CHAPTER XIII.

[Illustration: KING MUNZA IN FULL DRESS.]

THE

HEART OF AFRICA.

THREE YEARS’ TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES

IN THE UNEXPLORED REGIONS OF CENTRAL AFRICA.

FROM 1868 TO 1871.

BY

DR. GEORG SCHWEINFURTH.

TRANSLATED BY ELLEN E. FREWER.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY WINWOOD READE.

_IN TWO VOLUMES._

VOL. II.

WITH MAPS AND WOODCUT ILLUSTRATIONS.

LONDON:

SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, LOW, AND SEARLE.

CROWN BUILDINGS, 188, FLEET STREET.

1873.

_All rights reserved._

LONDON:

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,

STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.

CONTENTS.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XIII.

The NIAM-NIAM—Signification of the name—General characteristics—

Distinct nationality—Complexion and tattooing—Time spent on

hair-dressing—_Frisure à la gloire_—Favourite adornments—

Weapons—Soldierly bearing—A nation of hunters—Women

agriculturists—The best beer in Africa—Cultivated plants—

Domestic animals—Dogs—Preparation of maize—Cannibalism—

Analogy with the Fans of the West Coast—Architecture—Power of

the princes—Their households—Events during war—Immunity of the

white man—Wanton destruction of elephants—Bait for wild-fowl—

Arts and manufactures—Forms of greeting—Position of the women—

An African pastime—Musical taste—Professional jesters and

minstrels—Praying-machine—Auguries—Mourning for the dead—

Disposal of the dead—Genealogical table of Niam-niam

princes Page 1

CHAPTER XIV.

Mohammed’s friendship for Munza—Invitation to an audience—Solemn

escort to the royal halls—Waiting for the king—Architecture

of the halls—Grand display of ornamental weapons—Fantastic

attire of the sovereign—Features and expression—Stolid

composure—Offering gifts—_Toilette_ of Munza’s wives—The

king’s mode of smoking—Use of the cola-nut—Musical performances—

Court fool—Court eunuch—Munza’s oration—Monbuttoo hymn—

Munza’s gratitude—A present of a house—Curiosity of natives—

Skull-market—Niam-niam envoys—Fair complexion of natives—Visit

from Munza’s wives—Triumphal procession—A bath under

_surveillance_—Discovery of the sword-bean—Munza’s castle

and private apartments—Reserve on geographical subjects—

Non-existence of Piaggia’s lake—My dog exchanged for a pygmy—

Goats of the Momvoo—Extract of meat—Khartoomers’ stations

in Monbuttoo country—Mohammed’s plan for proceeding southwards—

Temptation to penetrate farther towards interior—Money and good

fortune—Great festival—Cæsar dances—Munza’s visits—The

Guinea-hog—My washing-tub 37

CHAPTER XV.

The MONBUTTOO—Previous accounts of the Monbuttoo—Population—

Surrounding nations—Neglect of agriculture—Products of the

soil—Produce of the chase—Forms of greeting—Preparation of

food—Universal cannibalism—National pride and warlike spirit—

Power of the sovereign—His habits—The royal household—Advanced

culture of the Monbuttoo—Peculiarities of race—Fair hair and

complexion—Analogy to the Fulbe—Preparation of bark—Nudity of

the women—Painting of the body—_Coiffure_ of men and women—

Mutilation not practised—Equipment of warriors—Manipulation of

iron—Early knowledge of copper—Probable knowledge of platinum—

Tools—Wood-carving—Stools and benches—Symmetry of water-

bottles—Large halls—Love of ornamental trees—Conception of

Supreme Being 80

CHAPTER XVI.

The PYGMIES—Nubian stories—Ancient classical allusions—Homer,

Herodotus, Aristotle—My introduction to Pygmies—Adimokoo

the Akka—Close questioning—War-dance—Visits from many Akka—

Mummery’s Pygmy corps—My adopted Pygmy—Nsewue’s life and death—

Dwarf races of Africa—Accounts of previous authors: Battel,

Dapper, Kölle—Analogy of Akka with Bushmen—Height and

complexion—Hair and beards—Shape of the body—Awkward gait—

Graceful hands—Form of skull—Size of eyes and ears—Lips—

Gesticulations—Dialect inarticulate—Dexterity and cunning—

Munza’s protection of the race 122

CHAPTER XVII.

Return to the North—Tikkitikki’s reluctance to start—Passage of

the Gadda—Sounding the Keebaly—The river Kahpily—Cataracts

of the Keebaly—Kubby’s refusal of boats—Our impatience—Crowds

of hippopotamuses—Possibility of fording the river—Origin and

connection of the Keebaly—Division of highland and lowland—

Geographical expressions of Arabs and Nubians—Mohammedan

perversions—Return to Nembey—Bivouac in the border-wilderness—

Eating wax—The Niam-niam declare war—Parley with the enemy—My

mistrust of the guides—Treacherous attack on Mohammed—Mohammed’s

dangerous wound—Open war—Detruncated heads—Effect of arrows—

Mohammed’s defiance—Attack on the abattis—Pursuit of the enemy—

Inexplicable appearance of 10,000 men—Waudo’s unpropitious omen—

My Niam-niam and their oracle—Mohammed’s speedy cure—Solar

phenomenon—Dogs barbarously speared—Women captured—Niam-niam

affection for their wives—Calamus—Upper course of the Mbrwole—

Fresh captive—Her composure—Alteration in scenery—Arrival at

the Nabambisso 147

CHAPTER XVIII.

Solitary days and short provisions—Productive ant-hill—Ideal

plenty and actual necessity—Attempt at epicurism—Expedition

to the east—Papyrus swamp—Disgusting food of the Niam-niam—

Merdyan’s Seriba—Hyæna as beast of prey—Losing the way—

Reception in Tuhamy’s Seriba—Scenery of Mondoo—Gyabir’s

marriage—Discovery of the source of the Dyoor—Mount Baginze—

Vegetation of mountain—Cyanite gneiss—Mohammed’s campaign

against Mbeeoh—Three Bongo missing—Skulls Nos. 36, 37, and 38—

Indifference of Nubians to cannibalism—Horrible scene—Change

in mode of living—Invasion of ants—Peculiar method of crossing

the Sway—Bad tidings—Successful chase—Extract of meat—Return

of long absent friends—Adventures of Mohammed’s detachment—Route

from Rikkete to Kanna—Disappointment with Niam-niam dog—Limited

authority of Nganye—Suspension-bridge over the Tondy 194

CHAPTER XIX.

Division of the caravan—Trip to the east—African elk—Bamboo-

forests—Seriba Mbomo on the Lehssy—Abundance of corn—Route

between Kuddoo and Mbomo—Maize-culture—Harness-bushbock—

Leopard carried in triumph—Leopards and panthers—The Babuckur—

Lips of the Babuckur women—Surprised by buffaloes—Accident in

crossing the Lehssy—Tracts of wilderness—Buffaloes in the

bush—The Mashirr hills—Tamarinds again—Wild dates—Tikkitikki

and the cows—The Viceroy’s scheme—Hunger on the march—Passage

of the Tondy—Suggestion for a ferry—Prosperity of Ghattas’s

establishments—Arrival of expected stores—A dream realised—

Trip to Kurkur—Hyæna dogs—Dislike of the Nubians to pure water—

Two soldiers killed by Dinka—Attempt to rear an elephant—My

menagerie—Accident from an arrow—Cattle plagues—Meteorology—

Trip to the Dyoor—Gyabir’s delusion—Bad news of Mohammed—

Preparations for a second Niam-niam journey 246

CHAPTER XX.

A disastrous day—Failure to rescue my effects—Burnt Seriba by

night—Comfortless bed—A wintry aspect—Rebuilding the Seriba—

Cause of the fire—Idrees’s apathy—An exceptionally wet day—

Bad news of Niam-niam expedition—Measuring distance by

footsteps—Start to the Dyoor—Khalil’s kind reception—A

restricted wardrobe—Temperature at its minimum—Corn requisitions

of Egyptian troops—Slave trade carried on by soldiers—

Suggestions for improved transport—Chinese hand-barrows—Defeat

of Khartoomers by Ndoruma—Nubians’ fear of bullets—A lion shot—

Nocturnal disturbance—Measurements of the river Dyoor—

Hippopotamus hunt—Habits of hippopotamus—Hippopotamus fat—Nile

whips—Recovery of a manuscript—Character of the Nubians—Nubian

superstitions—Strife in the Egyptian camp 289

CHAPTER XXI.

Fresh wanderings—Dyoor remedy for wounds—Crocodiles in the

Ghetty—Former residence of Miss Tinné—Dirt and disorder—The

Baggara-Rizegat—An enraged fanatic—The Pongo—Frontiers of

the Bongo and Golo—A buffalo-calf shot—Idrees Wod Defter’s

Seriba—Golo dialect—Corn magazines of the Golo—The

Kooroo—The goats’ brook—Increasing level of land—Seebehr’s

Seriba Dehm Nduggoo—Discontent of the Turks—Visit to an

invalid—Ibrahim Effendi—Establishment of the Dehms—Nubians

rivals to the slave-dealers—Population of Dar Ferteet—The

Kredy—Overland route to Kordofan—Shekka—Copper mines of

Darfoor—Raw copper 332

CHAPTER XXII.

Underwood of Cycadeæ—Peculiar mills of the Kredy—Wanderings in

the wilderness—Crossing the Beery—Inhospitable reception at

Mangoor—Numerous brooks—Huge emporium of slave-trade—Highest

point of my travels—Western limit—Gallery-woods near Dehm

Gudyoo—Scorbutic attack—Dreams and their fulfilment—Courtesy

of Yumma—Remnants of ancient mountain ridges—Upper course

of the Pongo—Information about the far west—Great river of

Dar Aboo Dinga—Barth’s investigations—Primogeniture of the

Bahr-el-Arab—First giving of the weather—Elephant-hunters from

Darfoor—The Sehre—Wild game around Dehm Adlan—Cultivated

plants of the Sehre—Magic tuber—Deficiency of water—A night

without a roof—Irrepressible good spirits of the Sehre—Lower

level of the land—A miniature mountain-range—Norway rats—

Gigantic fig-tree in Moody—The “evil eye”—Little steppe-

burning—Return to Khalil’s quarters 373

CHAPTER XXIII.

Katherine II.’s villages—Goods bartered by slave-traders—Agents

of slave-traders—Baseness of Fakis—Horrible scene—Enthusiasm

of slave-dealers—Hospitality shown to slave-dealers—Three

classes of Gellahbas—Intercourse with Mofio—Price of slaves—

Relative value of races—Private slaves of the Nubians—

Voluntary slaves—Slave-women—The murhaga—Agricultural slave-

labour—Population of the district—Five sources of the slave-

trade—Repressive measures of the Government—Slave-raids of

Mehemet Ali—Slow progress of humanity—Accomplishment of half

the work—Egypt’s mission—No co-operation from Islamism—

Regeneration of the East—Depopulation of Africa—Indignation

of the traveller—Means for suppressing the slave-trade—

Commissioners of slaves—Chinese immigration—Foundation and

protection of great States 410

CHAPTER XXIV.

Tidings of war—Two months’ hunting—Yolo antelopes—Reed-rats—

Habits of the Aulacodus—River-oysters—Soliman’s arrival—

Advancing season—Execution of a rebel—Return to Ghattas’s

Seriba—Disgusting population—Allagabo—Alarm of fire—Strange

evolutions of hartebeests—Nubian cattle-raids—Traitors among

the natives—Remains of Shol’s huts—Lepers and slaves—Ambiguous

slave-trading—Down the Gazelle—The Balæniceps again—Dying

hippopotamus—Invocation of saints—Disturbance at night—False

alarm—Taken in tow—The Mudir’s camp—Crowded boats—Confiscation

of slaves—Surprise in Fashoda—Slave-caravans on the bank—

Arrival in Khartoom—Telegram to Berlin—Seizure of my servants—

Remonstrance with the Pasha—Mortality in the fever season—

Tikkitikki’s death—Θάλαττα. θάλαττα. 443

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

(ENGRAVED BY J. D. COOPER.)

[Illustration]

PAGE

King Munza in full dress _Frontispiece_

Remarkable head-dress of the Niam-niam 7

Knives, scimitars, trumbashes, and shield of the Niam-niam 10

Niam-niam warrior 11

Niam-niam warriors _to face_ 12

Clay pipes of the Niam-niam 14

Niam-niam dog 15

Niam-niam granary 20

Bamogee: or hut for the boys 21

Niam-niam handicraft 26

Munza’s residence _to face_ 63

Breed of cattle from the Maoggoo country 64

Goat of the Momvoo 69

King Munza dancing before his wives _to face_ 74

King Munza’s dish 79

Monbuttoo warriors 103

Monbuttoo woman 105

Weapons of the Monbuttoo 107

Spear-heads 111

Hatchet, spade, and adze, of the Monbuttoo 112

Wooden kettle-drum 113

Single seat used by the women 114

Seat-rest 115

Water-bottles 116

Bomby the Akka 130

Nsewue the Akka 134

Dinka pipe 146

View on the Keebaly, near Kubby _to face_ 158

A gallery-forest _to face_ 166

Mohammed defies his enemies _to face_ 177

Our daily life in camp _to face_ 194

Suspension-bridge over the Tondy _to face_ 244

Horns of Central African Eland 249

Golo woman 350

Corn-magazine of the Golo 352

Kredy hut 375

Interior of Kredy hut 376

“Karra,” the magic tuber 399

A Bongo concert 404

Slave-traders from Kordofan _to face_ 410

Babuckur slave 420

Slave at work 424

Hunting reed-rats 447

Far-el-boos. (_Aulacodus Swinderianus_) 449

Bongo village, near Geer _to face_ 461

[Illustration:

SKETCH MAP

of

Dᴿ SCHWEINFURTH’S

ROUTES

1868-1871.

London. Sampson Low & Cᵒ. Lith. v. C. Korbgeweit, Berlin.

]

THE HEART OF AFRICA.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE NIAM-NIAM. Signification of the name. General characteristics.

Distinct nationality. Complexion and tattooing. Time spent on

hair-dressing. _Frisure à la gloire._ Favourite adornments.

Weapons. Soldierly bearing. A nation of hunters. Women

agriculturists. The best beer in Africa. Cultivated plants.

Domestic animals. Dogs. Preparation of maize. Cannibalism.

Analogy with the Fans of the West Coast. Architecture. Power

of the princes. Their households. Events during war. Immunity

of the white man. Wanton destruction of elephants. Bait for

wild-fowl. Arts and manufactures. Forms of greeting. Position

of the women. An African pastime. Musical taste. Professional

jesters and minstrels. Praying machine. Auguries. Mourning for

the dead. Disposal of the dead. Genealogical table of Niam-niam

princes.

Long before Mehemet Ali, by despatching his expeditions up the White

Nile, had made any important advance into the interior of the unknown

continent—before even a single sailing vessel had ever penetrated

the grass-barriers of the Gazelle—at a time when European travellers

had never ventured to pass the frontiers of that portion of Central

Africa which is subject to Islamism—whilst the heathen negro countries

of the Soudan were only beginning to dawn like remote nebulæ on the

undefined horizon of our geographical knowledge—tradition had already

been circulated about the existence of a people with whose name the

Mohammedans of the Soudan were accustomed to associate all the savagery

which could be conjured up by a fertile imagination. The comparison

might be suggested that just as at the present day, in civilised

Europe, questions concerning the descent of men from apes form a

subject of ordinary conversation, so at that time in the Soudan did

the Niam-niam (under the supposition that they were graced with tails)

serve as common ground for all ideas that pertained to the origin of

man. This people, whose existence was evoked from the mysterious hordes

of witches and goblins, might have vanished amidst the dim obscurity of

the primeval forests if it had not been that Alexandre Dumas, in his

tale of ‘l’Homme à Queue,’ so rich in its charming simplicity, had,

exactly at the right moment, raised a small memorial which contributed

to its preservation.

To lift in a measure the veil which had enveloped the Niam-niam with

this legendary and magic mystery fell to the lot of my predecessor

Piaggia, that straightforward and intrepid Italian who, animated by the

desire of opening up some reliable insight into their real habits, had

resided alone for a whole year amongst them.[1]

I reckon it my own good fortune that I was so soon to follow him into

the very midst of this cannibal population. It was indeed a period of

transition from the age of tradition to that of positive knowledge,

but I have no hesitation in asserting that these Niam-niam, apart from

some specialities which will always appertain to the human race so long

as it hangs unconsciously upon the breast of its great mother Nature,

are men of like passions with ourselves, equally subject to the same

sentiments of grief and joy. I have interchanged with them many a jest,

and I have participated in their child-like sports, enlivened by the

animating beating of their war-drums or by the simple strains of their

mandolins.

[Sidenote: APPELLATIONS OF THE NIAM-NIAM.]

The name Niam-niam[2] is borrowed from the dialect of the Dinka, and

means “eaters,” or rather “great eaters,” manifestly betokening a

reference to the cannibal propensities of the people. This designation

has been so universally incorporated into the Arabic of the Soudan,

that it seems unadvisable to substitute for it the word “Zandey,” the

name by which the people are known amongst themselves. Since among

the Mohammedans of the Soudan the term Niam-niam (plur. Niamah-niam)

is principally associated with the idea of cannibalism, the same

designation is sometimes applied by them to other nations who have

nothing in common with the true Niam-niam, or “Zandey,” except the

one characteristic of a predilection for eating human flesh. The

neighbouring nations have a variety of appellations to denote them. The

Bongo on the north sometimes call them Mundo, and sometimes Manyanya;

in the country behind these are the Dyoor, who uniformly speak of

them as the O-Madyaka; the tribe of the Mittoo on the east give them

the name of the Makkarakka, or Kakkarakka; the Golo style them Kunda;

whilst among the Monbuttoo they are known as Babungera.

The greater part of the Niam-niam country lies between the fourth and

sixth parallels of north latitude, and a line drawn across the centre

from east to west would correspond with the watershed between the

basins of the Nile and Tsad. My own travels were confined exclusively

to the eastern portion of the country, which, as far as I could

understand, is bounded in that direction by the upper course of the

Tondy; but in that district alone I became acquainted with as many

as thirty-five independent chieftains who rule over the portion of

Niam-niam territory that is traversed by the trading companies from

Khartoom.

Of the extent of the country towards the west I was unable to gain any

definite information; but as far as the land is known to the Nubians

it would appear to cover between five and six degrees of longitude,

and must embrace an area of about 48,000 square miles. The population

of the known regions is at least two millions, an estimate based upon

the number of armed men at the disposal of the chieftains through

whose territory I travelled, and upon the corresponding reports of the

fighting force in the western districts.

No traveller could possibly find himself for the first time surrounded

by a group of true Niam-niam without being almost forced to confess

that all he had hitherto witnessed amongst the various races of

Africa was comparatively tame and uninteresting, so remarkable is the

aspect of this savage people. No one, after observing the promiscuous

intermingling of races which (in singular contrast to the uniformity of

the soil) prevails throughout the entire district of the Gazelle, could

fail to be struck by the pronounced characteristics of the Niam-niam,

which make them capable of being identified at the first glance amidst

the whole series of African races. As a proof of this, I may introduce

a case in point. I was engaged one day in taking the measurements of a

troop of Bongo bearers, when at once I detected that the leader of the

band had all the characteristics of the Niam-niam type. I asked him how

it happened that he was a “nyare,” _i.e._, a local overseer, among the

Bongo, when the mere shape of his head declared him, beyond a doubt,

to be a Niam-niam. To the amazement of all who were present he replied

that he was born of Niam-niam parents, but that it had been his fate

when a child to be conveyed into the country of the Bongo. This is an

example which serves to demonstrate how striking are the distinctions

which enable an observer to carry out the diagnosis of a negro with

such certainty, and to arrive at conclusions which ordinarily could

only be conjectured by noticing his apparel or some external and

accidental adornments.

[Sidenote: APPEARANCE OF THE NIAM-NIAM.]

I propose in the present chapter to give a brief summary of the

characteristics of this Niam-niam people, and shall hope so to explain

the general features of their physiological and osteological aspect,

and so to describe the details of their costume and ornaments, that I

may not fail in my desire to convey a tolerably correct impression of

this most striking race.

The round broad heads of the Niam-niam, of which the proportions may

be ranked among the lowest rank of brachycephaly, are covered with

the thick frizzly hair of what are termed the true negroes; this is

of an extraordinary length, and arranged in long plaits and tufts

flowing over the shoulders and sometimes falling as low as the waist.

The eyes, almond-shaped and somewhat sloping, are shaded with thick,

sharply-defined brows, and are of remarkable size and fulness; the

wide space between them testifies to the unusual width of the skull,

and contributes a mingled expression of animal ferocity, warlike

resolution, and ingenuous candour. A flat square nose, a mouth of about

the same width as the nose, with very thick lips, a round chin, and

full plump cheeks, complete the countenance, which may be described as

circular in its general contour.

The body of the Niam-niam is ordinarily inclined to be fat, but it does

not commonly exhibit much muscular strength. The average height does

not exceed that of Europeans, a stature of 5 feet 10½ inches being

the tallest that I measured. The upper part of the figure is long in

proportion to the legs, and this peculiarity gives a strange character

to their movements, although it does not impede their agility in their

war dances.

The skin in colour is in no way remarkable. Like that of the Bongo,

it may be compared to the dull hue of a cake of chocolate. Among

the women, detached instances may be found of various shades of a

copper-coloured complexion, but the ground-tint is always the same—an

earthy red, in contrast to the bronze tint of the true Ethiopian

(Kushitic) races of Nubia. As marks of nationality, all the “Zandey”

score themselves with three or four tattooed squares filled up with

dots; they place these indiscriminately upon the forehead, the temples,

or the cheeks. They have, moreover, a figure like the letter X under

the breasts; and in some exceptional cases they tattoo the bosom and

upper parts of the arm with a variety of patterns, either stripes, or

dotted lines, or zigzags. No mutilation of the body is practised by

either sex, but this remark must be subject to the one exception that

they fall in with the custom, common to the whole of Central Africa,

of filing the incisor teeth to a point, for the purpose of effectually

griping the arm of an adversary either in wrestling or in single combat.

On rare occasions, a piece of material made from the bark of the

Urostigma is worn as clothing; but, as a general rule, the entire

costume is composed of skins, which are fastened to a girdle and form

a picturesque drapery about the loins. The finest and most variegated

skins are chosen for this purpose, those of the genet and colobus being

held in the highest estimation; the long black tail of the quereza

monkey (_Colobus_) is also fastened to the dress. Only chieftains

and members of royal blood have the privilege of covering the head

with a skin, that of the serval being most generally designated for

this honour. In crossing the dewy steppes in the early morning during

the rainy season, the men are accustomed to wear a large antelope

hide, which is fastened round the neck, and, falling to the knees,

effectually protects the body from the cold moisture of the long grass.

A covering, which always struck me as very graceful, was formed from

the skin of the harness bush-bock (_A. scripta_), of which the dazzling

white stripes on a yellowish ground never fail to be very effective.

The sons of chieftains wear their dress looped up on one side, so that

one leg is left entirely bare.

[Illustration: Remarkable head-dress of the Niam-niam.]

[Sidenote: HEAD-DRESS OF THE NIAM-NIAM.]

The men take an amount of trouble in arranging their hair which

is almost incredible, whilst nothing could be more simple and

unpretending than the ordinary head-gear of the women. It would,

indeed, be a matter of some difficulty to discover any kind of plaits,

tufts, or top-knots which has not already been tried by the Niam-niam

men. The hair is usually parted right down the middle; towards the

forehead it branches off, so as to leave a kind of triangle; from

the fork which is thus formed a tuft is raised, and carried back to

be fastened behind; on either side of this tuft the hair is arranged

in rolls, like the ridges and crevices of a melon. Over the temples

separate rolls are gathered up into knots, from which hang more tufts,

twisted like cord, that fall in bunches all round the neck, three or

four of the longest tresses being allowed to go free over the breast

and shoulders. The women dress their hair in a simpler but somewhat

similar manner, omitting the long plaits and tufts. The most peculiar

head-gear that I saw was upon some men who came from the territory

of Keefa, and of this a representation is given in the accompanying

portrait. These people reminded me very much of the description given

by Livingstone of the Balonda, that people of Londa, on the Zambesi,

which he came across during his first journey. The head is encircled by

a series of rays like the glory which adorns the likeness of a saint.

This circle is composed entirely of the man’s own hair, single tresses

being taken from all parts of the head and stretched tightly over a

hoop, which is ornamented with cowries. The hoop is fastened to the

lower rim of a straw hat by means of four wires, which are drawn out

before the men lie down to sleep, when the whole arrangement admits of

being folded back. This elaborate coiffure demands great attention, and

much time must be devoted to it every day. It is only the men who wear

any covering at all upon their head: they use a cylindrical hat without

any brim, square at the top and always ornamented with a waving plume

of feathers; the hat is fastened on by large hair-pins, made either of

iron, copper, or ivory, and tipped with crescents, tridents, knobs, and

various other devices.

A very favourite decoration is formed out of the incisor teeth of a

dog strung together under the hair, and hanging along the forehead

like a fringe. The teeth of different rodentia likewise are arranged

as ornaments that resemble strings of coral. Another ornament, far

from uncommon, is cut out of ivory in imitation of lions’ teeth, and

arranged in a radial fashion all over the breast, the effect of the

white substance in contrast with the dark skin being very striking.

Altogether the decoration may be considered as imposing as the pointed

collar of the days of chivalry, and is quite in character with the

warlike nation who find their pastime in hunting. Glass beads are held

in far less estimation by the Niam-niam than by the neighbouring races;

and only that lazuli blue sort which I have mentioned as known in

the Khartoom market by the name of “mandyoor” finds any favour at all

amongst them. Cowries are often used to trim the girdles as well as the

head-gear.

[Sidenote: TRUMBASHES.]

The principal weapons of the Niam-niam are their lances and their

trumbashes. The word “trumbash,” which has been incorporated into

the Arabic of the Soudan, is the term employed in Sennaar to denote

generally all the varieties of missiles that are used by the negro

races; it should, however, properly be applied solely to that sharp

flat projectile of wood, a kind of boomerang, which is used for killing

birds or hares, or any small game: when the weapon is made of iron,

it is called “kulbeda.” The trumbash of the Niam-niam[3] consists

ordinarily of several limbs of iron, with pointed prongs and sharp

edges. Iron missiles very similar in their shape are found among

the tribes of the Tsad basin; and a weapon constructed on the same

principle, the “changer manger,” is in use among the Marghy and the

Musgoo.

The trumbashes are always attached to the inside of the shields, which

are woven from the Spanish reed, and are of a long oval form, covering

two-thirds of the body; they are ornamented with black and white

crosses or other devices, and are so light that they do not in the

least impede the combatants in their wild leaps. An expert Niam-niam,

by jumping up for a moment, can protect his feet from the flying

missiles of his adversary. Bows and arrows, which, as handled by the

Bongo, give them a certain advantage, are not in common use among the

Niam-niam, who possess a peculiar weapon of attack in their singular

knives, that have blades like sickles. The Monbuttoo, who are far more

skilful smiths than the Niam-niam, supply them with most of these

weapons, receiving in return a heavy kind of lance, that is adapted

for the elephant and buffalo chase.

[Illustration:

Knives, scimitars, trumbashes, and shield of the Niam-niam.

(The shield is represented in three different positions.)]

[Illustration]

[Sidenote: NIAM-NIAM WARRIOR.]

Such are the details with which I present the reader with my portrait

of the Niam-niam in his full accoutrement of war. With his lance in one

hand, his woven shield and trumbash in the other—with his scimitar in

his girdle, and his loins encircled by a skin, to which are attached

the tails of several animals—adorned on his breast and on his forehead

by strings of teeth, the trophies of war or of the chase—his long

hair floating freely over his neck and shoulders—his large keen eyes

gleaming from beneath his heavy brow—his white and pointed teeth

shining from between his parted lips—he advances with a firm and

defiant bearing, so that the stranger as he gazes upon him may well

behold, in this true son of the African wilderness, every attribute of

the wildest savagery that may be conjured up by the boldest flight of

fancy. It is therefore by no means difficult to account for the deep

impression made by the Niam-niam on the fantastic imagination of the

Soudan Arabs. I have seen the wild Bishareen and other Bedouins of the

Nubian deserts; I have gazed with admiration upon the stately war-dress

of the Abyssinians; I have been riveted with surprise at the supple

forms of the mounted Baggara: but nowhere, in any part of Africa, have

I ever come across a people that in every attitude and every motion

exhibited so thorough a mastery over all the circumstances of war or of

the chase as these Niam-niam. Other nations in comparison seemed to me

to fall short in the perfect ease—I might almost say, in the dramatic

grace—that characterised their every movement.

[Illustration: NIAM-NIAM WARRIORS.]

In describing this people, it is hard to determine how far they ought

to be designated as a nation of hunters, or one of agriculturists, the

two occupations apparently being equally distributed between the two

sexes. The men most studiously devote themselves to their hunting,

and leave the culture of the soil to be carried on exclusively by the

women. Occasionally, indeed, the men may bring home a supply of fruits,

tubers and funguses from their excursions through the forests, but

practically they do nothing for the support of their families beyond

providing them with game. The agriculture of the Niam-niam, in contrast

with that of the Bongo, involves but a small outlay of labour. The more

limited area of the arable land, the larger number of inhabitants that

are settled on every square mile, the greater productiveness of the

soil, of which in some districts the exuberance is unsurpassed—all

combine to make the cultivation of the country supremely easy. The

entire land is pre-eminently rich in many spontaneous products, animal

and vegetable alike, that conduce to the direct maintenance of human

life.

The _Eleusine coracana_ (the “raggi” of the East Indies), a cereal

which I had found only scantily propagated among the people that I have

hitherto described, is here the staple of cultivation; sorghum in most

districts is quite unknown, and maize is only grown in inconsiderable

quantities.

[Sidenote: ELEUSINE BEER.]

Here, as in Abyssinia (where its product is called tocusso), eleusine

affords a material for a very palatable beer.[4] In the Mohammedan

Soudan the inhabitants, from cold fermented sorghum-dough, extract the

well-known merissa; and by first warming the dough, and exercising

more care and patience in the process, is made the bilbil of the

Takareer; neither of these beverages, however, to our palate would

be much superior to sour pap: even the booza of Egypt, made though

it is from wheat, is hardly in any respect superior in quality. But

the drink which by the Niam-niam is prepared from their eleusine

is really capable, from the skill with which it is manipulated, of

laying a fair claim to be known as _beer_. It is quite bright; it is

of a reddish-pale brown colour, and it is regularly brewed from the

malted grain, without the addition of any extraneous ingredient; it

has a pleasant, bitter flavour, derived from the dark husks, which,

if they were mixed in their natural condition with the dough, would

impart a twang that would be exceedingly unpalatable. How large is the

proportion of beer consumed by the Niam-niam may be estimated by simply

observing the ordinary way in which they store their corn. As a regular

rule, there are three granaries allotted to each dwelling, of which two

are made to suffice for the supply which is to contribute the meal

necessary for the household; the other is entirely devoted to the grain

that has been malted.

Manioc, sweet potatoes, yams, and colocasiæ are cultivated with little

trouble, and rarely fail to yield excellent crops. Plantains are

only occasionally seen in the east, and from the districts in which

I travelled, I should judge that they are not a main support of life

at any latitude higher than 4° N. Sugar-canes and oil-palms entirely

failed in this part of the land, but I was informed that they were as

plentiful in Keefa’s territory as they are among the Monbuttoo.

[Illustration: Clay pipes of the Niam-niam.]

All the Niam-niam are tobacco-smokers. Their name for the

_Nicotiana tabacum_ is “gundey,” and they are the only people of

the Bahr-el-Ghazal district that have a special designation for the

plant. The other sort, _N. rustica_, which, on the contrary, has a

local appellation in nearly every dialect of the neighbouring nations

(apparently denoting that the plant is indigenous to Central Africa)

is utterly unknown throughout the country. The people smoke from clay

pipes of peculiar form, consisting of elongated bowls without stems.

Like other negro races that remain untainted by Islamism, they abstain

from ever chewing the tobacco.

[Illustration: Niam-niam Dog.]

[Sidenote: NIAM-NIAM DOGS.]

In broad terms, it may be stated that no cattle at all exists in the

land; the only domestic animals are poultry and dogs. The dogs belong

to a small breed resembling the wolfdog, but with short sleek hair;

they have ears that are large and always erect, and a short curly

tail like that of a young pig. They are usually of a bright yellowish

tan colour, and very often have a white stripe upon the neck; their

lanky muzzle projects somewhat abruptly from an arched forehead;

their legs are short and straight, thus demonstrating that the animals

have nothing in common with the terrier breed depicted upon the walls

of Egyptian temples, and of which the African origin has never been

proved. Like dogs generally in the Nile district, they are deficient

in the dewclaws of the hind-feet. They are made to wear little wooden

bells round their necks, so that they should not be lost in the long

steppe grass. After the pattern of their masters, they are inclined to

be corpulent, and this propensity is encouraged as much as possible,

dogs’ flesh being esteemed one of the choicest delicacies of the

Niam-niam.

Cows and goats are familiar only by report, although it may happen

occasionally that some are brought in as the result of raids that have

been perpetrated upon the adjacent territories of the Babuckur and

the Mittoo. There would hardly seem to be any specific words in the

language to denote either sheep, donkeys, horses, or camels, which,

according to common conception, would all come very much under the

category of fabulous animals.

Although the Niam-niam have a few carefully-prepared dishes of which

they partake, in a general way they exhibit as little nicety or choice

in their diet as is shown by all the tribes (with the remarkable

exception of the Dinka) of the Bahr-el-Ghazal district. The most

palatable mess that I found amongst them was composed of the pulp of

fresh maize, ground while the grain is still soft and milky, cleansed

from the bran, and prepared carefully so that it was not burnt to the

bottom of the pot. The mode of preparation is rather ingenious. A

little water having been put over the fire till it is just beginning to

boil, the raw meal, which has previously been rolled into small lumps,

is very gently shaken in, and, having been allowed to simmer for a

time, the whole is finally stirred up together.

The acme, however, of all earthly enjoyments would seem to be _meat_.

“Meat! meat!” is the watchword that resounds in all their campaigns. In

certain places and at particular seasons the abundance of game is very

large, and it might readily be imagined that the one prevailing and

permanent idea of this people would be how to chase and secure their

booty; but, as I have remarked before, there is no greater evidence of

the real difference between the disposition of nations than that which

is afforded by their general expression for food. As, for example, the

Bongo verb “to eat” is “mony,” which is their ordinary designation

of sorghum, their _corn_; so the Niam-niam word is identical with

“pushyoh,” which is their common name for _meat_.

Just as in his investigation of the animal and vegetable kingdoms the

naturalist is attracted to the very lowest organizations because they

contain the germs of the higher and more complicated, in the same

degree does the interest of the traveller centre upon the simplest

development of culture, because he knows that it is the embryo of the

most advanced civilization.

[Sidenote: REPUTED CANNIBALISM.]

The accuracy of the report of the cannibalism which has uniformly

been attributed to the Niam-niam by every nation which has had any

knowledge at all of their existence, would be questioned by no one who

had a fair opportunity of investigating the origin of my collection

of skulls. To a general rule, of course, there may be exceptions here

as elsewhere; and I own that I have heard of other travellers to the

Niam-niam lands who have visited the territories of Tombo and Bazimbey,

lying to the west of my route, and who have returned without having

witnessed any proof of the practice. Piaggia, moreover, resided for

a considerable time in those very districts, and yet was only once a

witness of anything of the kind; and that, as he records, was upon the

occasion of a campaign, when a slaughtered foe was devoured from actual

bloodthirstiness and hatred. From my own knowledge, too, I can mention

chiefs, like Wando, who vehemently repudiated the idea of eating

human flesh, although their constant engagement in war furnished them

with ample opportunity for gratifying their taste if they desired. But

still, taking all things into account, as well what I heard as what

I saw, I can have no hesitation in asserting that the Niam-niam are

anthropophagi; that they make no secret of their savage craving, but

ostentatiously string the teeth of their victims around their necks,

adorning the stakes erected beside their dwellings for the exhibition

of their trophies with the skulls of the men whom they have devoured.

Human fat is universally sold. When eaten in considerable quantity,

this fat is presumed to have an intoxicating effect; but although I

heard this stated as a fact by a number of the people, I never could

discover the foundation upon which they based this strange belief.

In times of war, people of all ages, it is reported, are eaten up,

more especially the aged, as forming by their helplessness an easier

prey to the rapacity of a conqueror; or at any time should any lone

and solitary individual die, uncared for and unheeded by relatives, he

would be sure to be devoured in the very district in which he lived. In

short, all who with ourselves would be consigned to the knife of the

anatomist would here be disposed of by this melancholy destiny.

I have already had occasion to mention how the Nubians asserted that

they knew cases in which Bongo bearers who had died from fatigue had

been dug out from the graves in which they had been buried, and,

according to the statements of Niam-niam themselves—who did not disown

their cannibalism—there were no bodies rejected as unfit for food

except those which had died from some loathsome cutaneous disease. In

opposition to all this, I feel bound to record that there are some

Niam-niam who turn with such aversion from any consumption of human

flesh that they would peremptorily refuse to eat out of the same

dish with any one who was a cannibal. The Niam-niam may be said to be

generally particular at their meals, and when several are drinking

together they may each be observed to wipe the rim of the drinking

vessel before passing it on.

[Sidenote: ANALOGY WITH THE FAN.]

Of late years our knowledge of Central Africa has been in many ways

enlarged, and various well-authenticated reports of the cannibalism of

some of its inhabitants have been circulated; but no explanation which

can be offered for this unsolved problem of psychology (whether it be

considered as a vestige of heathen worship, or whether it be regarded

as a resource for supplying a deficiency of animal food) can mitigate

the horror that thrills through us at every repetition of the account

of the hideous and revolting custom. Among all the nations of Africa

upon whom the imputation of this odious custom notoriously rests,

the Fan, who dwell upon the equatorial coasts of the west, have the

repute of being the greatest rivals of the Niam-niam. Eye-witnesses

agree in affirming that the Fan barter their dead among themselves,

and that cases have been known where corpses already buried have been

disinterred in order that they might be devoured. According to their

own accounts, the Fan migrated from the north-east to the western

coast. In various particulars they evidently have a strong affinity

with the Niam-niam. Both nations have many points of resemblance in

dress and customs: alike they file their teeth to sharp points; they

dress themselves in a material made from bark, and stain their bodies

with red wood; the chiefs wear leopard skins as an emblem of their

rank; and all the people lavish the same elaborate care upon the

arrangement of their tresses. The complexion of the Fan is of the same

copper-brown as that of the Niam-niam, and they indulge in similar

orgies and wild dances at the period of every full moon; they moreover

pursue the same restless hunter life. They would appear to be the same

of whom the old Portuguese writers have spoken under the name of

“Yagas,” and who are said, at the beginning of the seventeenth century,

to have laid waste the kingdom of Loango.

No regular towns or villages exist throughout the Niam-niam country.

The huts, grouped into little hamlets, are scattered about the

cultivated districts, which are separated from one another by large

tracts of wilderness many miles in extent. The residence of a prince

differs in no respect from that of ordinary subjects, except in the

larger number of huts provided for himself and his wives. The hareem

collectively is called a “bodimoh.”[5]

[Illustration: Niam-niam Granary.]

The architecture of the eastern Niam-niam corresponds very nearly with

what may be seen in many other parts of Central Africa. The conical

roofs are higher and more pointed than those of the Bongo and Dinka,

having a projection beyond the clay walls of the hut, which affords

a good shelter from the rain. This projection is supported by posts,

which give the whole building the semblance of being surrounded by a

verandah. The huts that are used for cooking have roofs still more

pointed than those which serve for sleeping. Other little huts, with

bell-shaped roofs, erected in a goblet-shape upon a substructure

of clay, and furnished with only one small aperture, are called

“bamogee,” and are set apart, as being secure from the attacks of wild

beasts, for sleeping-places of the boys, as soon as they are of an age

to be separated from the adults.

[Sidenote: REVENUE OF THE CHIEFTAINS.]

Every sovereign prince bears the title of “Bya,” which is pronounced

very much like the French word _bien_. His power is limited to the

calling together of the men who are capable of bearing arms, to the

execution in person of those condemned to death, and to determining

whether there shall be peace or war. Except the ivory and the moiety

of elephant’s flesh, he enjoys no other revenue; for his means of

subsistence he depends upon his farms, which are worked either by his

slaves or more generally by his numerous wives. Towards the west,

where a flourishing slave-trade is driven to the cost of the oppressed

inhabitants who are not true Zandey, a portion of the tribute is raised

by a conscription of young girls and boys, a part of the purchase-money

paid by the Darfoor traders to the chief being handed over to the

parents who are thus robbed of their children.

[Illustration: Bamogee: or hut for the boys.]

Although a Niam-niam chieftain disdains external pomp and repudiates

any ostentatious display, his authority in one respect is quite

supreme. Without his orders no one would for a moment entertain

a thought either of opening war or concluding peace. The defiant

imperious bearing of the chiefs alone constitutes their outward

dignity, and there are some who in majestic deportment and gesture

might vie with any potentate of the earth. The dread with which they

inspire their subjects is incredible: it is said that for the purpose

of exhibiting their power over life and death they will occasionally

feign fits of passion, and that, singling out a victim from the crowd,

they will throw a rope about his neck, and with their own hands cut

his throat with one stroke of their jagged scimitar. This species of

African “Cæsarism” vividly recalls the last days of Theodore, King of

Abyssinia.

The eldest son of a chief is considered to be the heir to his title and

dignity, all the other sons being entrusted with the command of the

fighting forces in separate districts, and generally being assigned a

certain share of the hunting booty. At the death of a chief, however,

the firstborn is frequently not acknowledged by all his brothers;

some of them perchance will support him, whilst others will insist

upon their right to become independent rulers in the districts where

they have been acting as “behnky.” Contentions of this character are

continually giving rise to every kind of aggression and repeated deeds

of violence.[6]

Notwithstanding the general warlike spirit displayed by the Niam-niam,

it is a very singular fact that the chieftains very rarely lead their

own people into actual engagement, but are accustomed, in anxious

suspense, to linger about the environs of the “mbanga,” ready, in the

event of tidings of defeat, to decamp with their wives and treasures

into the most inaccessible swamps, or to betake themselves for

concealment to the long grass of the steppes. In the heat of combat

each discharge of lances is accompanied by the loudest and wildest of

battle-cries, every man as he hurls his weapon shouting aloud the

name of his chief. In the intervals between successive attacks the

combatants retire to a safe distance, and mounting any eminence that

may present itself, or climbing to the summit of the hills of the

white ants, which sometimes rise to a height of 12 or 15 feet, they

proceed to assail their adversaries, for the hour together, in the most

ludicrous manner, with every invective and every epithet of contempt

and defiance they can command. During the few days that we were obliged

to defend ourselves by an abattis against the attacks of the natives in

Wando’s southern territory, we had ample opportunity of hearing these

accumulated opprobriums. We could hear them vow that the “Turks” should

perish, and declare that not one of them should quit the country alive;

and then we recognised the repeated shout, “To the caldron with the

Turks!” rising to the eager climax, “Meat! meat!” It was emphatically

announced that there was no intention to do any injury to the white

man, because he was a stranger and a new-comer to the land; but I need

hardly say that, under the circumstances, I felt little inclination to

throw myself upon their mercy.

[Sidenote: EMBLEMS OF WAR.]

It is in a measure anticipating the order of events, but I may here

allude to the remarkable symbolism by which war was declared against

us on the frontiers of Wando’s territory when we were upon our return

journey. Close on the path, and in full view of every passenger, three

objects were suspended from the branch of a tree, viz. an ear of

maize, the feather of a fowl, and an arrow. The sight seemed to recall

the defiant message sent to the great King of Persia, when he would

penetrate to the heart of Scythia. Our guides readily comprehended, and

as readily explained, the meaning of the emblems, which were designed

to signify that whoever touched an ear of maize or laid his grasp upon

a single fowl would assuredly be the victim of the arrow. Without

waiting, however, for any depredations on our part, the Niam-niam,

with the basest treachery, attacked us on the following day.

In hunting, the Niam-niam employ very much the same contrivances of

traps, pits, and snares as the Bongo; but their _battues_ for securing

the larger animals are conducted both more systematically and on a more

extensive scale.

In close proximity to each separate group of hamlets, and more

frequently than not at the threshold of the abodes of the local

chieftains known as the “borrumbanga,” or “chief court,” there is

always a huge wooden kettledrum, made of a hollow stem mounted upon

four feet. The sides of this are of unequal thickness, so that when the

drum is struck it is capable of giving two perfectly distinct sounds.

According to the mode or time in which these sounds are rendered,

_three_ different signals are denoted, the first being the signal for

war, another that for hunting, and the third a summons to a festival.

Sounded originally in the mbanga of the chief, these signals are in a

few minutes repeated on the kettledrums of the “borrumbangas” of the

district, and in an incredibly short space of time some thousands of

men, armed if need be, are gathered together.

Perhaps the most frequent occasions on which these assemblages are made

arise from some elephants having been seen in the adjacent country. As

soon as the force is collected, the elephants are driven towards some

tracts of dense grass that have been purposely spared from the steppe

burning. Provided with firebrands, the crowd surrounds the spot; the

conflagration soon extends on all sides, until the poor brutes, choked

and scorched, fall a helpless prey to their destroyers, who despatch

them with their lances. Since not only the males, with their large and

valuable tusks, but the females also with the young, are included in

this wholesale and indiscriminate slaughter, it may easily be imagined

how year by year the noble animal is fast being exterminated. The

avarice of the chiefs, ever desirous of copper, and the greediness

of the people, ever anxious for flesh, make them all alike eager for

the chase. I constantly saw the natives returning to their huts with

a large bundle of what at first I imagined was firewood, but which in

reality was their share of elephant-meat, which after being cut into

strips and dried over a fire had all the appearance of a log of wood.

The thickets along the river-banks abound in many kinds of wild

fowl, which the natives catch by means of snares. The most common

are guinea-fowl and francolins, which are caught by a bait that is

rather unusual in other places. Instead of scattering common corn

in the neighbourhood of the traps, the people make use of fragments

of a fleshy Stapelia. This little succulent grows on the dry parts

of the steppe, and is frequently found about the white anthills; it

is likewise naturalised in Arabia and Nubia, and in a raw condition

is sometimes eaten as human food. Birds are very fond of it, and so

approved is it as a bait that I not unfrequently found it growing

beside the huts, where it was planted for this particular purpose.

[Sidenote: NIAM-NIAM HANDICRAFT.]

The handicraft of the Niam-niam exhibits itself chiefly in ironwork,

pottery, wood carving, domestic architecture, and basket-work; of

leather-dressing they know no more than others in this part of Central

Africa. Their earthenware vessels may be described as of blameless

symmetry. They make water-flasks of an enormous size, and manufacture

pretty little drinking-cups. They lavish extraordinary care on the

embellishment of their tobacco-pipes, but they have no idea of the

method of giving their clay a proper consistency by washing out the

particles of mica and by adding a small quantity of sand. From the

soft wood of several of the Rubiaceæ they carve stools and benches,

and produce great dishes and bowls, of which the stems and pedestals

are very diversified in pattern. I saw specimens of these which were

admirable works of art, and the designs of which were so complicated

that they must have cost the inventor considerable thought.

[Illustration: Niam-niam handicraft.

1. Wooden signal drum.

2 and 3. Mandolins.

4. Bedstead.

5. Iron bell.

6. Carved head for the neck of a mandolin.

7. Carved signal-pipe.

8. Wooden dog-bell.

9, 10, 11, 12, 13. Wooden dishes.

14. Mungala-board.

15. Wooden stool.

]

As every Niam-niam soldier carries a lance, trumbash, and dagger, the

manufacture of these weapons necessarily employs a large number of

smiths, who vie with each other in producing the greatest variety of

form. The dagger is worn in a sheath of skin attached to the girdle.

The lance-tips differ from those of the Bongo in having a _hastate_

shape, to use once more the botanical term which distinguishes

the _folia hastata_ from the _folia lanceolata_. Every weapon

bears so decidedly the stamp of its nationality that its origin is

discoverable at a glance. All the lances, knives, and dagger-blades are

distinguished by blood-grooves, which are not to be observed upon the

corresponding weapons of either the Bongo or Dyoor.

[Sidenote: GREETINGS.]

Mutual greetings among the Niam-niam may be said to be almost

stereotyped in phrase. Any one meeting another on the way would be

sure to say “muiyette;” but if they were indoors, they would salute

each other by saying “mookenote” or “mookenow.” Their expression

for farewell is “minahpatiroh;” and when, under any suspicious

circumstances, they wish to give assurance of a friendly intention,

they make use of the expression “badya, badya, muie” (friend, good

friend, come hither). They always extend their right hands on meeting,

and join them in such a way that the two middle fingers crack again;

and while they are shaking hands they nod at each other with a strange

movement, which to our Western ideas looks like a gesture of repulse.

The women, ever retiring in their habits, are not accustomed to be

greeted on the road by any with whom they are not previously intimate.

No wooing in this country is dependent, as elsewhere in Africa, upon a

payment exacted from the suitor by the father of the intended bride.

When a man resolves upon matrimony, the ordinary rule would be for him

to apply to the reigning prince, or to the sub-chieftain, who would at

once endeavour to procure him such a wife as might appear suitable. In

spite of the prosaic and matter-of-fact proceeding, and notwithstanding

the unlimited polygamy which prevails throughout the land, the

marriage-bond loses nothing of the sacredness of its liabilities, and

unfaithfulness is generally punished with immediate death. A family

of children is reckoned as the best evidence and seal of conjugal

affection, and to be the mother of many children is always recognised

as a claim to distinction and honour. It is one of the fine traits of

this people that they exhibit a deep and consistent affection for their

wives, and I shall have occasion in a future chapter to refer to some

touching instances of this feature in their character.

The festivities that are observed on the occasion of a marriage are

on a very limited scale. There is a simple procession of the bride,

who is conducted to the home of her future lord by the chieftain,

accompanied by musicians, minstrels, and jesters.[7] A feast ensues,

at which all partake in common, although, as a general rule, the women

are accustomed to eat alone in their own huts. The domestic duties of

a housewife consist mainly in cultivating the homestead, preparing

the daily meals, painting her husband’s body, and dressing his hair.

In this genial climate children require comparatively little care or

attention, infants being carried about everywhere in a kind of band or

scarf.

The Niam-niam have one recreation which is common to nearly the whole

of Africa. A game, known by the Nubians as “mungala,” is constantly

played by all the people of the entire Gazelle districts, and although

perhaps it is not known by the Monbuttoo, it is quite naturalised

among all the negroes as far as the West Coast. It is singular that

this pastime should be so familiar to the Mohammedan Nubians, who

only within the last twenty years have had any intercourse at all with

the negroes of the south; but in all likelihood they received it in

the same way as the guitar,[8] as a legacy from their original home

in Central Africa. The Peulhs devote many successive hours to the

amusement, which requires a considerable facility in ready reckoning;

they call it “wuri.” The game is played likewise by the Foolahs, the

Yolofs, and the Mandingo, on the Senegal. It is found again among the

Kadje, between the Tsad and the Benwe. The recurrence of an object even

trivial as this is an evidence, in its degree, indirect and collateral,

of the essential unity that underlies all African nations.

[Sidenote: GAME OF MUNGALA.]

The “mungala” itself[9] is a long piece of wood, in which two parallel

rows of holes are scooped out. Nubian boards have sixteen holes, the

Niam-niam have eighteen. Each player has about two dozen stones, and

the skill of the game consists in adroitly transferring the stones

from one hole to another. In default of a board the game is frequently

played upon the bare ground, in which little cavities are made for the

purpose.

Having thus detailed their warlike demeanour, their domestic industry,

and their common pastime, I would not omit to mention that the

Niam-niam are no strangers to enjoyments of a more refined and ideal

character than battles and elephant-hunts. They have an instinctive

love of art. Music rejoices their very soul. The harmonies they elicit

from their favourite instrument, the mandolin, seem almost to thrill

through the chords of their inmost nature. The prolonged duration of

some of their musical productions is very surprising. Piaggia, before

me, has remarked that he believed a Niam-niam would go on playing all

day and all night, without thinking to leave off either to eat or to

drink; and although I am quite aware of the voracious propensities of

the people, I am half-inclined to believe that Piaggia was right.

One favourite instrument there is, which is something between a harp

and a mandolin. It resembles the former in the vertical arrangement

of its strings, whilst in common with the mandolin it has a

sounding-board, a neck, and screws for tightening the strings. The

sounding-board is constructed on strict acoustic principles. It has two

apertures; it is carved out of wood, and on the upper side is covered

by a piece of skin; the strings are tightly stretched by means of pegs,

and are sometimes made of fine threads of bast, and sometimes of the

wiry hairs from the tail of the giraffe. The music is very monotonous,

and it is very difficult to distinguish any actual melody in it. It

invariably is an accompaniment to a moaning kind of recitative, which

is rendered with a decided nasal intonation. I have not unfrequently

seen friends marching about arm-in-arm, wrapt in the mutual enjoyment

of their performance, and beating time to every note by nodding their

heads.

There is a singular class of professional musicians, who make their

appearance decked out in the most fantastic way with feathers, and

covered with a promiscuous array of bits of wood and roots and all the

pretentious emblems of magical art, the feet of earth-pigs, the shells

of tortoises, the beaks of eagles, the claws of birds, and teeth in

every variety. Whenever one of this fraternity presents himself, he at

once begins to recite all the details of his travels and experiences in

an emphatic recitative, and never forgets to conclude by an appeal to

the liberality of his audience, and to remind them that he looks for a

reward either of rings of copper or of beads. Under minor differences

of aspect, these men may be found nearly everywhere in Africa. Baker

and some other travellers have dignified them with the romantic name of

“minne-singers,” but the designation of “hashash” (buffoons) bestowed

upon them by the Arabs of the Soudan would more fairly describe their

true character. The Niam-niam themselves exhibit the despicable light

in which they regard them by calling them “nzangah,”[10] which is the

same term as that by which they designate those abandoned women who

pollute Africa no less than every civilized country.

[Sidenote: ZANDEY DIALECT.]

The language of the Niam-niam (or, to speak more properly, the Zandey

dialect), as entirely as any of the dialects which prevail throughout

the Babr-el-Ghazal district, is an upshoot from the great root which

is the original of every tongue in Africa north of the equator, and is

especially allied to the Nubio-Lybian group. Although the pronunciation

is upon the whole marked and distinct, there are still certain sounds

which are subject to a considerable modification, even when uttered

by the same individual. The nasal tone which is given to the open

sounds of _a_ and _e_ as they rise from the throat fix a character

upon the articulation that is quite distinct from that of the Bongo,

and altogether the dialect is poorer in etymological construction,

being deficient in any separate tenses for the verbs; it is, moreover,

far less vocalised, and has a cumbrousness which arises from the

preponderance of its consonants.

The language is undoubtedly very wanting in expressions for abstract

ideas. For the Divinity I found that many interpreters would employ the

word “gumbah,” which signifies “lightning,” whilst, in contrast with

this, other interpreters would make use of the term “bongbottumu;” but

I imagine that this latter expression is only a kind of a periphrasis

of the Mohammedan “rasool” (a prophet, or messenger of God), because

“mbottumu” is their ordinary term by which they would designate any

common messenger or envoy.

Although none of the natives of the Gazelle district may be credited

with the faintest conception of true religion, the Niam-niam have an

expression of their own for “prayer” as an act of worship, such as

they see it practised by the Mohammedans. This word is “borru.” When,

however, the expression is examined, it is found really to relate to

the augury which it is the habit of the people to consult before they

enter upon any important undertaking.

The augury to which I have thus been led to refer is consulted in the

following way. From the wood of the _Sarcocephalus Russegeri_, which

they call “damma,” a little four-legged stool is made, like the benches

used by the women. The upper surface of this is rendered perfectly

smooth. A block of wood of the same kind is then cut, of which one end

is also made quite smooth. After having wetted the top of the stool

with a drop or two of water, they grasp the block and rub its smooth

part backwards and forwards over the level surface with the same motion

as if they were using a plane. If the wood should glide easily along,

the conclusion is drawn that the undertaking in question will assuredly

prosper; but if, on the other hand, the motion is obstructed and the

surfaces adhere together—if, according to the Niam-niam expression, a

score of men could not give free movement to the block—the warning is

unmistakable that the adventure will prove a failure.

Now, since they also use this term “borru” to describe the prayers of

the Mohammedans, there seems some reasonable evidence for supposing

that they actually regard this rubbing as akin to a form of worship. As

often as I asked any of the Niam-niam what they called prayers, they

invariably replied by referring to this practice and by making the

gesture which I compare to working with a plane. This praying-machine

is concealed as carefully as may be from the eyes of the Mohammedans.

It was, however, frequently resorted to during the subsequent brief

period of warfare, when my own Niam-niam attendants diligently

consulted the oracle, and, as the result was uniformly satisfactory, it

contributed not a little to confirm their confidence in my reputation

for good luck.

There are other ordeals common to the Niam-niam with various negro

nations, and which are considered as of equal or still greater

importance. An oily fluid, concocted from a red wood called “bengye,”

is administered to a hen. If the bird dies, there will be misfortune

in war; if the bird survives, there will be victory. Another mode of

trying their fortune consists in seizing a cock, and ducking its head

repeatedly under water until the creature is stiff and senseless. They

then leave it to itself. If it should rally, they draw an omen that is

favourable to their design; whilst if it should succumb, they look for

an adverse issue.

[Sidenote: NIAM-NIAM AUGURIES.]

A Niam-niam could hardly be induced to go to war without first

consulting the auguries, and his reliance upon their revelations is

very complete. For instance, Wando, our inveterate antagonist, although

he had succeeded in rousing two districts to open enmity against us,

yet personally abstained from attacking our caravan, and that for no

other reason than that his fowl had died after swallowing the “bengye”

that had been administered. We awaited his threatened attack, and were

full of surprise that he did not appear. Shortly afterwards, we were

informed that he had withdrawn in fear and trembling to an inaccessible

retreat in the wilderness. Our relief was considerable. It might have

fared very badly with us, as all our magazines were established on his

route; but, happily, he had gone, and the Niam-niam with whom we were

brought in contact stoutly maintained that it was the death of his fowl

alone which had deterred him from an assault and had rescued us from

entire destruction.

These auguries are consulted likewise in order to ascertain the guilt

or innocence of any that are accused, and suspected witches are tried

by the same ordeal.

The same belief in evil spirits and goblins which prevails among the

Bongo and other people of Central Africa is found here. The forest is

uniformly supposed to be the abode of the hostile agencies, and the

rustling of the foliage is imagined to be their mysterious dialogue.

Superstition, like natural religion, is a child of the soil, and

germinating like the flowers of the field it unfolds its inmost

secrets. Beneath the dull leaden skies of the distant North there are

believed to be structures haunted by ghosts and spectres. Here the

forest, with its tenantry of owls and bats, is held to be the abode of

malignant spirits; whilst betwixt both are the Oriental nations, who,

without forests, and exposed to the full strength of a blazing sun,

fear nothing so much as “the evil eye.” Truly it may be averred that

the development of superstition is dependent upon geographical position.

In thus recapitulating the general characteristics of the Niam-niam,

this chapter necessarily has exhibited some measure of repetition. I

will proceed to conclude it, in the same manner as the record of the

Bongo, by a few remarks upon the customs of this people with regard to

their dead.

Whenever a Niam-niam has lost any very near relative the first token

of his bereavement is shown by his shaving his head. His elaborate

coiffure—that which had been his pride and his delight, the labour of

devoted conjugal hands—is all ruthlessly destroyed, the tufts, the

braids, the tresses being scattered far and wide about the roads in the

recesses of the wilderness.

A corpse is ordinarily adorned, as if for a festival, with skins and

feathers. It is usually dyed with red wood. Men of rank, after being

attired with their common aprons, are interred either sitting on their

benches, or are enclosed in a kind of coffin, which is made from a

hollow tree.

According to the prescriptions of the law of Islam, the earth is not

thrown upon the corpse, which is placed in a cavity that has been

partitioned off at the side of the grave. This is a practice mentioned

before, and which is followed in many heathen parts of Africa.

[Sidenote: NIAM-NIAM GRAVES.]

Like the Bongo, the Niam-niam bury their dead with a scrupulous regard

to the points of the compass; but it is remarkable that they reverse

the rule, the men in their sepulture being deposited with their faces

towards the east, the women towards the west.

A grave is covered in with clay, which is thoroughly stamped down. Over

the spot a hut is erected, in no respect differing externally from the

huts of the living, and being equally perishable in its construction,

it very soon either rots away through neglect or is destroyed in the

annual conflagration of the steppe-burning.

[Illustration: Genealogical Table]

GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE REIGNING NIAM-NIAM PRINCES IN 1870.

MABENGEH.*

_Endeneh_

Yapaty*

Renjy

Batyah

Bendo

_Neende_

_Indimma_

_Ondugba_

_Balia_

_Bagirsa_

Ringhio

Balia

Perkye

Tombo*

_Nunga_

_Samuel_

Bazimbey*

_Ingerria_

_Wando_

_Mbeeoh_

_Malingde_

_Ingimma_

_Garia_

Mofio

Bazeeah

Nduppo*

Rikkete

Munuba*

_Nganye_

Imbolutidoo

Matindoo

Bendo

Mbehly

Gumba

Imma

Mango

Nyongalia

Mbagahly

(surnamed Surroor)

Ndeynh*

Keefa* (surnamed Ntikkima)

_Kanna_ surnamed Bendy

Limba

Bakingeh

Mbittima

Ghendwa

_Ngurra_

_Mangeh_

_Indimma_

Ezo*—Of doubtful relationship with the line of Mabengeh

_Ngettoh_

_Nderuma_

_Ngettue_

_Note._—The names of reigning princes are printed in italics. The

names of deceased princes are marked thus *.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In the ‘Bolletino della Soc. Geogr. Italiana,’ 1868,

pp. 91-168, the Marquis O. Antinori has, from the

verbal communications of the traveller himself, most

conscientiously collected Piaggia’s experiences and

observations in the country of the Niam-niam during

his residence.

[2] It should again be mentioned that the word Niam-niam

is a dissyllable, and has the Italian pronunciation of

Gnam-gnam.

[3] The accompanying illustration (page 10) gives examples

of five different forms of trumbash.

[4] The brewing of beer from malted eleusine is practised

in many of the heathen negro countries; and in South

Africa the Makalaka, a branch of the great Bantoo

race, are said to devote a considerable attention to

it.

[5] “Bodimoh,” in the Zandey dialect, has also the meaning

of “papyrus.”

[6] Of the thirty-five chieftains who rule over these

48,000 square miles of territory, comparatively few

in any way merit the designation of king. The most

powerful are Kanna and Mofio, whose dominions are in

extent equal to about a dozen of the others.

[7] Among the Kaffirs the ceremony of conducting a bride

to her new home is observed with much formality.

[8] _Vide_ vol. i. chap. ix.

[9] A mungala board is represented in Fig. 14 of the plate

illustrating Niam-niam handicraft.

[10] In Loango all exorcists and conjurors are called

“ganga,” an appellation which would appear to have the

same derivation as this Zandey word “nzangah.” The

“Griots” in Senegambia are held in the same contempt

as the Niam-niam minstrels.

The heart of Africa, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 第 1 / 14 章