A disastrous day. Failure to rescue my effects. Burnt Seriba
by night. Comfortless bed. A wintry aspect. Rebuilding the
Seriba. Cause of the fire. Idrees’s apathy. An exceptionally
wet day. Bad news of Niam-niam expedition. Measuring distance
by footsteps. Start to the Dyoor. Khalil’s kind reception.
A restricted wardrobe. Temperature at its minimum. Corn
requisitions of Egyptian troops. Slave trade carried on
by soldiers. Suggestions for improved transport. Chinese
hand-barrows. Defeat of Khartoomers by Ndoruma. Nubians’ fear
of bullets. A lion shot. Nocturnal disturbance. Measurements
of the river Dyoor. Hippopotamus hunt. Habits of hippopotamus.
Hippopotamus fat. Nile whips. Recovery of a manuscript.
Character of the Nubians. Nubian superstitions. Strife in the
Egyptian camp.
The description which has already been given of the large establishment
owned by the firm of Ghattas, where, with all my provisions, I was
now awaiting the start of the caravan, must have made the place in a
large degree familiar to the reader. For the dearer apprehension of the
event I have now to relate it may be advisable to repeat the following
particulars. The colony consisted of about six hundred huts and sheds,
which were built almost entirely of straw and bamboo. In the intervals
between the huts were erected the large sun-screens known as “rokooba,”
which were made of the same materials; and, to separate allotment
from allotment, there were long lines of fences, which were likewise
composed of straw, and these were arranged so close to each other that
they scarcely admitted the narrowest of passages, perhaps but a few
feet across, to run between them. Everything that human ingenuity could
contrive seemed to have been done to insure that, with the cessation
of the rainy season there should commence a period of the extremest
peril, and, for myself, I can avow that fear of fire became my bugbear
by day and my terror by night. In spite of my remonstrances I saw the
crowding together of the huts continually become more and more dense,
and the enclosure packed full to the utmost limits of its capacity.
It became a manifest impossibility in the case of the occurrence of
fire, on however small a scale, to prevent it spreading into such
a conflagration that the safety of the whole establishment must be
imperilled. The material of the structures, dried in the tropical heat,
would accelerate and insure the devastation that must necessarily ensue.
The catastrophe, which I had dreaded with such ominous apprehension,
befell us at midday on the 1st of December.
This most disastrous day of my life had opened in the accustomed
carrying out of its routine. I had been engaged all the morning with my
correspondence and in arranging the notes of the various occurrences
that had transpired since the despatch of my previous budget. I had
partaken of my frugal midday meal, and was just on the point of
resuming my writing, when all at once I caught the sound of the excited
Bongo shrieking out “poddu, poddu” (fire, fire!) Long, how long none
can tell, will the memory of this burst of alarm haunt my ear. It makes
me shudder even now. Eager to know the truth, and to ascertain how far
the ill-omened apparition of misfortune had already spread, I rushed to
the doorway of my hut, and beheld that the devouring element was doing
its work at a distance of only three huts from my own; the flame was
rising fiercely from the top of a hut; there was no room for hope; just
at that time of day the north-east wind always blew with its greatest
violence, and it was only too plain that the direction of the gale was
bringing the fire straight towards my residence. The space of a few
minutes was all that remained for me to rescue what I could.
[Sidenote: MY DISASTER.]
Without an instant’s delay, my people flocked to the scene of the
alarm. Without stopping to discuss what was most prudent or to consider
what was most valuable, they laid hold upon anything that came to hand.
The negro-boys took particular care of all the stuffs, and of their
own clothes as being of the greatest consequence in their estimation,
and by their means all my bedding and two of my leathern portmanteaus
were carried safely out of the Seriba. I myself flung my manuscript
into a great chest which had already been provided against any accident
of the sort, but my care was of no avail. My servants succeeded in
hastily conveying five of my largest boxes and two cases to the open
space of the Seriba where the direction of the wind made us presume
they would be out of danger; but we only too soon learnt our mistake;
the wind chopped and veered about, and the hot blasts fanned the flames
in every direction till there was hardly a place to stand, and it was
hopeless to reckon upon any more salvage. A prompt retreat became
absolutely necessary; great masses of burning straw began to fall in
every quarter, and the high fences of straw left but narrow avenues by
which we could escape. The flames sometimes seemed to rise to a height
of a hundred feet above the combustible structures of dry grass, and
then all at once they would descend, but only to lick with destructive
fury some adjacent spot, while a perpetual shower of hot sparks glared
again in the roaring air. The crowds, as they rushed away before the
advancing flames, were like a swarm of flies buzzing around a lighted
torch. I cast a look towards the remnant of my property which we had
thought we had rescued, and to my horror I perceived that the chests
were enveloped in smoke, and immediately afterwards were encircled
by the flames. It was a moment of despair. How my heart sank at the
sight none can imagine, for those chests contained all my manuscripts,
journals, and records, in comparison with which the loss of all the
effects in my hut appeared utterly insignificant, though they were the
burdens of a hundred bearers. Regardless of the shower of sparks, which
singed off my very hair, I made a frantic rush forwards, the dogs, with
their feet all scorched, howling at my side, and breathlessly stopped
under a tree, where I found a shelter alike from the raging of the
ardent flame and from the noonday glare. In the confusion of the flight
I had been unable to get my hat, and was thus fully exposed to the
midday heat.
Below us from amidst the crackling waves of fire came the crashing
noise of the roofs as they collapsed, and ever and again there broke
forth the louder report caused by the explosion of our ammunition,
and many a loaded gun that had been left behind discharged itself and
exposed the fugitives to a new and random danger. The Nubians behaved
themselves with a strange composure, not to say indifference; the
majority had little or nothing to lose, yet many an account-book must
have perished in the flames, so that not a few of them hoped to turn
the disaster to a profitable account. The priests, however, were not
quite so unmoved; they stood before their doors and howled out the
shrieking formulæ of their incantations, by which they pretended to
control the course of the raging fire. It was very remarkable that the
spot where a Faki had been buried, and which was marked with a white
banner to distinguish it as a place for prayer, was spared from the
general conflagration, although it was within a few yards of where my
burnt chests had been laid. The departed Faki was now as good as a
canonised saint, and had proved himself a genuine sheikh.
The entire Seriba by this time was wrapped in flames, which seemed
still to spread in every quarter. The wind, as it rose, carried away
with it whole bundles of smouldering straw, which it soon fanned into
fire amidst the huts that were scattered round on the exterior of the
palisade.
[Sidenote: THE RESIDUE OF MY EFFECTS.]
Very dry at this season, the steppe had hitherto been preserved,
because the harvest was not yet complete, and it was not very long
before this too was caught by the raging fire, and even the old trees
around did not escape, so that it seemed almost as if the whole
district were being submerged in a sea of flame. Half an hour had
completed the great work of devastation. After that period it was
possible to make a dash between the charred posts of the huts, but
only for a few moments, so intense was the heat of the ground and
so overpowering the glowing atmosphere that pervaded the scene of
destruction. A crowd of people kept on bringing vessels of water to try
and extinguish the flames before they had totally destroyed the clay
“googahs” which held the sole supply of corn.
After a while I succeeded in getting to my garden, which, bereft of the
greater part of its recently-constructed hedge of bamboo, presented a
truly melancholy aspect. As the sun sank low we began to make a search
for anything that might have been spared amidst the still glowing
embers of the huts. I had saved little beyond my life. I had lost all
my clothes, my guns, and the best part of my instruments. I was without
tea and without quinine. As I stood gazing upon the piles of ashes I
could not help reckoning up the accumulation of my labours which had
there, beneath them all, been buried in this hapless destiny. All my
preparations for the projected expedition to the Niam-niam; all the
produce of my recent journey; all the entomological collection that
I had made with such constant interest; all the examples of native
industry which I had procured by so much care; all my registers of
meteorological events which had been kept day by day and without
interruption ever since my first departure from Suakin, and in which
I had inscribed some 7000 barometrical observations; all my journals,
with their detailed narrative of the transactions of 825 days; all
my elaborate measurements of the bodies of the natives, which I had
been at so much pains and expense to induce them to permit; all my
vocabularies, which it had been so tedious a business to compile;
everything, in the course of a single hour; everything was gone, the
plunder of the flames. It had been for the sake of better protection,
as I thought, that I had resolved not to part with my journals, and had
kept my collection of insects in my own possession; I had been afraid
of any misadventure befalling them; but now they might just as well
have been at the bottom of the Nile.
There I sat amongst my tobacco-shrubs upon my stock of bedding that
had been rescued from the flames; but I fear that I could not boast
of overmuch of the spirit of resignation. The entire remnant of my
property was soon reckoned up; it consisted of a couple of chests, my
three barometers, an azimuth-compass, and the ironwork which survived
from the different productions of the Niam-niam and Monbuttoo.
Evening drew on: just as usual, the cow with her calf came and provided
me with two glasses of milk. I had a yam or two, a picking from the
inside of a half-burnt tuber, a morsel from a similarly half-burnt
lump of pickled meat, and I had come to the end of my slender stock of
provisions. My dogs kept up a continual howling; their sufferings from
their burnt feet must have been excessive, and they whined in concert
with the general desolation. The servants, however, were as calm and
undisturbed as usual. Neither the Nubians nor the negroes seemed to be
much concerned; and why should they? They had just nothing to lose.
I looked around and counted up my party. It consisted of seven bipeds
and seven quadrupeds; the same number of each, and each of about the
same sensibility.
When the darkness of night had really set in, the region of the Seriba
had all the aspect of an active colliery. The venerable fig-tree in
front of the main entrance was still flaring away, and the palisade was
yet burning, apparently shutting in the scene of ruin with a garland of
light. It was a ghastly illumination. To the Nubians the spectacle was
not altogether a novelty. The sight of a negro village in flames was
to them familiar enough; but now the tables were turned, and they had
to learn for themselves what it is to be hungry and destitute of every
prospect of supply. Such were the conditions under which that night we
had to seek our rest.
[Sidenote: DESOLATION.]
Hardly anything could be more impressive than the scene that revealed
itself on the following morning. Not merely the places where the fire
had raged, but the regions around were strewn with a thick layer of
ashes; the steppes and sorghum-fields were whitened with them. It would
be easy to have imagined that the glowing green of the tropics had for
a time retreated, and allowed itself to be replaced by a gloomy and
wintry vegetation transported from the arctic zone. Almost as white as
snow were the layers of ashes that had settled on the sorghum-fields,
only broken by the heaps of half-burnt clods that rose like hillocks of
turf upon a moor. The smoke still lingered on the ground, and veiled
the general scene; the trees seemed to stretch out their dry bare arms
to heaven, and helped to complete the resemblance to the winterly
aspect of the frozen world.
It was a pitiful sight to watch the brown and swarthy figures of the
negroes, wrapped in their brown and swarthy rags, run hither and
thither amongst the still smouldering ruins; and the wretchedness
of the view was not a little aggravated by the bloated carcases of
half-roasted donkeys and sheep that lay scattered about in various
parts. Troops of women were bustling about and carrying water-vessels
of every sort, eager in their endeavours to put out the lurking fire
that was threatening the corn-magazines that hitherto had escaped.
These clay-built reservoirs of corn were the only memorials that
seemed to survive the devastation. Blackened indeed by the smoke,
the “googahs” were still erect. Varying in height from five feet to
seven, they were hardly ever wanting in the homes either of the Dyoor
or Dinka: and now as they stood surmounting the otherwise universal
_débris_, their very numbers made them conspicuous, and, forming a
fantastic feature in the scene, gave their testimony as to what had
been the crowded proximity of hut to hut.
Hurrying up from the surrounding country, the natives flocked to search
for beads amidst the ruins, although every bead must necessarily have
been spoilt. Others of them, with a better purpose, set to work to
construct sheds of straw for the shelter of the houseless.
The next day was opened with a general effort to restore the buildings
of the Seriba. Hundreds of Bongo, Dyoor, and Dinka brought the
necessary wood, straw, and bamboos, and proceeded to construct their
new huts with much dexterity: on an average, six men would completely
finish a hut twenty feet in diameter in a couple of days.
No common sense had been learnt through the late calamity, for not only
was the Seriba erected on the selfsame spot, but in the selfsame manner
as before. The fear of being assassinated by the Dinka was assigned as
the reason for refusing to follow the example of Khalil, the controller
of Kurshook Ali’s Seriba, who, in rebuilding his establishment, had
insisted upon placing the Vokeel’s residence and the magazines alone
within the palisade, leaving the soldiers’ huts in detached groups
outside. In vain, day after day, did I repeat my warning of the danger
they were inviting of the repetition of a similar misfortune; but all
my exhortations to care and prudence were utterly wasted; the people
were obstinate, and I could not help passing many a sleepless night
in continual dread of a second catastrophe that I was aware I was
powerless to avert.
[Sidenote: ORIGIN OF THE MISFORTUNE.]
The cause of the fire, when subsequently discovered, did not give me
the least surprise. One of Ghattas’s soldiers had been quarrelling
with his slave, having accused her of unfaithfulness; and in order to
frighten her, and extort a confession of her guilt, he had discharged
a gun into the interior of his hut. I afterwards remembered hearing
the report; as gunshots, however, were far from uncommon, I paid
no particular attention to the circumstance: but the smouldering
paper-cartridge had lodged in the straw-roof, and ten minutes later
the hut was in flames. Although the origin of the fire was thus easily
explained, the Mohammedan fatalists never swerved from their belief
that the misfortune was unavoidable, and was ordained by the decree of
destiny.
All my reproaches failed to reach the real offender, who immediately
after the fire quitted the scene of the disaster he had brought about.
But, in my opinion, Idrees, the controller, was himself primarily
responsible for all the trouble. He allowed a senseless firing to be
carried on inside the Seriba, not only at every new moon, but on a
hundred other occasions, and I was in a perpetual state of vexation
and anger whenever I saw the lighted wads flying about amongst the
dry straw-roofs: then, again, he allowed each person to increase the
number of his huts, rokoobas, and hedges, just as he liked, until the
appearance of the Seriba was that of an inexplicable maze. In his
capacity of Vokeel it was undoubtedly his place to allot a proper space
to each individual; but so far from seeing that this was legitimately
done, he himself did his utmost to increase the complication of
buildings, and had erected a huge rokooba for his horse just in
front of my hut; it was this very rokooba that had been the means of
communicating the flames to the chests containing my manuscripts, as
they stood on a portion of what, previously to its erection, had been a
wide open space.
By the 11th of December some newly-built huts were at my disposal, a
place of security on that day proving doubly welcome, as a heavy storm
of rain came on about four o’clock in the morning, lasting for quite
half an hour. This exceptional storm rose from the south-east, veered
round to the south, and finally passed away towards the south-west.
The entire day remained cold and dull, with slight showers falling
at intervals. For the first time the temperature fell to 65° Fahr.,
having previously varied between 75° and 80°. The coldest season of the
year now set in, and lasted for a couple of months; during this time
the thermometer in the early morning was comparatively low, and the
barometer varied much more continually than in the height of the rainy
season.
Bad news flies apace, and following close upon the destruction of
the Seriba came the intelligence of the total defeat of that first
detachment of the Niam-niam expedition that had been despatched to
the south; besides a number of native bearers, 150 Mohammedans were
reported to have lost their lives.
The immediate effect of these disastrous tidings was to make me know
that all hope of extending my wanderings in that direction must finally
be abandoned. Bitter as had been the misfortune that had befallen me,
it would not of itself have deterred me from my project of a second
Niam-niam journey, but, now that Aboo Guroon was killed, there was
no one who could provide me afresh with such articles as I had lost.
I possessed neither boots nor shoes, guns nor ammunition, paper nor
instruments, and even my watches, which were so essential to me, were
gone; what use then to think any further of a journey to unknown
countries under such circumstances as these? Convinced of the vanity of
any attempt to proceed, I was therefore obliged, with a heavy heart, to
turn my thoughts towards Europe; no succours could reach me for more
than a year, and even then my great distance from Egypt made their safe
arrival more than doubtful.
Still more than six months remained before the trading-boats would
start on their return journey down the Nile; I felt bound to employ
this time to the best of my powers, and I was not long left to make
up my mind as to what I would do. Amongst the few of my effects that
were snatched from the flames I discovered ink, together with materials
for writing and drawing: and the sight of some sketches that had
accidentally been rescued with my bedding first roused me from my
feelings of total despair, and told me that I must once again begin
to collect and investigate, and preserve my observations by means of
pen and pencil. Necessarily somewhat depressed in spirits I once again
turned to as many of my former pursuits as I could, although I felt
the increasing pressure of poverty and hardship, and was as dependent
as a beggar upon the hospitality of the Nubians, many of whom viewed
my presence in the country with suspicion and distrust. My present
discomfort was still further aggravated by its contrast with the
comparative ease and abundance which the arrival of my European stores
had latterly afforded me.
[Sidenote: FAREWELL TO THE SERIBA.]
I came to the resolution of quitting the scene of my disaster, and,
accompanied by my servants, determined to withdraw to Kurshook
Ali’s[58] Seriba beyond the Dyoor, where I knew that Khalil, the
kind-hearted controller, would render me what relief he could under my
present urgent necessities, although the amenities of life to which the
Nubians had any pretension were very few. Accordingly on the 16th of
December, followed by a small herd of cows, I turned my back upon the
Seriba that had arisen from the ashes of its predecessor, and started
by a new and more southerly route for my intended quarters.
For nearly three years my watches had gone with remarkable accuracy,
they were ordinary Geneva _ancres perfectionnées_, having cost about
twenty-five thalers a-piece; their loss was quite irreparable, for the
Nubians have no other means of computing time than upon the great
dial of the firmament,[59] which requires no winding up, and they tell
the hour of the day by simply observing the position of the sun in the
heavens. The only resource left to me for estimating the distance that
I travelled was to count my steps, and in my despondency over my losses
I found a kind of melancholy satisfaction in the performance of this
monotonous task, which probably had never fallen before to the lot of
any other African traveller. My patience, however, was, as it were, an
anchor of safety that I threw out after my calamity: I seemed to myself
like a ship, which, though seaworthy in itself, has thrown overboard
its cargo as the only hope of getting into port. An enthusiast I set
out, enraptured with nature in her wildest aspect, and an enthusiast
should I have remained, had not the fire clipped my wings; but now,
helpless on the inhospitable soil of Africa, I could not but be
conscious how powerless I was to contend with the many obstacles,
both physical and material, that beset my path; but in the place of
enthusiasm, patience, that overcomes all misfortune, came to my aid,
did me good service, and kept me from sinking.
[Sidenote: A PERAMBULATOR.]
I must confess that the first few days’ journey threatened to exhaust
what spirit still remained to me, but by degrees my equanimity was
restored, and persevering in my design I soon became accustomed to a
practice to which I owe some of the most reliable results of the survey
of my route. As a consequence of this method of counting my steps I
succeeded in attaining very considerable accuracy in the relative
distances noted on the map, although very probably I may have been
unable to avoid an error of from 5 to 8 per cent. in the absolute
distances themselves; of course, my steps were not so perfectly uniform
in length as the divisions of a measuring rod; but, after all, the
footsteps of a man are a much more accurate standard of measurement
than those of a beast; the camel, for instance, as is well known, when
it is urged to greater speed does not increase the number of its steps,
but only increases their length; whilst the paces of a man, at whatever
rate he may walk, do not vary much from an average length. Anyone
may easily put this matter to the test for himself by measuring the
distance between his footprints on the moist side of a river, and he
will find that no increase nor diminution in his rate of progress will
make a very material difference in their successive distances. My own
paces varied, according to the nature of the roads, from two feet to
two feet four inches in length, and my method of computation is readily
described. I first counted hundreds, telling off each separate hundred
on my fingers; when I had reached five hundred I made a stroke in my
note-book, and on reaching another five hundred I made a reverse stroke
upon the one already made, thus forming a cross, so that every registry
of a cross betokened a thousand paces; all beyond five hundred were
carried on towards the next stroke, and between the various strokes and
crosses I inserted abbreviated symbols, as notes about the condition
and direction of the road; thus I was prevented from either over or
under estimating the number of my steps, and at the close of each
day’s march was able at my leisure to sum up all the entries and duly
record the result in my diary. In the six months that elapsed before my
embarkation at the Meshera I had in this way taken account of a million
and a quarter of my footsteps.
The route which I had taken towards the Dyoor led through Dubor and
Dangah. On the 16th of December the Molmul was still full of water,
but had no longer any perceptible current; the brook passed along
a considerable, though gradual depression, the rising ground about
Dubor being visible for a long distance to the west. All the pools
and ponds by the wayside were now completely dry; a couple of swamps
were all that remained of the affluent to which the copious brook
near Okale,[60] with its surrounding groves of wine-palms, owes its
existence. The Nyedokoo was reduced to half its former dimensions, and
was now but fifteen feet wide and three deep, although the current was
still strong.
Before its union with the Dyoor, the Nyedokoo receives a considerable
increase in its waters from the left, and on our way north-west from
Dangah we had to cross two small brooks, both flowing into the Dyoor;
the larger of these was called the Kullukungoo. We made a short halt
in a little Seriba belonging to Agahd’s company, and then began to
descend the eastern side of the valley of the Dyoor, which might be
described as a steep wall of rock eighty feet in height. We marched for
a distance of four miles through a lovely wood on the right bank of
the river, and were greatly diverted by the extraordinary quantity of
hippopotamuses that frequented this part of the stream.
[Sidenote: COSTUME.]
I had the kindest of receptions from my old friend Khalil, who did all
that lay in his power to make my visit enjoyable, and showed great
sympathy with me in my misfortunes. His magazines were plentifully
stored with stuffs and ammunition, and, as I had unlimited credit with
him, he was able to supply me with some of the articles that were
more immediately necessary. In the Seriba I found some people who
understood something of the art of tailoring, and with their help I
set to work, to the best of my ability, to make good the defects of
my wardrobe. By taking to pieces the few garments that remained to
me and using the fragments for patterns, I managed to procure some
new clothes, all of which I cut out myself. In none of the Seribas
was there a single piece of linen or of any durable material, and I
could obtain nothing stronger than their thin calico, which, however
well it might do for the costume of the effeminate Arabs, was hardly
adapted for the pursuits of a hunter and botanist who spent all his
days in thorny thickets. But a still more serious inconvenience was
the want of any proper protection for my feet, and I could not at all
get accustomed to wearing the light slippers of the Turks. The loss,
too, of my hat was irreparable, but I contrived a sort of substitute
by pasting together some thick cartridge-paper and sewing some white
stuff over the whole; this hat possessed considerable durability, and
in lightness was all that I could desire. In spite of the poverty of my
wardrobe I was rejoiced to find that in cleanliness at least it was a
match for that of the Khartoomers, who attach great importance to their
washing-garments being of a spotless whiteness. The superiors amongst
them, such as the Vokeels and the agents of the trading firms, even in
these remote districts, not unfrequently appear in Oriental costume as
gorgeous as though they were parading the streets of Khartoom; they
all possess cloth clothes made in the Egyptian Mamelook fashion, and
these are donned on special occasions, as, for instance, whenever they
pay formal visits to their neighbours. For my own part I could never
consent to array myself in an Oriental costume, knowing that the most
meagre garb of European cut commands far higher respect throughout
the domains of the Egyptian Viceroy than all the most brilliant and
elaborate uniforms of the East. The adoption of the European style of
dress in Egypt itself has been remarkably rapid, and between the years
1863 and 1871 I noticed a very conspicuous alteration in this respect,
although unfortunately the advance was limited to this external aspect.
The 25th of December was the coldest day that I experienced during my
residence in the interior. Half an hour before sunrise the thermometer
registered 60° Fahrenheit, whilst on the two preceding mornings at
the same hour it had stood at about 62° Fahrenheit; but it never
afterwards fell so low again, and notwithstanding the coldness of
the mornings the temperature at midday rose regularly above 85°
Fahrenheit, and on the 28th the thermometer out of doors and exposed
to a north wind registered 96° Fahrenheit in the shade, whilst inside
the huts it rose no higher than 88° Fahrenheit. The uniformity of the
temperature throughout the year is a remarkable peculiarity of these
far inland districts, which in winter-time are neither subject to the
great heat in the middle of the day nor to the cold by night, which are
experienced in the steppes and deserts of Nubia. The temperature of
60° Fahrenheit was the lowest that was registered during a residence
of two years and a half, and was quite exceptional, only lasting for
a couple of hours just before sunrise. As a comparison between this
and the relatively cool climate of Tropical America I may mention that
observations in Guatemala gave the average temperature for a period of
twelve years as the same as this one exceptional minimum registered
throughout my two and a half years’ residence in Central Africa.
The camp of the Egyptian Government troops had been removed to the
west, and was now a good seven days’ march beyond the Dyoor. For
the maintenance of the troops, contributions were levied on all the
Seribas: the Government, it is true, paid two Maria Theresa dollars
for each ardeb (1½ cwt.) of corn; but as the bearers from the more
remote places were obliged either to consume more than half of their
own loads upon their journey, or else to obtain extra provisions from
the Seribas through which they passed, this payment was necessarily
very inadequate. Some of the controllers managed to raise their portion
of the compulsory tribute by sending herds of cattle to those Seribas
that were nearest to the camp, and there getting them exchanged for
the required corn; but as some of the settlements were as much as
twenty days’ journey from the encampment, it was perfectly impossible
to provide means of transport to such a distance, and besides this
difficulty, there was a constant occurrence of scarcity of corn in all
the Seribas; the unreasonable Turkish commander, however, took not the
smallest heed of these inconveniences, but, by insisting upon the full
satisfaction of his demands, went far towards hurrying the settlements
into bankruptcy and ruin.
Instead of introducing order and regularity into the country, the
first measures of the Government official tended only to engender
odium and discontent, and completely crippled all the more promising
tendencies of the mercantile intercourse of the Seribas. For the
suppression of the slave-trade they did absolutely nothing. Along the
Nile, it is true, where the route was open and everything obliged to
be above-board, the Governor-General had commenced proceedings for the
suppression of the slave-trade by a series of bombastic and pompous
proclamations; but here, in the deep interior, there was every facility
for the carrying on of the avowedly prohibited traffic.
[Sidenote: SURREPTITIOUS SLAVE-TRADE.]
Nowhere in the world can more inveterate slave-dealers be found than
the commanders of the small detachments of Egyptian troops; as they
move about from Seriba to Seriba, they may be seen followed by a train
of their swarthy property, which grows longer and longer after every
halt.
In the course of my narrative I have repeatedly shown that the
inadequacy of the means of transport throws great difficulties in
the way of the maintenance of a large and concentrated body of men.
Fifty pounds is the standard weight of a bearer’s burden on the longer
journeys, and it does not require much calculation to make it evident
that in comparatively a few days this burden will be materially
encroached upon by the bearer himself having to be maintained by
means of what he carries; he must necessarily exhaust it by his own
requirements. Thus, for marches of many days’ duration, man becomes the
most unsuitable of all instruments for transporting provisions. It was,
therefore, not unnaturally a matter of constant consideration with me
as to whether this difficulty might be obviated in any way, and whether
longer expeditions might be undertaken into the interior without that
continual risk of the failure of their means of subsistence, which was
now so perpetually threatening them as often as they had to make their
way either across uninhabited wildernesses or through hostile territory.
The introduction into these lands of carts drawn by oxen, such as are
in use in South Africa, could only be done with very great caution,
as it would involve much outlay both of time and money; in the first
place, the transport of the heavy waggons themselves into the country
would be far from easy, and then drivers who could train the beasts to
their work would have to be obtained from remote districts; and even if
these preliminary obstacles were overcome, it remains somewhat doubtful
whether the breed of Dinka cattle could produce animals of sufficient
strength and powers of endurance for such a purpose. In addition to all
this I have already shown, in my account of my Niam-niam journey, that
it would be impossible to penetrate with bullock-waggons of any sort
beyond latitude 5° N.
It has been proved by experience that all donkeys, mules, horses, and
camels succumb sooner or later to the effects of the climate; thus
oxen would remain the only animals available as beasts of burden; but
as those of the Dinka would be as incapable of carrying loads as of
drawing waggons, it would be necessary to import suitable cattle from
the Baggara Arabs, thus following the example of the slave-traders from
Kordofan and Darfoor, who thence obtain all the animals that they use
for riding.
Any sort of hand-truck in these countries must necessarily be limited
to a single wheel, for, as I have often said, the paths are everywhere
quite narrow, being in fact no wider than ordinary wheel-ruts; in most
cases they barely allow any one whilst he is walking to put one foot
before the other, as the tall grass closely hems in the avenue on
either hand.
[Sidenote: SUGGESTION FOR HAND-TRUCKS.]
After giving much attention to the subject, I am convinced that the
most suitable form for any hand-trucks would be something like that
used by the Chinese, running upon a single large wheel, which the
framework that contains the goods spans like a bridge; a construction
which, it is well known, permits loads of considerable weight to be
moved by one man. In Central Africa, however, these trucks would have
to be made chiefly of steel and iron, and ought to be constructed so
that they should be propelled by a couple of men, one pushing behind
and one pulling in front, by means of two poles run longitudinally
through the barrows. They would then, I think, be applicable to
every variety of soil, and would be equally adapted for the swamps
and for the flooded depressions of the rivers, for the rocky ground
of the mountainous regions, for the densest forest, and for what to
broader waggons would present hardly inferior difficulties—for the
open steppes. I should estimate that, at a very moderate computation,
trucks of this build could bear upwards of five hundredweight; and
thus the traveller would find the number of men he wanted reduced to
one-fifth, and still be in a position to convey everything that was
really necessary. In 1870 I drew the attention of African travellers
to this style of truck, made almost exactly upon the principle of the
Chinese hand-barrows, and I have since submitted it to the notice of
the German African Society, just now formed, in the hopes that it may
not immaterially assist their expedition from the coast of Loango.
I spent the remainder of the year in Kurshook Ali’s Seriba. Whilst I
was there, some Nubian soldiers arrived, who, having been eye-witnesses
of the late engagement with the Niam-niam, brought us more
circumstantial evidence of the defeat that the united forces of the
several trading companies had suffered. The caravan had been composed
from the three companies of Aboo Guroon, Hassaballa, and Kurshook
Ali, and included a larger number of bearers than it was customary to
take into the Niam-niam lands; thus the entire party numbered close
upon 2250, of which not less than 300 were provided with firearms.
The accompanying train of women slaves, that had never been tolerated
at all in the earlier expeditions, had been gradually increasing from
year to year, and was now of such dimensions as materially to impede
the daily movements of the Khartoomers, as well as to increase the
confusion in the event of war. The leaders had striven in vain to do
away with this abuse, but as it was with some difficulty that these
undisciplined soldiers could be prevailed upon to join the arduous
enterprises at all, they were obliged in this respect at least to let
them have their own way. The assault had been made at a spot about a
day’s journey to the north of the residence of Ndoruma, the son of
Ezo, just as the caravan with all the baggage was entering the obscure
gallery of a bank-forest, and after the two leaders, Aboo Guroon and
Ahmed Awat, on their mules at the head of the procession, had already
emerged from the farther end. To the consternation of the Nubians,
the attack was rendered doubly formidable by the skilful use of the
firearms which the Niam-niam employed against them from behind the
massive tree-stems. Cut off from their people, the two leaders were
killed at the outset of the conflict, the one by a lance and the other
by a bullet.
[Sidenote: A REPULSE.]
During the whole course of the battle, Aboo Guroon’s people alone
displayed any shadow of bravery. A detachment forced their way through
the gallery, and rescued the body of their leader from the hands of the
enemy, so that this old servant of Petherick, one of the earliest and
most experienced of the traders with the Niam-niam, was consigned to an
honourable grave, whilst the dead bodies of all his fellow-sufferers
fell into the hands of the Niam-niam. Ndoruma, who led on the attack in
person, had some months previously captured large quantities of guns
and ammunition, and as he was in possession of several fugitive slaves
from the Seribas who had been familiarised with the use of firearms,
he had lost little time in compelling them to impart their knowledge
to their fellow-countrymen. The Nubians have the most pusillanimous
dread of bullets, and any savage nation that enjoys the reputation of
having guns in its possession may be tolerably sure of being spared any
visits from them. It may therefore be imagined with what success the
Niam-niam pursued their victory, and with what disgrace the intruders
retreated in hasty flight. All the baggage, including a hundred loads
of powder and ammunition, fell into the bands of Ndoruma; and a proper
value the cunning cannibal seemed to know how to set upon his booty,
for I was informed, that he at once erected waterproof magazines for
the protection of his treasure, and diligently set to work to have his
people well-drilled in the use of the weapons they had captured.
From what I could gather from some Niam-niam with whom I had
communication, Ndoruma’s enmity towards the Khartoomers was not
entirely founded upon the exhaustion of the ivory-produce of his
country. The Nubians, too short-sighted to foresee the consequences of
their folly, are accustomed, whenever they can do so without injury to
themselves, to commence an unjustifiable system of depredations upon
any land from which they have no longer anything to gain by an amicable
trade. In this way they have acted with impunity to themselves towards
the Bongo, Mittoo, and others; but with the Niam-niam, a people whose
strength consists in their constitutional unity, they have exposed
themselves to a severe retribution. In their repeated razzias against
the surrounding nations they have been addicted to the practice of
carrying off the women and girls, and this has roused the Niam-niam,
who ever exhibit unbounded affection for their wives, to the last
degree of exasperation. It is this diabolical traffic in human beings
that acts as the leading incentive to these indiscriminating Nubians,
and has caused so much detriment, by the decimation of the Bongo, to
their possessions. In one part, as amongst the Bongo, it has resulted
in bringing about an insufficiency of labour, and in another, as
amongst the Niam-niam, it has thrown a barricade of hostility across
their further progress.
Of the three companies that had met with this serious repulse, Kurshook
Ali’s company had suffered the smallest loss; its column of bearers,
who were bringing up the rear of the procession, had retreated in time;
but of the soldiers of the company, who had naturally hastened to the
assistance of their fellow-countrymen, ten were killed and four more
were carried away severely wounded. According to the protocol that
Khalil received, all of these had been pierced by bullets. Apart from
the grievous loss of life and property that this occurrence entailed,
it foreboded nothing but discouragement for the future of the ivory
trade; the controllers of the Seribas felt absolutely powerless before
the overwhelming fact that the Niam-niam had used firearms, and, under
the circumstances, they were entirely at a loss to know how to induce
their disheartened troops to re-enter the formidable country. The
soldiers openly declared that they had been hired to fight against
savages on the Upper Nile, and by savages, they meant people who
used lances and arrows; but to do battle with people who were armed
with genuine bullets was going beyond their contract, and this they
positively refused to do.
All the bearers who had escaped from the conflict with their lives,
hurried back in crowds to their settlements, and circulated in the
environs of the Seribas the most horrible accounts of the heartrending
massacre they had witnessed. As the demands of the expedition had
nearly emptied several of the Seribas of their fighting force, those
settlements that were on the Dinka frontiers were consequently for
the time considerably exposed to the danger of attack from their
neighbours. Accordingly, in the course of a few days, it happened that
we were solicited by the inhabitants of a neighbouring Seriba of the
deceased Aboo Guroon to send them an armed succour, as the Dinka around
them were assuming a most threatening attitude. Khalil complied with
their request by sending a small detachment of soldiers to co-operate
with the remnant of armed men who had been left in charge of the
garrison.
All these events combined to give my life in the Seriba much more
excitement than before, and my intercourse with strangers was far
from unfrequent. Many of the Gellahbas, mounted upon their donkeys or
Baggara oxen, passed through the place to do business in the purchase
of living ebony, and their rivals, the Turkish soldiers, ever and anon
paid us a visit whilst on their way to make their requisitions of corn
at the adjacent Seribas.
[Sidenote: A LION SHOT.]
On one occasion the surprising intelligence was brought us that a
lion had been shot on the sandy bed of the retreating Dyoor. In the
early morning the animal had gone to quench its thirst at the river,
and had been tracked down to the water’s edge by a troop of soldiers
who happened to be passing by; one of their number, though but an
indifferent marksman, had aimed from a short range, and had succeeded
in mortally wounding the lion by a shot in the head. The skin was
dressed and converted into a splendid saddle-cloth, whilst the head was
stuffed, and devoted to the mysterious purposes of magic.
One night a deafening uproar suddenly arose: it was followed by a
horrible yell, accompanied by what sounded like the wails, screeches,
and howls of a lot of terrified women. Every one started to his feet;
the soldiers seized their weapons; the captain of the Turkish guard,
who happened to be in the place with a party of bazibozuks, rushed out
with his troop, and increased the confusion by sending forth a whole
volley of the usual oaths and imprecations. It turned out, however,
that there was no demand either for his military services or for any of
his bombastic bluster. The simple cause of the tumultuous outcry was
the fall of an enormous tree near the Seriba. To save the trouble of
felling this monster of the woods it had been gradually undermined by
fire, and the negroes, in the course of one of their nightly orgies,
had been waiting for the moment of its downfall, and were now bellowing
and dancing like maniacs around the prostrate and still smoking mass.
On the 25th I made an excursion to the banks of the Dyoor, for the
purpose of hunting hippopotamuses, as well as of verifying the
condition of the river by taking measurements in two fresh places. Six
miles to the S.S.E. of the Seriba, I reached the left bank of the river
at a place where it was overgrown with tall reeds, and on our return
we crossed again four miles farther below. Between these two positions
was a deep basin, in which a number of hippopotamuses throughout the
year found sufficient water in which to perform their evolutions. A
couple of miles still lower down were situated the two crossing-places
of earlier date. Between the most northerly and the most southerly of
the four spots I have mentioned, the general direction of the Dyoor is
due north, varied by gentle windings to the N.N.E. and N.N.W. Beginning
at the most northerly, and taking them in order, I will now proceed
to give the result of my observations on the condition of the Dyoor
at each of the four places where I crossed it either by boat or by
swimming.
1. At the first spot the entire bed was 800 feet wide, but on the 28th
of April, 1869, the water only extended to the width of eighty feet,
being from one to four feet in depth, The edge of the bank stood from
twenty to twenty-five feet above the water.
2. At the next point of examination the measuring-line gave the width
of the bed from bank to bank as 302 feet. On the 8th of May, 1869,
the river was full, and three or four feet deep. On the 27th of
October, and on the 1st of November, 1870, the depth was from sixteen
to twenty feet, whilst the banks were already three or four feet
above the surface of the water. The velocity of the current on the
left and western shore was 105 feet per minute, whilst on the eastern
it was 137½ feet. It could be seen by the flood-marks that in the
height of the rainy season (_i.e._ in August and September) the entire
depression, extending from 1000 to 1200 paces on the left shore, and
only 100 paces broad on the right, was covered with water to a depth of
three or four feet.
[Sidenote: THE BED OF THE DYOOR.]
3. The bed of the river at the third place, where I submitted it to my
examination, was 328 feet wide, and on the 18th and 25th of December
was full. For a distance of sixty feet from the right-hand bank, the
depth of the water was little more than a foot, then for 100 feet in
the middle of the stream it was about two feet, and subsequently for
the remainder of the width as far as the left bank it increased to four
feet. On the western shore, where the river depression stretched out in
wide tracts, the current was far stronger than on the eastern, where
the wooded rocks extend close down to the edge of the water. Near this
place the condition of the depression of the river was exceptional,
being of an equal breadth of about 600 feet on either side of the
stream.
4. The bed of the stream at the last of my points of observation
was, according to the measuring-line, 492 feet wide. On the 25th
of December, 1870, it was only half full of water. Near the reedy
left-hand bank alone was the water of any considerable depth: at that
spot it was about four feet deep, but nowhere else was it more than
two feet. The current was strongest in the middle of the stream: it
is a peculiarity of the Dyoor that its current has always the same
velocity, and does not appear to be at all affected by the variations
in the height of the water.
I sat for hours upon the rocky slopes of the right bank of the river
watching the hippopotamuses as they plunged about in the water, and
occasionally firing at them as opportunities occurred for an aim; but a
light rifle was all that I had saved from the fire, and the small shot
that it carried did not have much effect upon the unwieldy beasts. The
range of my rifle was rarely more than 150 feet, and of the hundred
shots that I discharged very few did any serious damage, and only two
animals appeared to be mortally wounded. Early on the following morning
the natives of the surrounding districts found the body of one of the
creatures that I had killed by a bullet behind the ear lying amongst
the reeds in the river-bed, and they spent several hours in cutting up
the ponderous carcase.
The colour of nearly all these animals was a dark fleshy red, almost
like raw meat, marked irregularly with large black spots; I also
saw specimens of a lighter shade, but never of a pure white; in the
sunshine their damp bodies assumed quite a blueish-grey hue. Half of
the hippopotamuses that I noticed at this deep part of the river, which
extended for about a mile, were females carrying their young, which
at this season seemed very weak and undeveloped, and sat astride on
the short necks of their mothers. The females appeared to rise to the
surface of the water for the sake of their young far more frequently
than was necessary for their own accommodation, and unlike the males,
which usually show their mouth and nostrils, they only lifted their
young above the water, whilst their own heads generally remained
invisible. The animals seem to utter different sounds at different
seasons; they now snorted and grunted, or rather groaned, and the
sharp rattling gurgle was less distinct than in the spring. In the
sunlight the fine spray emitted from their nostrils gleamed like a ray
of light.
Now and then, with a frightful roar that resounded far away, the males
would leap violently from the water, displaying all the forepart of
their huge body; they seemed to be scuffling together, but whether they
were quarrelling for a monopoly of the limited space, or whether they
had been hit by some of my bullets, I could not determine. Their small
pointed ears were remarkably flexible, and were continually moving to
and fro as the animals listened to distant sounds or flapped away the
settling insects. All other characteristics of the hippopotamus are
so well known that it would be superfluous to introduce any further
description of them here.
[Sidenote: THE TENANTS OF THE DYOOR.]
To the same degree as its waters were enlivened by fish and
hippopotamuses, were the banks of the Dyoor animated by birds and many
varieties of animals. The forests were denizened by several species
of the monkey family, that during the winter months found there an
abundant harvest of ripened fruit. The grotesque form of the red-billed
Nashorr-bird rocked to and fro on the half-bare branches, and one
of the most splendid of African birds, the sky-blue Elminia, was
especially frequent. The bare sand-flats in the half dry river-bed were
the favourite resorts of the water-birds. The quaint-looking umbers
(_Scopus umbretta_), which are generally seen sitting solitary by the
shady swamps in the woods, were here marshalled along the banks in
flocks of twelve or fifteen; these birds, with their ponderous crested
heads pensively drooping in the noontide heat, seemed in their “sombre
weeds” rather to belong to the dreary wastes of the chilly north than
to the smiling grass-plains of the Upper Nile. Then there were the
great herons (_Mycteria senegalensis_) gravely strutting about, or
skimming the dark blue surface of the water on their silvery pinions.
The Khartoomers call this bird Aboo Mieh, or father of hundreds, in
commemoration of the munificence of a traveller who is said to have
given a hundred piastres (five dollars) for the first specimens of
this noble bird. In other places the sacred ibises had congregated
into groups, and with their bills turned towards the water, stood
or squatted motionless under the vertical beams of the midday sun.
The return of the dry and cool winter months regularly brings these
birds, like their compatriots the Khartoomers, into the more southerly
negro-countries. Ever and again the sharp cry of the osprey from some
invisible quarter would rouse the traveller from his reveries, as
though by its yelling laughter it were mocking at his meditations.
Storks, which are so prominent a feature in the Central Soudan, and are
so highly reverenced in Adamawa, did not appear in these regions, and
throughout my journey to the Niam-niam I never saw them.
We were hard at work on the following day in turning the huge carcase
of the hippopotamus to account for our domestic use. My people boiled
down great flasks of the fat which they took from the layers between
the ribs, but what the entire produce of grease would have been I
was unable to determine, as hundreds of natives had already cut off
and appropriated pieces of the flesh. When boiled, hippopotamus-fat
is very similar to pork-lard, though in the warm climate of Central
Africa it never attains a consistency firmer than that of oil. Of all
animal fats it appears to be the purest, and at any rate never becomes
rancid, and will keep for many years without requiring any special
process of clarifying; it has, however, a slight flavour of train-oil,
to which it is difficult for a European to become accustomed. It is
stated in some books that hippopotamus-bacon is quite a delicacy, but
I can by no means concur in the opinion; I always found it unfit for
eating, and when cut into narrow strips and roasted, it was as hard
and tough as so much rope; the same may be said of the tongue, which I
often had smoked and salted. The meat is remarkably fibrous, and is one
continuous tissue of sinews.
[Sidenote: KURBATCHES.]
Several hundred Nile-whips or kurbatches can be made from the hide
of a single animal, and afterwards, in Egypt, my servants made a
profitable little market by selling the whips, for which they found
a ready demand. By a proper application of oil, heat, and friction,
they may be made as flexible as gutta percha. The fresh skin is easily
cut crosswise into long quadrilateral strips, and when half dry, the
edges are trimmed with a knife, and the strips are hammered into the
round whips as though they were iron beaten on an anvil. The length of
these much dreaded “knouts” of the south is represented by half the
circumference of the body of the hippopotamus, the stump end of the
whip, which is about as thick as one’s finger, corresponding to the
skin on the back, whilst the point is the skin of the belly.
By a remarkable accident one of my most important manuscripts, happily
for me, escaped the conflagration in Ghattas’s Seriba. The explosion
of a chest of ammunition had sent the book flying high into the air,
where it had been caught by a current of wind caused by the glow, and,
being carried for some distance, fell to the ground in a wood outside
the Seriba; after the lapse of many days it was picked up by some
natives and brought to me with no other damage than that the edges
of the leaves had been slightly singed. The manuscript contained a
copious vocabulary of the Bongo dialect and a collection of carefully
translated phrases and sentences. I could not fail to accept this
recovered treasure as an incitement to the further prosecution of my
linguistic studies, and I set to work at once to replace my Dyoor
and Niam-niam vocabularies. The idioms of the far south and east,
which I had so laboriously committed to writing, the dialects of the
Mittoo tribes, of the Behl, of the Babuckur, and the Monbuttoo, were
unfortunately irrecoverably lost, for during my subsequent residence in
the Seribas I could never meet with competent interpreters.
My old friend Khalil commanded greater respect from his subordinates,
and maintained more order and discipline in his Seriba, than any other
controller belonging to a Khartoom mercantile firm with whom I ever
became acquainted. With him, the settler who had been longest in the
country, I spent many a pleasant hour, and from his confidential gossip
I gained many a hint that enabled me to form an accurate judgment upon
the state of affairs. He complained very much about the undisciplined
troops of his countrymen that were sent to him from Khartoom; he
emphatically denounced the slave trade, and although he could not
enter much into the humanity of the attempts for its suppression, yet
he was fully alive to the disadvantages that it exercised upon the
internal administration of the Seribas. He was extremely anxious that
the natives under his jurisdiction should suffer no diminution in their
numbers, and would often dispute with the itinerant slave-dealers their
right to carry off property that they had obtained from his territory;
he even endeavoured to exercise control over his subordinates in the
subsidiary Seribas, although they generally contrived to elude his
watchfulness. Whenever it happened that any orphan Dyoor or Bongo
children had been sold to the Gellahbas, he would use all sorts of
remonstrances and would spare no argument to induce the traders to
surrender their booty.
“This boy,” he would say, “you can’t have him: in the course of three
or four years he will be old enough to be a bearer, and will be able to
carry his 70 lbs. of ivory to the Meshera; and this girl, you mustn’t
take her: she will soon be of an age to be married and have children.
Where do you suppose I am to get my bearers in future, if you run off
with all the boys? and where do you expect that I shall find wives for
my Bongo and Dyoor, if you carry all the girls out of the country?”
[Sidenote: NUBIAN CHARACTER.]
However reserved might be my behaviour towards the Nubians, yet my long
period of daily intercourse with them gave me a tolerably deep insight
into their character. It may perhaps appear incomprehensible how, with
any equanimity, I could have endured for two years and a half the
exclusive society of what was, for the most part, a mere rough rabble;
but it must be remembered that the social position that I was able to
maintain amongst them was very different to what it would have been
amongst a party of rude and unpolished Europeans, and their religious
fanaticism, as well as the entire difference of their habits, raised
a strong barrier of defence against any sort of intimacy. Amongst the
thousands of Nubian colonists with whom I was thrown in contact, I
never met with a single individual who offered me any insult either in
word or deed; I never had occasion to enter into anything like domestic
relations with them, and never did otherwise than eat and sleep
perfectly alone and in the seclusion of my own hut. But in spite of all
my reserve I was a constant witness of the scenes in their daily life,
and I believe that very few of their habits escaped my notice; it may
not, therefore, be altogether uninteresting to insert here some results
of my observations upon the character of my old travelling companions.
Throughout this account of my wanderings I have, for the sake of
simplicity, always used the term “Nubians” to denote the present
inhabitants of the Nile Valley, in contradistinction to the Egyptians
and true Arabs (Syro-Arabians) on the one hand, and to the Ethiopian
Bedouins and the Negroes on the other. I do not for a moment deny
that the present Nubians (meaning by this term only the people who
dwell on the banks of the river) must have sprung from various races.
Independently of the three dialects of the Nubian language, which are
those of Dongola, of Kenoos, and of Mahass (in which it is supposed
that the still undeciphered ancient Ethiopian inscriptions are
written), and independently of Arabic being the actual mother-language
of the natives, who have, in fact, immigrated from Asia, and some of
whom, as for instance the Sheigieh, have hitherto remained ignorant
of the Nubian language altogether; they are yet all so united by one
common bond alike of general habits and physical character, that
they no longer exhibit any perceptible distinctions. It must also be
remembered that these Nubian natives of the Nile district have for
centuries not only intermarried with each other, but have also mixed
so indiscriminately with slaves of every origin, that they have lost
all traces of being other than a single race. Accordingly the use of
the term “Nubian,” under the restriction named, may be justified in
more than one respect, and may be fairly employed in geographical,
ethnographical, or historical relations.
Whoever has become acquainted with the passive natives of Berber or
Dongola[61] in Egypt only, or more especially in Alexandria, where
they are trusted with the charge of house and home, and whoever has
witnessed the patience with which they endure the antipathy of the
residents, will be at a loss how to reconcile his own impression
with the unfavourable one given by a traveller so faithful as
Burckhardt,[62] who knew them before they were subjected to Egyptian
domination, and has left on record his version of their national
character.
As far as my own experience went, with regard to morality, I decidedly
preferred the people of Berber to the Egyptians, and I believed that
the change for the better that had taken place since Burckhardt’s
visit to Berber and Shendy in 1822, had been owing to the more rigid
government of the Turks on the one hand, and to the increasing
physical luxury of the people of Berber on the other; for in their own
homes I never found them to be otherwise than quiet and harmless.
[Sidenote: VIRTUES AND VICES.]
My impressions, however, were at that time very imperfect; but
when I saw the people on the territory of the Bahr-el-Ghazal,
that pasture-land for their hungry spirits, where they are beyond
the jurisdiction of the Government and are no longer in dread of
bastinadoes, extortions, taxation, or summonses to the divans of
the satraps, and where there are no Egyptians to mock them with the
insulting cry of “Barabra,”—then I discovered the true side of their
nature, and all their leading traits came fully to light. Their
character, a curious mixture of exemplary virtues and most repulsive
vices, was not like a mechanical medley of antagonistic qualities,
but was a composition in which each single quality seemed to partake
of mingled good and evil, though unfortunately the evil decidedly
preponderated.
If an Alexandrian merchant were asked for a character of his Nubian
servant or baob, he would probably give it something in the following
way: “My servant is a man whom I would confidently trust with untold
gold, and yet there is no one to whom he is more indifferent than to
myself. I am convinced that if I were in danger he would not stir a
finger to save me.” And this judgment would indeed be perfectly fair;
the faithfulness of the Nubians is merely inspired by their cowardice,
otherwise it would not be limited to money or things of a similar
nature. Pilfering is not one of their failings, and is unheard of even
in their lawless proceedings in the wilderness of the Upper Nile. As
long as I lived amongst them they never robbed me of the smallest
article of my property, and in this respect their behaviour offered
a very favourable contrast to what I experienced from the Egyptians,
whose thievish propensities have already been placed by Burckhardt
in unfavourable contrast to the honesty of the Nubians. It is not,
however, a genuine sense of right that makes the Nubians honest, but
rather the want of courage that pervades all their dealings: courage,
whether for good or for evil, physical or moral, is entirely wanting
amongst them. Their agreement one with another, and the promptitude
with which every one feels bound to check a rising quarrel, whether it
concern himself or not, arises from this same defect. Their indomitable
striving for freedom is only the utterance of a spirit that rebels
against order of any kind, and refuses, even to be compelled to
cleanliness; but at the same time it cannot be denied that sparks of a
nobler nature can be traced in this part of their character, and they
show a degree of patriotism, a feeling of nationality, and a resistance
to usurped authority, all of which are sentiments quite unknown to the
Egyptians.
Untruthfulness has become to them a second nature, and most of them
will tell lies by habit, even when it is not of the smallest advantage
to conceal the truth.
They display a far greater amount of religious fanaticism in the
Seribas than in their own homes, as may be seen in their behaviour
towards the heathen negroes, and I should fill a long chapter if I were
to attempt to illustrate my account by the various examples of this of
which I was myself a witness. To their ineradicable belief in witches
and in the periodic migration of souls into the bodies of hyænas, I
have already made several allusions. But the most monstrous of all
their practices was that of liver-eating, of which some of the soldiers
(though I must confess they were only exceptions) were shamelessly
guilty during their encounters with the heathen. In Nubia dogs are
trained for the chase in rather a remarkable manner: for a long time
they are deprived of all animal food, but the first time afterwards
that an antelope is killed they are fed with its still reeking liver;
by this means the dog is accustomed to the scent, and becomes so wild
and bloodthirsty, that it is always eager to track and hunt down its
prey. It is probably this custom that has caused the liver-eating
people to imagine that by a similar method they may make themselves
invincible in battle; perhaps they entertain the belief, that after
partaking of such food, a portion of the power and courage of their
fallen foe may pass into the vanquisher.
[Sidenote: PREJUDICES.]
Other notions, very similar in character, appear to be widely diffused
throughout the Mohammedan world. In their bigoted prejudices the
Mohammedans imagine that the Christians are just as fanatical as
themselves; the pitch to which their imagination will carry them
about the actions of which they believe Christians to be guilty may
be illustrated by the following anecdote: A friend of mine, who held
the post of Government physician in a town on the Red Sea, proposed
one day, in order to gain a more accurate knowledge of a disorder that
was raging in the place, to dissect the body of a pilgrim, a stranger
without kith or kin, who had died in the hospital. The doctor had long
been on the look-out for an opportunity of this kind, but up to this
time had never had a body which he could consider as being at his own
disposal; now he thought he had a chance of making his investigations
in peace and quietness. But his project was quickly to be frustrated.
The hospital servants, perceiving his preparations, rushed horrified
to the Governor; the news spread like wild-fire through the little
town; the principal inhabitants met and consulted, and authorised a
deputation to wait upon the Governor, who, at their instance, commanded
the physician, under penalty of forfeiting his post, to desist from
the operation. The offender also received a severe reprimand from the
sanitary authorities, who expressed their indignation that he should
have been guilty of such an outrage upon the customs of the land. The
citizens were at length pacified, but for long afterwards the revolting
report was current amongst them that the doctor, being a Christian,
had been about to take the opportunity of eating the heart of a
Mussulman and of drinking his blood!
Khalil told me that in his own home it was the general belief, in
which, although he now knew better, he had himself been a firm
believer, that when a Mussulman enters the land of the Franks he is at
once caught and put into a cage, where he is carefully fattened; as
soon as he is nice and plump, he is placed upon a gridiron over a fire
that has been lighted in a pit below; the fat is collected as it drops
from his body, and from this fat of the faithful it is believed that
the Franks prepare their most subtle poisons.
Whenever a horse or a donkey gets in any way sickly it is compelled
to swallow pieces of pork; this is considered as an infallible
cure throughout the whole of Nubia, and in some of the heathen
negro-countries, where tame pigs are unknown, the flesh of the wild hog
(_Phacochærus_) is used as a substitute. The practice in Zanzibar and
in other places subject to the Arabian semi-culture of introducing pigs
into the stalls with the horses for the purpose of attracting the devil
from them into the swine, is unknown to the Nubians, but probably only
for the reason that stalls do not exist in the Soudan.
Amulets[63] are not only worn by dozens round the arms of the
“believers,” but are affixed to the doors of the houses as a protection
from fire, and, what may sound still more remarkable, they are hung
upon the necks of horses and donkeys. The writing of amulets is one of
the most remunerative occupations of the Fakis or scribes, and they are
in far greater requisition in Nubia than in Egypt.
[Sidenote: SILVER BULLETS.]
The Fakis of Darfoor are held in the greatest reverence, and they are
credited with the power of securing a certain protection from bullets.
They are presumed, by means of spells, to be able to make the lead to
dissolve into vapour, and to work enchantments so that the discharge
becomes innocuous. There has hence arisen in the Egyptian Soudan such
an exaggerated notion of the superiority of the weapons of Darfoor,
that none other than white Turkish troops are considered suitable for a
campaign against this stronghold of Mohammedan fanaticism. The Turks,
themselves bigoted enough, naturally laugh at all their superstition,
and an anecdote related to me by the Governor of Fashoda will serve
to illustrate the extravagance of these delusions of the Nubians. He
told me that Seebehr Rahama, the great Seriba owner, whose territory
joins the southern frontiers of Darfoor, had boasted to him that he
possessed a means of foiling the black art of the Foorian Fakis; he
had had 25,000 dollars melted down into bullets in Khartoom, and as
the amulets of the Fakis did not apply to silver, he declared these
new-fashioned shot to be most effectual. This story, as I have said,
had been received by the Governor from Seebehr’s own lips, and as I
heard it confirmed in various quarters, I have no reason to doubt its
truth, especially as Seebehr’s wealth and enterprising character were
as well-known to me as his blind superstition. If then the Viceroy
should open a war with Darfoor (and there are few who, interested
in the progress of enlightenment, would not rejoice to hear of such
a movement) he must first, before venturing to attack this African
Bokhara, lay in a store of the precious metal, in order to make the
weapons of his troops at all effective against their foes. A costly war
this would be in truth.
Throughout the Mohammedan Soudan there is a widespread belief in the
unfailing efficacy of water which has been subject to the charm of
imbibing the virtue of leaves of paper inscribed with texts from the
Koran; to the Nubians this infusion is the best of medicine.
According to their notions, all diseases may be divided into two
classes; those that are caused by “haboob” (wind), and those that are
caused by “damm” (blood). For purifying and cooling the blood their
specific remedies are infusions of pepper, cloves, and other spices.
Not a day, and hardly an hour, passed during my residence in the
Seribas without my being a witness to some action prompted by one or
other of their ingrained superstitions. The “evil eye,” which it is
well known is dreaded by all the people on the Mediterranean, plays a
prominent part amongst them. No one is ever seen to eat alone, or even
known to eat in private, and no food is ever carried across the road
without being carefully covered. The invitation “bes-millah,” which is
heard amongst the people as they sit at table, is by no means uttered
because there is a lack of envy and selfishness. Before the tongue of
any animal is eaten, the tip has to be cut off, for here, they say,
is the seat of all curses and evil wishes, and even the tongues of
sheep and oxen are not served up until they have been subject to this
treatment.
It is well known that most dogs have a few white hairs at the extreme
tip of the tail; this tip, they declare, must be removed, otherwise
the animal will not thrive. Altogether their fancies about dogs are
most absurd; they adhere to the belief that to inhale their breath
would be followed by grievous consequences, and that the worst
internal disorders, such as consumption and dropsy, would infallibly
ensue. Every Nubian dreads hearing a dog howl, and I was not a little
surprised at finding in this remote land a superstition that is common
in many parts of Europe, and which I remember having met with in
Hungary. The superstition to which I refer is, that whenever a dog
howls (and that is not seldom, for it will do so on hearing a donkey
bray) it betokens the approaching death of its master.
[Sidenote: MORE PREJUDICES.]
One of their practices is as disgusting as it is strange. They suppose
it will give them strength to apply the sweat of their horses to their
own bodies. After a ride they scrape off the sweat from their horse’s
back with their hand, and rub it about their persons, just in the
same way as if they were using one of their ordinary greasy ointments.
All Mohammedans have peculiar ideas about what is clean and unclean.
A horse is not an unclean animal, and therefore its sweat cannot be
supposed to defile a man. By the same rule, nothing impure can proceed
from a man, because man is not an unclean animal. This theory of
theirs is exemplified when a group of travellers is seen squatting
on the ground preparing their cooling drinks; with their dirty hands
they will squeeze the tamarinds into the water, and their draught is
ready; that a couple of sticks would be in any way a more wholesome or
seemly device appears never to have entered their thoughts. In order
to express his disgust at anything dirty or impure, the traveller
must either invent some phraseology of his own, or must signify his
disapprobation in the words: “Take that away: it is niggis” (_i.e_.
unclean in a religious sense): the Arabic terms for dirt being quite
inadequate to convey the right idea.
I should not omit to mention that there are certain prejudices about
the fabrication of European products that are shared by all the
inhabitants of the Soudan. They believe that gum-arabic is in such
demand in Europe only because the Franks use it for making their
glass-ware, and especially their beads. Cigars, they say, are rolled
up from tobacco that has been soaked in spirits to give it pungency;
consequently no true believer can be induced to put one to his lips.
All preserves are supposed to contain pork, or at any rate to be mixed
with pigs’ fat; otherwise, why should they be introduced into the
country? Cheese, a product that is utterly unknown amongst the pastoral
tribes of Africa, from the people of Morocco to the Bishareen on the
Red Sea, and from the Dinka to the Kaffirs, is imagined to be composed
of pigs’ milk, a fact which accounts for the predilection of the
Europeans for it.
I could go on reciting a hundred of the absurd prejudices and
misconceptions of the Nubians, but having given examples of their
failings, I will now say a few words in commendation and recognition of
the better qualities of my old friends. There are certain peculiarities
of their character that may be described as actual virtues. The Nubian
is far less cringing and servile to his superiors than the Egyptian:
the title “Seedy” (my lord), which is continually heard in ordinary
conversation amongst the Egyptians, is never heard from his lips. One
day I asked my servants why they persisted in addressing me by the
meagre and pointless term “Musyoo,” when their language provided them
with a courteous word like “Seedy,” which is always used in Egypt. They
at once replied that “Seedy” meant lord, and that they acknowledged no
lord but the one All-powerful Allah.
I have already mentioned the romantic tone of conversation used by all
Nubians, high and low, even on the most trifling subjects, and how, in
this respect, they form a striking contrast to the Egyptians, who are
ever harping on money and business.
Another very laudable trait in the character of the Nubians is their
moderation in eating; they eat little, but quickly; their meals seem to
occupy them but a few moments, and it is remarkable with what enjoyment
they will gulp down their frugal repast of tough kissere. They are not
at all dainty, and do not seem to covet tit-bits of any description;
they never helped themselves to any of my delicacies, though amongst
the Egyptians and the true negroes, I was always obliged to keep my
sugar-basin in a place of security. Their outbreaks of intemperance
over their abominable merissa stand out in strong and sad contrast to
their otherwise perfect moderation.
Amongst their physical qualities I may especially remark their powers
of marching; they are the best walkers that I know, and seem formed
for tramping along the wildernesses of Africa. Turks and Egyptians
are rarely seen in the Seribas of the Upper Nile district, and mainly
for the reason that in marching they are unable to keep pace with the
Nubians.
Although they are more lively and excitable than the Turks and
Egyptians, the Nubians exhibit a more decided idleness and dislike to
work than either of them; hence proceeds that utter want of order and
regularity in their households which is so conspicuous everywhere,
and to overcome which would require more energy than they are ever
likely to display. It is true that they are free from some of the
more revolting vices of the Turks, such for instance as opium-eating,
but they indulge in the same lascivious excesses, and have the same
hankering after stimulants when their physical powers flag or fail to
answer to those demands of an insatiable imagination, which have become
a second nature in the degenerate nations of the East.
[Sidenote: EXCURSION TO EGYPTIAN CAMP.]
My condition was somewhat ameliorated, but I was still in want of many
common necessaries. Hitherto I had been quite unable to find anything
that could compensate for the boots and shoes I had lost. In the hope,
therefore, of obtaining some of the things I so much required from
amongst the effects of the deceased Turkish Sandjak, I resolved to make
an excursion to the Egyptian camp. A series of settlements belonging to
various Khartoomers would be passed along the route, and by stopping at
these I might not only break my journey, but might get an opportunity
in addition of gaining information about that portion of the frontier
of the Upper Nile territory.
The camp of the Government was situated close to the chief settlement
of the most powerful of all the Khartoom Seriba owners, Seebehr Rahama,
who himself resided there. His territory included the western portion
of the district occupied by the Khartoomers, and was immediately
adjacent to the most southerly outposts of the Sultan of Darfoor.
A few days before I started on this little journey to the west, a
circumstance had occurred that had thrown all the inhabitants of this
Seriba into a great commotion, and which did not augur altogether well
for my projected tour. A conflict had broken out between the black
Government troops and Seebehr’s Nubian soldiers, and twenty Nubians
as well as many of the negroes had lost their lives in the fray. The
Turkish bazibozuks, instead of remaining neutral, had joined in the
affair and taken part against the blacks. The reason of this coalition
between the Egyptian Turks and the Nubian settlers was, that the
Turkish commander had given orders that their common enemy, Hellali,
should be seized and imprisoned. This Hellali, it will be remembered,
was the man who had been appointed to the special command of the black
troops of the Government, and who had represented himself as the owner
of the copper-mines in the south of Darfoor, stating that they had to
pay him 4000 dollars annually. He was really the cause of the present
quarrel, and the events that led to his imprisonment will not take long
to describe.
Hellali had drawn upon himself the odium of all the Khartoomers,
because, by alleging himself to be the owner of the land in the south
of Darfoor, he threw doubt upon their legal right to the soil on
which they had founded their Seribas; he was consequently summoned to
Khartoom to give an account of his conduct. All the representations by
which he had induced the Viceroy to undertake the expedition to the
Gazelle had turned out to be nothing but the fraudulent devices of a
swindler; Hellali had never possessed land in this district at all,
and much less had received any grant of territory from the Sultan of
Darfoor. For months it had been rumoured that he intended to retire
with his black troops to that part of the country, and in spite of his
appeal to the seal and signature of his Highness, by virtue of which he
claimed possession of the lands, the suspicion against him increased
to such an extent that the Turkish commander appeared to be justified
in proceeding to violent measures against the alleged favourite of the
Viceroy. The conflict that now arose determined the matter; Hellali had
been the mainspring of the quarrel with Seebehr’s people, and thus, as
I have said, his capture brought about a reconciliation between the
Turks and the Nubians.
[Sidenote: HELLALI.]
The immediate cause of the disagreement may now be related. Hellali
had ordered his soldiers to make requisitions of corn upon the natives
under Seebehr’s jurisdiction, who had hitherto been accustomed to
furnish contributions to none but their own master. The strange troops
were proceeding by violence to appropriate to themselves the contents
of the granaries, when the Nubian soldiers, with Seebehr himself at
their head, sallied out from the Seriba, and attempted to drive off the
intruders. Hellali’s people immediately opened fire upon the Nubians,
and the very first shot wounded Seebehr in the ankle. This was the
signal for a general battle, and many lives were lost on either side.
For the first few days the Egyptian camp, so near the Seriba as it was,
was in imminent danger, and could with difficulty hold its own against
the ever-increasing numbers of antagonists, for of course all the
neighbours hastened to the assistance of Seebehr, whose fighting force
already amounted to more than a thousand. In this dilemma the Turkish
commander was obliged to resort to the diplomatic measure to which I
have referred, so as to avert the serious consequences that threatened
himself and his troops.
FOOTNOTES:
[58] The Turkish name is properly pronounced Kutshook
Aly, but I give the words as I believe they are more
generally written.
[59] The negro races of Central Africa also, without any
notion of hours as a division of time, are able to
indicate the time of day by the same method, which
for the equinoctial regions may be considered quite
practical.
[60] _Vide_ Chapter V.
[61] The Egyptians call them simply “Barãbra.”
[62] ‘Travels in Nubia,’ by the late John Lewis Burckhardt.
London, 1822.
[63] Burckhardt gives copies of two of these amulets in his
‘Travels,’ pp. 210 and 211.