the Government if it is offered to him. The
Queen asked Graham the other night if it was true that Stanley really
did mean it, and he told her he believed it certainly was true. She then
asked him what would be the consequence. He said a struggle between the
aristocracy and the democracy of the country, very perilous to the
former. She said she entirely agreed in this opinion. Lord John Russell
sent on Friday for Ellesmere, and asked him to go and talk to the Duke
of Wellington, who is going to vote against the repeal, for they justly
think that though he would probably not carry many votes with him if he
went with Government, he would carry a good many if he went against
them.
Clarendon has had two interviews with Graham with very full, frank, and
amicable discussion on all points. Clarendon is struck with his great
sagacity, and at the same time with a pusillanimity which goes far to
neutralise that sagacity. I have remarked this myself, and that his
judgement is often blinded by his fears. We certainly may be approaching
a very serious crisis, but nothing will make me believe, till I see it,
that Stanley and his crew will come into power, and that the Queen will
be reduced to the deplorable necessity, and even degradation, of taking
such a pack as he would offer her, and of dissolving Parliament at their
bidding. That she would struggle to avert such a calamity, and appeal to
all the statesmen of both parties to save her, I do not doubt, but there
would appear the fatal obstacle of Palmerston, for assuredly nobody will
join in any new arrangement by which he would remain at the Foreign
Office.
Reeve, who is just come back from Paris, gives a very unsatisfactory
account of the state of things there, and of the miserable uncertainty
about everything and everybody in which the country is involved. He says
that notwithstanding our close alliance and apparent intimacy, there is
really no amicable feeling towards us, but on the contrary great
jealousy and secret ill-will. They have no more confidence in our
diplomacy than the Powers whom we have sacrificed to the French
connexion, and any incident may any day put an end to this connexion.
There is absolutely no Government, Odilon Barrot has no weight,
influence, or capacity; the President is not unpopular, and that is all
that can be said of him. The army _they hope_ is still firm, but the
greatest efforts are made to corrupt the soldiers, and they read
Prudhomme's atrocious journal. He does not think that all France is so
resolutely pacific as we fancy, and that a little matter might again
kindle a warlike spirit; in short, it is a state of things full of
uncertainty and therefore of danger. Thiers is said to have fallen into
the lowest discredit. He is now known to have shown great cowardice on
February 24th, and this, which Frenchmen never forgive, together with
his recent vacillating conduct, has had a fatal effect on his influence
and position, and as he has quarrelled more or less with most of his old
friends, he is entirely without political power.
[Sidenote: IRISH RELIEF.]
_April 2nd._--It has been settled between Clarendon, John Russell, and
Charles Wood to give up the Rate in Aid and impose on the Irish the
income tax, which it is said they prefer. The two Ministers wanted the
Irish income tax to be for three years instead of putting it exactly on
the same footing as the English. This Clarendon stoutly opposed,
representing the extreme impolicy of making any difference, and he at
last, but not without difficulty, made them give way. On Thursday last
Peel made a great speech, bringing forward very elaborately his views of
Irish relief, but without explaining _how_ his plan was to be carried
out. Graham is dead against him, so much so that they have had no
conversation on the subject. Clarendon is equally against him, as are
the Government, but Clarendon determined to see him and talk it over
with him. They met at Palmerston's on Saturday night, when Peel treated
Clarendon with extraordinary cordiality, and Clarendon proposed an
interview, which is to take place at Peel's house to-morrow morning.
Ellesmere went to the Duke of Wellington to talk to him about the
Navigation Bill, and found him in excellent disposition. He promised to
do all in his power to support the Government, and he advised Prince
Albert, who called on him a day or two ago, to keep quiet and say as
little as possible on the subject to anybody.
_April 4th._--The Duke of Bedford told me yesterday morning that Lord
John has made up his mind to go to the House of Lords, but that he will
not have the Peerage continued to his son. His purpose is to be created
with remainder to the Duke. He disapproves of poor Peerages, of men
being created without ample patrimonies, and the property which the Duke
means to settle on Lord John (he did not tell me the amount or locality,
only that it is a good gentleman's property) he does not consider enough
for a Peerage. I know not whether he will adhere to this resolution,
which, if he does, will form a new precedent. It has only been mentioned
to Lord Lansdowne, whose disposition is to retire, but they will never
allow him, for his continuing with them is of the greatest consequence
to the Government and to Lord John himself; his loss would be
irreparable in all ways.
_April 6th._--Lord Clarendon[97] had a long interview with Peel, who
received him with the greatest cordiality and even warmth. Their
conversation was to the last degree open and friendly, and Peel
professed the most earnest desire to do anything in his power to
co-operate with Clarendon in doing good to Ireland. They discussed
Peel's plans, and Clarendon stated to him frankly all his objections to
them, and why a great part of them was quite impracticable. All this
Peel received with the utmost candour and goodwill, and Clarendon told
me he thought he had completely succeeded in proving to him that much
that he proposed (the Commission particularly) was quite impossible. I
never saw a man more satisfied than he was at this interview, or more
gratified at Peel's reception of him. Peel entreated him with the
greatest earnestness not to think of leaving Ireland till he had
accomplished something great and important towards the regeneration of
the country. This, however, Clarendon is not very sanguine as to his
power of doing with the present Government. His indignation against his
own political friends is boundless.[98] He poured it all out to me the
other night, and he is equally indignant about the past and hopeless
about the future; hopeless, because John Russell is so infirm of
purpose, that he will not predominate over his Cabinet and prevent the
chaos of opinions and interests which prevent anything Clarendon
proposes being done. Then he says that the Chancellor is a great
mortgagee in Ireland, and on account of his own personal interests he
resolutely opposes all the plans relating to the transfer of property
which by any possibility can affect the mortgagees. Lansdowne and
Clanricarde are both Irish proprietors, so they have their own separate
interests. The consequence of all this confusion is that he is
continually thwarted and baffled in his endeavours to carry measures he
thinks essential to the relief of Ireland, and he assures me that he has
all along predicted to John Russell and George Grey exactly what has
happened. The measures which the Government are now finding themselves
obliged to adopt are the very same which he originally proposed and
which they rejected. He appears not to have minced matters with John
Russell, but to have spoken his mind freely, and visited upon the
Cabinet in most unsparing criticism and reproach all their sins of
omission and commission.
[Footnote 97: [It will be remembered that Lord Clarendon was at this
time Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He attached the greatest importance to
the opinion and co-operation of Sir Robert Peel.]]
[Footnote 98: [The measure which Lord Clarendon had in view, and was
anxious to carry, was a Bill to facilitate the sale of encumbered
estates in Ireland, which was ultimately adopted and carried by the
Government by the creation of the Land Court. In the course of the
thirty ensuing years, land to the amount of more than fifty millions was
sold under the direction of this Court, and the encumbrances cleared
off.]]
[Sidenote: LANDED INTERESTS IN IRELAND.]
_Thursday, May 11th (Bruton Street)._--For the last fortnight everybody
has been occupied with the division in the House of Lords on the
Navigation Bill; the greatest whip-up was made on both sides that ever
was known, and the lists made and re-made out with such accuracy that
every vote was pretty well ascertained, and the numbers quite correctly
calculated.[99] Stanley made a magnificent speech, the best it is said
he ever made, and one of the most brilliant and effective ever made by
anybody. He made a sort of attack on the Duke of Wellington which was
both unjustifiable and in bad taste. The Duke behaved oddly in this
matter. He gave repeated assurances to the Government that he would
assist them in every way he could, but he really gave them no assistance
at all, for he refused positively to communicate with any Peers on the
subject, would not speak to those who wished to consult him, and he
never opened his lips in the debate. I am compelled to believe that
Stanley really meant, if he could have defeated this Bill, to have
taken the Government if offered to him.
[Footnote 99: [The second reading of the Bill for the repeal of the
Navigation Laws was carried in the House of Lords on May 8 by a majority
of 10.]]
The Protectionists are gone mad with the notion of reaction in the
country against Free Trade. Many people, however, say that distress
really has produced a very considerable change of opinion, and it is
allowed on all hands that in the event of a dissolution the Irish,
frantic with distress, would support any Protectionist Government to a
man. We hear that Stanley means to overturn the Bill in Committee, as he
undoubtedly can, and that the Government will be compelled to restore
its integrity again on the report, and this is to be the future progress
of the contest.
On Monday night a great event occurred in the House of Commons. Young
Peel, Sir Robert's second son,[100] made a maiden speech (on the Jew
Bill) of such extraordinary merit, that it at once placed him at the top
of the tree. Its excellence and its great promise were universally
admitted. Peel came into the House just at the close of it, and it is
said that neither he nor Lady Peel had any idea their son was going to
speak. The appearance of a young man who promises something great, is in
these days of mediocrity an occurrence of enormous value and importance.
[Sidenote: A SUPPRESSED DESPATCH.]
_May 21st._--I have been too much occupied with the Derby and Oaks to
write about political matters, but I cannot omit a fresh Palmerstonian
affair, as bad or worse than any which have preceded it. On Monday last
Lord Lansdowne in reply to a question of Beaumont's said, that 'no
communication whatever had been made by the Austrian Government to ours
relative to their intervention in Italy,' the fact being that Colloredo
had five or six days before gone to Palmerston, and communicated to him
by order of his Government their motives, objects, and intentions, as to
Italian intervention in great detail. This communication he never
imparted to his colleagues, and Lord Lansdowne was consequently
ignorant of it. On Tuesday the newspapers reported Lord Lansdowne's
answer, on which Colloredo went to Palmerston to complain of it. At the
Queen's ball on Wednesday night, Colloredo spoke to Lord Lansdowne and
asked him why he had said what he did. Lord Lansdowne had nothing for it
but to acknowledge his ignorance. On Friday, the first day on which the
House met, I heard what had passed between Colloredo and Palmerston. I
resolved to go to Lord Lansdowne. I found him at Lansdowne House, just
going to the House of Lords. I began to tell him the object of my
calling on him. He stopped me, said he knew all about it, that he was
going to the House to correct his former statement, and 'to make the
best excuse he could,' that it was exceedingly disagreeable, and the
more unaccountable as he had taken the precaution on Monday before he
went to the House of Lords to answer Beaumont, to send to the Foreign
Office to enquire whether any communication had been received, and the
reply was, 'None whatever.' On reference to Palmerston he had said that
'he had quite forgotten it,' and Lord Lansdowne told me that John
Russell was as much in ignorance of it as he was himself. I saw that he
was exceedingly annoyed, but nothing seems to rouse any of them to any
serious manifestation of resentment and displeasure. This is as bad a
case as can be, but will have no more result than any of Palmerston's
other delinquencies.
[Footnote 100: [Afterwards the Rt. Hon. Sir Frederic Peel, K.C.M.G.,
Under-Secretary for the Colonies, Financial Secretary to the Treasury,
and a Railway Commissioner. He entered Parliament as member for
Leominster in February 1849.]]
_June 3rd._--The Duke of Bedford told me a few days ago that the Queen
had been again remonstrating about Palmerston more strongly than ever.
This was in reference to the suppressed Austrian despatch which made
such a noise. She then sent for John Russell, and told him she could not
stand it any longer, and he must make some arrangement to get rid of
Palmerston. This communication was just as fruitless as all her
preceding ones. I don't know what Lord John said, he certainly did not
pacify her, but as usual there it ended. But the consequence of not
being able to get any satisfaction from her Minister has been that she
has poured her feelings and her wrongs into the more sympathetic ears
of her late Minister, and I believe that the Queen has told Peel
everything, all her own feelings and wishes, and all that passes on the
subject.
It is well known that Aberdeen and Stanley have for some time meditated
a vigorous and combined attack on the foreign policy of the Government,
and one day not long since Aberdeen said that they did intend to make
this attack, that he and Stanley and Peel were all agreed on opposition
to Palmerston, that of Disraeli they were not so sure, and that Peel,
though abhorring the foreign policy, was always in dread of doing
anything to damage the Government. Aberdeen had tried to persuade him
that an attack on Palmerston, if successful, need not affect the
Government, that it was now proved to demonstration that a Protectionist
Government was out of the question, and that an adverse vote would turn
out Palmerston, and by so doing would in the end strengthen and not
weaken the Government itself. It has been suggested that two courses
were possible; one, that Palmerston might resign and the rest stay in,
merely filling up his place; the other, that they might all resign, and
then when it was proved, as it would be, that no other Government could
be formed, that the old one might be reconstituted without Palmerston,
and with certain changes and modifications. The curious part of all this
is the _carte du pays_ it exhibits, and the remarkable and most improper
position which Palmerston occupies _vis-‡-vis_ the Queen, his mistress,
and his own colleagues. I know not where to look for a parallel to such
a mass of anomalies, the Queen turning from her own Prime Minister to
confide in the one who was supplanted by him; a Minister talking over
quietly and confidentially with an outsider by what circumstances and
what agency his colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, might be
extruded from the Government; the Queen abhorring her Minister and
unable to rid herself of him; John Russell fascinated and subjugated by
the ascendency of Palmerston, submitting to everything from him and
supporting him right or wrong, the others not concealing from those they
are in the habit of confiding in, their disapprobation of the conduct
and policy of their colleague, while they are all the time supporting
the latter and excusing the former, and putting themselves under the
obligation of identifying themselves with his proceedings and standing
or falling with him. The whole thing is bad, discreditable, and
injurious.
[Sidenote: A VISIT TO SCOTLAND.]
_July 29th._--Two months have elapsed since I could bring myself to
write anything in this book. I was disgusted with the occupation,
nothing interested me; it was useless to jot down the common course of
events, which the newspapers record far better, nothing of sufficient
interest came to my knowledge to make me take up my pen.
In fact I had got so tired of everything, and so longed for something
fresh to stimulate my jaded mind, that I resolved to make a run into
Scotland, and see Edinburgh, and as much of the country as could be
visited in a few days. I really was ashamed of having never been in any
part of Scotland. Accordingly last Tuesday week, the 17th, I went with
the Ellesmeres to Worsley (a place I found immensely improved), and on
Thursday afternoon I proceeded to Edinburgh. On Friday I went all about
the town, new and old, going to all the remarkable places, and
clambering to the top of Arthur's Seat; on Saturday to see Melrose and
Abbotsford, the latter a miserable humbug of a place, ugly, mean, and
not worth crossing the street to see, and yet such is the influence of a
name, that crowds of travelling pilgrims repair to the habitation of
Walter Scott. Melrose is a beautiful ruin, but it is I dare say true
that
If thou wouldst view fair Melrose aright,
Go visit it by the pale moonlight.
On returning to Edinburgh, I went to the Calton Hill and again walked
about the town. On Sunday morning the aspect of the new town was
curious, it looked like a city of the dead. In the vast and magnificent
streets and squares, there was scarcely a human being moving about or a
sound to be heard; it looked like a town newly built that had not yet
been used, and which was waiting for its inhabitants. The effect was the
oddest I ever saw as I sauntered about for an hour before church time.
By eleven o'clock Princes Street was swarming, for they are a
church-going people.
I went to hear the celebrated Dr. Candlish preach, and was exceedingly
struck with him, and with the simple and impressive service. He is very
eloquent, and I was able to listen to a discourse above an hour long
without being tired, which is the best proof of the merit of the
preacher. The service in good hands is admirable, but all depends on the
minister, and on the whole I think such a Liturgy as ours a preferable
form of worship.
After church I walked about the old town, and dived into the wynds, and
examined the remnants of ancient architecture, and of the old edifices,
all very striking and curious. In the afternoon by rail to Perth. There
I met Lord Glasgow returning from Hay Mackenzie's funeral, and he
induced me to make an appointment with him at Glasgow on Wednesday, and
go steaming up the Lochs. On Monday morning I went to Dunkeld, walked
about the place; thence to Blair Athol, where I slept; next morning
retraced my steps through the Pass of Killiecrankie, and along a
beautiful road to Taymouth; found Breadalbane there, who took me all
over the place. It is grand and beautiful, as fine a place as I ever
saw. I could not stay, but returned by another road along the Tay to
Dunkeld, and then back to Perth. Next morning very early by rail to
Glasgow. There I met Lord Glasgow, who had hired a steamer, in which we
started and sailed up different lochs, ending at Tarbet, where we
landed, went to the foot of Ben Lomond, got into a boat and paddled
about the lake, then returned to Kilbirnie, a strange, old,
half-neglected place, very comfortable and exceedingly pretty, and there
I slept. Next morning started again, sailed round by Arran up Loch Fyne
to Inverary. Nothing can exceed the beauty of this scenery, especially
the approach to Inverary; the Duke and Duchess were very civil, and
pressed us to stay, but we could not, and returned to Kilbirnie. On
Friday walked about the place, then by rail to Glasgow, looked at the
town, and on Saturday morning by express train to London. A successful
and delightful expedition; saw a great deal in a very short time.
[Sidenote: A DEBATE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS.]
_August 8th._--The Session closed during my absence from London. Its
last days were distinguished by a long debate in the House of Lords on
foreign affairs, and a short demonstration got up in the House of
Commons by Palmerston. There is a _dessous des cartes_ about this
affair, as follows: the Session was drawing to a close, when the project
(originally entertained, but abandoned) of making an attack on
Palmerston and the foreign policy of the Government was resumed, and a
confederacy was formed for the purpose between Brougham, Stanley, and
Aberdeen, not without misgivings on the part of Aberdeen and his
friends, for both he and Canning[101] told me they thought it was too
late, and possibly might do more harm than good. This was a very unwise
confederacy; the only man of the three who was in earnest was Aberdeen,
and he never ought to have had anything to do with Brougham. As soon as
it was known that this field day was in preparation, a great whip began
on both sides, and it was considerably believed that the Government
would be left in a minority. Meanwhile Lady Palmerston was furious with
Brougham, and she wrote him some very angry and reproachful letters.
Brougham had no mind to quarrel with her. She fairly bullied him and
frightened him, and he accordingly threw over the cause he had
undertaken. He made a miserable speech, which enraged his colleagues and
all the opponents of the Government, who swore (and it was true) that he
had sold them. Aberdeen spoke well, and Lord Lansdowne admirably. The
Government was in a minority in the House, but by dint of proxies got a
majority of twelve, so that the whole thing was in fact a failure. A day
or two after Palmerston made his devils bring on a discussion in the
House of Commons, that he might make a speech. He replied after a
fashion to Aberdeen, that is, he made some offensive personal allusions
to him, but did not attempt to vindicate his own conduct in the
essential particulars. This exhibition was trumpeted forth as a great
Palmerstonian triumph, and the close of the Session has left him and his
spouse immoderately jubilant. It admits of no doubt that in spite of the
enormous case there is against him, Palmerston has not only escaped
undamaged, but seems to be invested with all the insignia of triumph. He
is now evidently endeavouring to make for himself a great Radical
interest in the House of Commons, and thus to increase his power, and
render himself more indispensable to the Government by making them feel
how dangerous he would be out of office.
[Footnote 101: [Lord Canning had been Under-Secretary for Foreign
Affairs.]]
_August 14th._--On Wednesday last to Stoke, on Friday to Nuneham. At
Stoke we discussed the very serious question of extension of the
suffrage, and Lord John Russell's position in relation to it. Just
before the Session ended Graham spoke to Lord John on this subject, told
him it would be one of the questions he would have to consider during
the recess, as it must occupy Parliament next Session, that he (Graham)
was prepared to support a measure of this kind, and that he must tell
Lord John that after his having upon two occasions in the House of
Commons declared himself favourable to some extension of the suffrage,
it was incumbent on him to give effect to those declarations. It is
pretty evident that Graham (after his wont) is afraid of not being
beforehand with public opinion or clamour, and that he is ready to
advocate some Radical, or at any rate Liberal measure. Lord John seems
to be conscious that this is a very grave matter, but he says he thinks
he can frame a good measure, and he intends to busy himself about it. I
called on Labouchere at Stoke on Thursday morning, and had some talk
with him about it. He is afraid of it, and sees all the danger and
difficulty of the question, and is not a little disgusted that the
agitation of it and the necessity of some proposition should have been
caused by John Russell's committing himself as he chose to do in the
House of Commons. Labouchere spoke also with much disapprobation of
Palmerston's parting speeches in the House of Commons, and his
expressions in reference to Hungary and Austria to please the Radicals
with whom he is coquetting, while they do nothing but sing his praises.
[Sidenote: THE QUEEN'S VISIT TO IRELAND.]
I saw Lord Lansdowne last night, just returned from Ireland, having had
an escape on the railroad, for the train ran off the rail. He said
nothing could surpass the success of the Queen's visit in every respect;
every circumstance favourable, no drawbacks or mistakes, all persons and
parties pleased, much owing to the tact of Lord Clarendon, and the care
he had bestowed on all the arrangements and details, which made it all
go off so admirably. The Queen herself was delighted, and appears to
have played her part uncommonly well. Clarendon of course was overjoyed
at the complete success of what was his own plan, and satisfied with the
graciousness and attention of the Court to him. In the beginning, and
while the details were in preparation, he was considerably disgusted at
the petty difficulties that were made, but he is satisfied now. Lord
Lansdowne said the departure was quite affecting, and he could not see
it without being moved; and he thinks beyond doubt that this visit will
produce permanent good effects in Ireland. All the accounts represent
the material prospects of the country to be better.
_London, September 15th._--On Monday, the 3rd, on returning from
Hillingdon, I found a summons from John Russell to be at Balmoral on
Wednesday 5th at half-past two, for a Council, to order a Prayer for
relief against the cholera. No time was to be lost, so I started by the
five o'clock train, dined at Birmingham, went on by the mail train to
Crewe, where I slept; breakfasted the next morning at Crewe Hall, which
I had never seen, and went on by the express to Perth, which I reached
at half-past twelve. I started on Wednesday morning at half-past six,
and arrived at Balmoral exactly at half-past two. It is a beautiful road
from Perth to Balmoral, particularly from Blairgowrie to the Spital of
Glenshee, and thence to Braemar. Much as I dislike Courts and all that
appertains to them, I am glad to have made this expedition, and to have
seen the Queen and Prince in their Highland retreat, where they
certainly appear to great advantage. The place is very pretty, the house
very small. They live there without any state whatever; they live not
merely like private gentlefolks, but like very small gentlefolks,[102]
small house, small rooms, small establishment. There are no soldiers,
and the whole guard of the Sovereign and the whole Royal Family is a
single policeman, who walks about the grounds to keep off impertinent
intruders or improper characters. Their attendants consisted of Lady
Douro and Miss Dawson, Lady and Maid of Honour; George Anson and Gordon;
Birch, the Prince of Wales's tutor; and Miss Hildyard, the governess of
the children. They live with the greatest simplicity and ease. The
Prince shoots every morning, returns to luncheon, and then they walk and
drive. The Queen is running in and out of the house all day long, and
often goes about alone, walks into the cottages, and sits down and chats
with the old women. I never before was in society with the Prince, or
had any conversation with him. On Thursday morning John Russell and I
were sitting together after breakfast, when he came in and sat down with
us, and we conversed for about three-quarters of an hour. I was greatly
struck with him. I saw at once (what I had always heard) that he is very
intelligent and highly cultivated, and moreover that he has a thoughtful
mind, and thinks of subjects worth thinking about. He seemed very much
at his ease, very gay, pleasant, and without the least stiffness or air
of dignity. After luncheon we went to the Highland gathering at
Braemar--the Queen, the Prince, four children and two ladies in one pony
carriage; John Russell, Mr. Birch, Miss Hildyard, and I in another;
Anson and Gordon on the box; one groom, no more. The gathering was at
the old Castle of Braemar, and a pretty sight enough. We returned as we
came, and then everybody strolled about till dinner. We were only nine
people, and it was all very easy and really agreeable, the Queen in very
good humour and talkative; the Prince still more so, and talking very
well; no form, and everybody seemed at their ease. In the evening we
withdrew to the only room there is besides the dining-room, which
serves for billiards, library (hardly any books in it), and
drawing-room. The Queen and Prince and her ladies and Gordon soon went
back to the dining-room, where they had a Highland dancing-master, who
gave them lessons in reels. We (John Russell and I) were not admitted to
this exercise, so we played at billiards. In process of time they came
back, when there was a little talk, and soon after they went to bed. So
much for my visit to Balmoral. I was asked to stay there the first
night, but was compelled to remain there the second, as the Braemar
gathering took all the horses, and it was impossible to get away. The
Prince was very civil about my staying when this was explained to him.
[Footnote 102: [The present castle of Balmoral was not then built. The
residence was at this time simply that of a Scotch laird.]]
[Sidenote: BALMORAL.]
I had a walk on Wednesday with Aberdeen, who came over for the Council.
He said the Government were going on very well _in all respects but
one_, but he admitted that it was impossible to get rid of Palmerston,
and therefore Lord John could do nothing but defend him; that Peel would
not attack him in the House of Commons, as nothing would induce him to
do anything to weaken the present Government, though he disapproved of
Palmerston's conduct as much as Aberdeen himself. He said that Peel
thought of nothing but the progress and developement of his Free Trade
measures; that the present Government alone could and would carry them
out, and therefore he strenuously supported them, being perfectly
conscious that he had no party, and consequently no power. This was just
what I believed to be the case in reference to Peel's sentiments and
conduct. He considers his own reputation as a statesman staked on the
success of these measures, and thinks of nothing else. This is, however,
a disagreeable prospect for those of his adherents who followed his
fortunes to the last, and are now left high and dry. Aberdeen spoke much
of the Queen and Prince, of course with great praise. He said the
Prince's views were generally sound and wise, with one exception, which
was his violent and incorrigible German unionism. He goes all lengths
with Prussia; will not hear of the moderate plan of a species of
federalism based on the Treaty of Vienna and the old relations of
Germany; and insists upon a new German Empire, with the King of Prussia
for its head. I saw by his conversation at dinner that his opinions were
just what Aberdeen represented them to be.
John Russell and I left Balmoral, and travelled together as far as Perth
on Friday morning. We discussed Palmerston, his policy, his character,
and his conduct, fully and freely. Lord John endeavoured to argue the
Spanish and Sicilian cases, but he really had nothing to say in defence
of Palmerston, or in opposition to my charges and assertions; and by
degrees, as we talked on, he came to admit that Palmerston was justly
chargeable with the faults that I had imputed to him. He told me,
moreover, of a case in which he had been obliged to interfere not long
ago. When the question of the Piedmontese indemnity was in discussion,
our Government, as well as the French, endeavoured to persuade that of
Austria to reduce the amount they at first demanded. With this object
Palmerston wrote a despatch; but he thought fit to put into it, that the
Austrians were the more bound to do this, as the war itself was their
own fault, for if they had sent ambassadors to the Congress that was to
have met at Brussels, as they ought to have done, it would never have
taken place. Lord John said he thought this very useless and
inexpedient, and insisted on its being struck out. Palmerston maintained
that it was true. Lord John said, true or not, there was no use in
saying it, and it was struck out, much to Palmerston's dislike.
[Sidenote: DRUMMOND CASTLE.]
In the course of our conversation Lord John told me something about the
famous despatch of July 19,[103] curiously illustrative of his _laisser
aller_ way of doing business. After acknowledging it was very
injudicious, he said, 'I remember the despatch was brought to me on a
Sunday morning, just as I was going to church. I read it over in a
hurry; it did not strike me at the moment that there was anything
objectionable in it, and I sent it back. If I had not gone to church,
and had paid more attention to it, it would not have gone;' and upon
this despatch, thus carelessly read and permitted to go, hinged the
quarrels with France and with Spain, the Montpensier marriage, and not
impossibly, though indirectly, the French Revolution itself.
[Footnote 103: [This was the celebrated despatch with reference to the
marriage of the Queen of Spain, in which Lord Palmerston named the
Coburg Prince as one of the candidates for her hand.]]
Lord John and I parted at Perth. He went on to Edinburgh and I to
Drummond Castle, where I stayed two nights. It is a grand place; the
finest on the whole I have seen in Scotland. The gardens, which are so
celebrated, really are fabulous, and unlike any others I ever saw. From
Drummond Castle I went to Tullyallan for one night; thence to Drumlanrig
for two. This is a magnificent place, the situation of the Castle
unrivalled, and presenting a noble object in a hundred different views.
The gardens are more extensive and more enjoyable, but not so curious as
at Drummond Castle. I went on Wednesday to Worsley, and on Thursday
returned to town, excessively amused and interested with my expedition,
and more than ever delighted with Scotland.