from England on the American coast. I heard sundry of them relate that
the British generals had engaged them an ample reward for their losses,
disappointments and expenditures, out of the forfeited rebels' estates.
This language early taught me what to do with tories' estates, as far as
my influence can go. For it is really a game of hazard between whig and
tory. The whigs must inevitably have lost all, in consequence of the
abilities of the tories, and their good friends the British; and it is
no more than right the tories should run the same risk, in consequence
of the abilities of the whigs. But of this more will be observed in the
sequel of this narrative.
Some of the last days of November, the prisoners were landed at New
York, and I was admitted to parole with the other officers, viz:
Proctor, Howland and Taylor. The privates were put into filthy churches
in New York, with the distressed prisoners that were taken at Fort
Washington; and the second night, sergeant Roger Moore, who was bold and
enterprising, found means to make his escape with every of the remaining
prisoners that were taken with me, except three, who were soon after
exchanged. So that out of thirty-one prisoners, who went with me, the
round exhibited in these sheets, two only died with the enemy, and three
only were exchanged; one of whom died after he came within our lines;
all the rest, at different times, made their escape from the enemy.
I now found myself on parole, and restricted to the limits of the
city of New York, where I soon projected means to live in some measure
agreeably to my rank, though I was destitute of cash. My constitution
was almost worn out by such a long and barbarous captivity. The enemy
gave out that I was crazy, and wholly unmanned, but my vitals held
sound, nor was I delirious any more than I had been from youth up; but
my extreme circumstances, at certain times, rendered it politic to act
in some measure the madman; and in consequence of a regular diet and
exercise, my blood recruited, and my nerves in a great measure recovered
their former tone, strength and usefulness, in the course of six months.
I next invite the reader to a retrospective sight and consideration of
the doleful scene of inhumanity, exercised by general Sir William Howe,
and the army under his command, towards the prisoners taken on Long
Island, on the 27th day of Aug. 1776; sundry of whom were, in an inhuman
and barbarous manner, murdered after they had surrendered their arms;
particularly a general Odel, or Woodhull, of the militia; who was hacked
to pieces with cutlasses, when alive, by the light horsemen, and a
captain Fellows, of the continental army, who was thrust through with a
bayonet, of which wound he died instantly. Sundry others were hanged up
by the neck till they were dead; five on the limb of a white oak tree,
and without any reason assigned, except that they were fighting in
defence of the only blessing worth preserving. And indeed those who had
the misfortune to fall into their hands at Fort Washington, in the month
of November following, met with but very little better usage, except
that they were reserved from immediate death to famish and die with
hunger; in fine the word rebel, applied to any vanquished persons,
without regard to rank, who were in the continental service, on the 27th
of August aforesaid, was thought, by the enemy, sufficient to sanctify
whatever cruelties they were pleased to inflict, death itself not
excepted; but to pass over particulars which would swell my narrative
far beyond my design.
The private soldiers, who were brought to New-York, were crowded into
churches, and environed with slavish Hessian guards, a people of a
strange language, who were sent to America for no other design but
cruelty and desolation; and at others, by merciless Britons whose mode
of communicating ideas being intelligible in this country, served only
to tantalize and insult the helpless and perishing; but above all, the
hellish delight and triumph of the tories over them, as they were dying
by hundreds. This was too much for me to bear as a spectator; for I saw
the tories exulting over the dead bodies of their murdered countrymen.
I have gone into the churches, and seen sundry of the prisoners in the
agonies of death, in consequence of very hunger, and others speechless,
and very near death, biting pieces of chips; others pleading for God's
sake, for something to eat, and at the same time, shivering with the
cold. Hollow groans saluted my ears, and despair seemed to be imprinted
on every of their countenances. The filth in these churches, in
consequence of the fluxes, was almost beyond description. The floors
were covered with excrements. I have carefully sought to direct my steps
so as to avoid' it, but could not. They would beg for God's sake for one
copper, or morsel of bread. I have seen in one of these churches seven
dead, at the same time, lying among the excrements of their bodies.
It was a common practice with the enemy, to convey the dead from these
filthy places, in carts, to be slightly buried, and I have seen whole
gangs of tories making derision, and exulting over the dead, saying,
there goes another load of damned rebels. I have observed the British,
soldiers to be full of their black-guard jokes, and vaunting on those
occasions, but they appeared to me less malignant than tories.
The provision dealt out to the prisoners was by no means sufficient for
the support of life. It was deficient in quantity, and much more so in
quality. The prisoners often presented me with a sample of their bread,
which I certify was damaged to that degree, that it was loathsome and
unfit to be eaten, and I am bold to aver it, as my opinion, that it had
been condemned, and of the very worst sort. I have seen and been fed
upon damaged bread, in the course of my captivity, and observed the
quality of such bread as has been condemned by the enemy, among which
was very little so effectually spoiled as what was dealt out to
these prisoners. Their allowance of meat (as they told me) was quite
trifling, and was of the basest sort. I never saw any of it, but was
informed, that bad as it was, it was swallowed almost as quick as
they got hold of it. I saw some of them sucking bones after they were
speechless; others, who could yet speak, and had the use of their
reason, urged me, in the strongest and most pathetic manner, to use my
interest in their behalf; for you plainly see, said they, that we
are devoted to death and destruction; and after I had examined more
particularly into their truly deplorable condition, and had become more
fully apprized of the essential facts, I was persuaded that it was a
premeditated and systematical plan of the British council, to destroy
the youths of our land, with a view thereby to deter the country, and
make it submit to their despotism; but that I could not do them any
material service, and that, by any public attempt for that purpose,
I might endanger myself by frequenting places the most nauseous and
contagious that could be conceived of. I refrained going into churches,
but frequently conversed with such of the prisoners as were admitted
to come out into the yard, and found that the systematical usage
still continued. The guard would often drive me away with their fixed
bayonets. A Hessian one day followed me five or six rods, but by making
use of my legs, I got rid of the lubber. Some times I could obtain a
little conversation, notwithstanding their severities.
I was in one of the church yards, and it was rumored among those in the
church, and sundry of the prisoners came with their usual complaints
to me, and among the rest a large boned, tall young man, as he told me,
from Pennsylvania, who was reduced to a mere skeleton; he said he was
glad to see me before he died, which he expected to have done last
night, but was a little revived; he furthermore informed me, that he
and his brother had been urged to enlist into the British, but both
had resolved to die first; that his brother had died last night, in
consequence of that resolution, and that he expected shortly to follow
him; but I made the other prisoners stand a little off, and told him
with a low voice to enlist; he then asked, whether it was right in
the sight of God! I assured him that it was, and that duty to himself
obliged him to deceive the British by enlisting and deserting the first
opportunity; upon which he answered with transport that he would enlist.
I charged him not to mention my name as his adviser, lest it should
get air, and I should be closely confined, in consequence of it. The
integrity of the suffering prisoners is hardly credibly. Many hundreds,
I am confident, submitted to death, rather than to enlist in the British
service, which, I am informed, they most generally were pressed to do.
I was astonished at the resolution of the two brothers particularly;
it seems that they could not be stimulated to such exertions of heroism
from ambition, as they were but obscure soldiers; strong indeed must the
internal principle of virtue be, which supported them to brave death,
and one of them went through the operation, as did many hundred others.
I readily grant that instances of public virtue are no excitement to the
sordid and vicious, nor, on the other hand, with all the barbarity of
Britain and Heshland awaken them to a sense of their duty to the public;
but these things will have their proper effect on the generous and
brave. The officers on parole were most of them zealous, if possible, to
afford the miserable soldiery relief, and often consulted with one and
another on the subject, but to no effect, being destitute of the means
of subsistence, which they needed; nor could the officers project any
measure, which they thought would alter their fate, or so much as be a
means, of getting them out of those filthy places to the privilege of
fresh air. Some projected that all the officers should go in procession
to general Howe, and plead the cause of the perishing soldiers; but
this proposal was negatived for the following reasons, viz: because
that general Howe, must needs be well acquainted, and have a thorough
knowledge of the state and condition of the prisoners in every of their
wretched apartments, and that much more particular and exact than any
officer on parole could be supposed to have, as the general had a
return of the circumstances of the prisoners, by his own officers, every
morning, of the number which were alive, as also the number which died
every twenty-four hours; and consequently the bill of mortality, as
collected from the daily returns, lay before him with all the material
situations and circumstances of the prisoners; and provided the officers
should go in procession to general Howe, according to the projection,
it would give him the greatest affront, and that he would either retort
upon them, that it was no part of their parole to instruct him in his
conduct to prisoners; that they were mutining against his authority, and
by affronting him, had forfeited their parole; or that, more probably,
instead of saying one word to them, would order them all into as
wretched confinement as the soldiers whom they sought to relieve; for,
at that time, the British, from the general to the private sentinel,
were in full confidence, nor did they so much as hesitate, but that they
should conquer the country. Thus the consultation of the officers was
confounded and broken to pieces, in consequence of the dread, which at
that time lay on their minds, of offending Gen. Howe; for they conceived
so murderous a tyrant would not be too good to destroy even the
officers, on the least pretence of an affront, as they were equally in
his power with the soldiers; and, as Gen. Howe perfectly understood the
condition of the private soldiers, it was argued that it was exactly
such as he and his council had devised, and as he meant to destroy them
it would be to no purpose for them to try to dissuade him from it, as
they were helpless and liable to the same fate, on giving the least
affront; indeed anxious apprehensions disturbed them in their then
circumstances.
Mean time mortality raged to such an intolerable degree among the
prisoners, that the very school boys in the streets knew the mental
design of it in some measure; at least, they knew that they were starved
to death. Some poor women contributed to their necessity, till their
children were almost starved, and all persons of common understanding
knew that they were devoted to the cruelest and worst of deaths. It was
also proposed by some to make a written representation of the condition
of the soldiery, and the officers to sign it, and that it should be
couched in such terms, as though they were apprehensive that the General
was imposed upon by his officers, in their daily returns to him of the
state and condition of the prisoners; and that therefore the officers,
moved with compassion, were constrained to communicate to him the facts
relative to them, nothing doubting but that they would meet with a
speedy redress; but this proposal was most generally negatived also,
and for much the same reason offered in the other case; for it was
conjectured that Gen. Howe's indignation would be moved against such
officers as should attempt to whip him over his officers' backs; that
he would discern that himself was really struck at, and not the officers
who made the daily returns; and therefore self-preservation deterred the
officers from either petitioning or remonstrating to Gen. Howe, either
verbally or in writing; as also the consideration that no valuable
purpose to the distressed would be obtained.
I made several rough drafts on the subject, one of which I exhibited
to the colonels Magaw, Miles and Atlee, and they said that they would
consider the matter; soon after I called on them, and some of the
gentlemen informed me that they had written to the general on the
subject, and I concluded that the gentleman thought it best that they
should write without me, as there was such spirited aversion subsisting
between the British and me.
In the mean time a colonel Hussecker, of the continental army, as he
then reported, was taken prisoner, and brought to New-York, who gave out
that the country was almost universally submitting to the English king's
authority, and that there would be little or no more opposition to
Great-Britain. This at first gave the officers a little shock, but in a
few days they recovered themselves; for this colonel Hussecker, being a
German, was feasting with general De Heister, his countryman, and from
his conduct they were apprehensive that he was a knave; at least he
was esteemed so by most of the officers; it was nevertheless a day
of trouble. The enemy blasphemed. Our little army was retreating in
New-Jersey, and our young men murdered by hundreds in New-York. The army
of Britain and Heshland prevailed for a little season, as though it was
ordered by Heaven to shew, to the latest posterity, what the British
would have done if they could, and what the general calamity must have
been, in consequence of their conquering the country, and to excite
every honest man to stand forth in the defence of liberty, and to
establish the independency of the United States of America forever.
But this scene of adverse fortune did not discourage a Washington. The
illustrious American hero remained immoveable. In liberty's cause he
took up his sword. This reflection was his support and consolation in
the day of his humiliation, when he retreated before the enemy, through
New-Jersey into Pennsylvania. Their triumph only roused his indignation;
and the important cause of his country, which lay near his heart, moved
him to cross the Delaware again, and take ample satisfaction on his
pursuers. No sooner had he circumvallated his haughty foes, and appeared
in terrible array, but the host of Heshland fell. This taught America
the intrinsic worth of perseverance, and the generous sons of freedom
flew to the standard of their common safeguard and defence; from which
time the arm of American liberty hath prevailed.*
* The American army being greatly reduced by the loss of men
taken prisoners, and by the departure of men whose
inlistments had expired, General Washington was obliged to
retreat towards Philadelphia; General Howe, exulting in his
successes, pursued him, notwithstanding the weather was
severely cold. To add to the disasters of the Americans,
General Lee was surprised and taken prisoner at Baskenridge.
In this gloomy state of affairs, many persons joined the
British cause and took protection. But a small band of
heroes checked the tide of British success. A divisions of
Hessians had advanced to Trenton, where they reposed in
security. General Washington was on the opposite side of the
Delaware, with about three thousand men, many of whom were
without shoes or convenient clothing; and the river was
covered with floating ice. But the general knew the
importance of striking some successful blow, to animate the
expiring hopes of the country; and on the night of December
25th, crossed the river, and fell upon the enemy by
surprise, and took the whole body consisting of about nine
hundred men. A few were killed, among whom was colonel Rahl
the commander.
This surprise and capture of the Hessians enraged the enemy, who were
still vastly more numerous than the continental troops. They therefore
collected, and marched from Princeton, to attack general Washington, who
was then at Trenton, having previously left a detachment from their
main body at Princeton, for the support of that place. This was a
trying time, for our worthy general, though in possession of a late most
astonishing victory, was by no means able to withstand the collective
force of the enemy; but his sagacity soon suggested a stratagem to
effect that which, by force, to him was at that time impracticable. He
therefore amused the enemy with a number of fires, and in the night
made a forced march, undiscovered by them, and next morning fell in
with their rear-guard at Princeton, and killed and took most of them
prisoners. The main body too late perceived their rear was attacked,
hurried back with all speed, but to their mortification, found that they
were out-generalled and baffled by general Washington, who was retired
with his little army towards Morristown, and was out of their power.*
These repeated successes, one on the back of the other, chagrined
the enemy prodigiously, and had an amazing operation in the scale of
American politics, and undoubtedly was one of the corner stones, on
which their fair structure of Independency has been fabricated, for the
country at no one time has ever been so much dispirited, as just before
the morning of this glorious success, which in part dispelled the gloomy
clouds of oppression and slavery, which lay pending over America,
big with the ruin of this and future generations, and enlightened and
spirited her sons to redouble their blows on a merciless, and haughty,
and I may add perfidious enemy.
* On the 2d of January, 1777, Lord Cornwallis appeared near
Trenton, with a strong body of troops. Skirmishing took
place, and impeded the march of the British army, until the
Americans had secured their artillery and baggage; when they
retired to the southward of the creek, and repulsed the
enemy in their attempt to pass the bridge. As General
Washington's force was not sufficient to meet the enemy, and
his situation was critical, he determined, with the advice
of a council of war, to attempt a stratagem. He gave orders
for the troops to light fires in their camp, (which were
intended to deceive the enemy,) and be prepared to march.
Accordingly at twelve o'clock at night the troops left the
ground, and by a circuitous march, eluded the vigilance of
the enemy, and early in the morning appeared at Princeton. A
small action ensued, but the British troops gave way. A
party took refuge in the college, a building with strong
stone walls, but were forced to surrender. The enemy lost in
killed, wounded and prisoners, about five hundred men. The
Americans lost but few men; but among them was a most
valuable officer, general Mercer.
Farthermore, this success had a mighty effect on General Howe and his
council, and roused them to a sense of their own weakness, and convinced
them that they were neither omniscient nor omnipotent. Their obduracy
and death-designing malevolence, in some measure, abated or was
suspended. The prisoners, who were condemned to the most wretched and
crudest of deaths, and who survived to this period, though most of
them died before, were immediately ordered to be sent within Gen.
Washington's lines for an exchange, and, in consequence of it, were
taken out of their filthy and poisonous places of confinement, and sent
from New-York to their friends in haste; several of them fell dead in
the streets of New-York, as they attempted to walk to the vessels in the
harbor, for their intended embarkation. What numbers lived to reach the
lines I cannot ascertain, but, from concurrent representations which I
have since received from numbers of people who lived in and adjacent to
such parts of the country, where they were received from the enemy, I
apprehend that most of them died in consequence of the vile usage of
the enemy. Some who were eye witnesses of that scene of mortality, more
especially in that part which continued after the exchange took place,
are of opinion, that it was partly in consequence of a slow poison; but
this I refer to the doctors that attended them, who are certainly the
best judges.
Upon the best calculation I have been able to make from personal
knowledge, and the many evidences I have collected in support of
the facts, I learn that, of the prisoners taken on Long-Island, Fort
Washington, and some few others, at different times and places, about
two thousand perished with hunger, cold and sickness, occasioned by the
filth of their prisons, at New-York, and a number more on their passage
to the continental lines. Most of the residue, who reached their
friends, having received their death wound, could not be restored by the
assistance of physicians and friends; but like their brother prisoners,
fell a sacrifice to the relentless and scientific barbarity of Britain.
I took as much pains as my circumstances would admit of, to inform
myself not only of matters of fact, but likewise of the very design and
aims of General Howe and his council. The latter of which I predicated
on the former, and submit it to the candid public.
And lastly, the aforesaid success of the American arms had a happy
effect on the continental officers who were on parole at New-York. A
number of us assembled, but not in a public manner, and with full bowls
and glasses, drank Gen. Washington's health, and were not unmindful of
Congress and our worthy friends on the continent, and almost forgot that
we were prisoners.