Europeans. According to the best knowledge that we possess, its waters
were first seen by a white man in the year 1646.[30] It is true
Champlain tells us that he saw the falls at the outlet of the lake in
1609, yet there is nothing whatever to indicate that he visited the
lake itself, though the Indians had informed him of its existence. It
is reasonable, therefore, to conclude that Lake George was seen for
the first time by a European, May 29, 1646,[31] when it received its
name, “Lake Saint Sacrament,” from the Rev. Isaac Jogues, S.J., who,
in company with Jean Bourdon, the celebrated engineer, was on his way
south to effect a treaty with the Mohawks. Arriving at the outlet of
the lake on the evening of _Corpus Christi_, they gave it the above
name in honor of this festival, which falls on the Thursday following
Trinity Sunday, and commemorates the alleged Real Presence of Christ in
the Great Sacrament.
From this time until 1755 the lake was rarely visited by Europeans. At
this period the French commenced the fortifications of Ticonderoga,
while the English met the advance by the construction of Fort William
Henry at the opposite end of the lake.
We pass over the struggles that took place on these waters during
the French wars, and come to the period of the Revolution, when a
feeble English garrison held possession of Ticonderoga, while Captain
Nordberg lived in a little cottage at the head of the lake, being the
nominal commander of empty Fort George. With the commencement of the
struggle for liberty, Lake George resumed its former importance as a
part of the main highway to the Canadas, and by this route our troops
went northward, until the tide turned, and our own soil, in the summer
of 1777, became the scene of fresh invasion. Then Burgoyne’s troops
poured in like a flood, and for a time swept all before them. It was at
this period that the fight at Diamond Island took place.
Burgoyne had pushed with his troops, by the Whitehall route, far to the
southward of Lake George, being determined to strike at Albany, having
left but a small force at Ticonderoga, a handful of men at Fort George,
and a garrison at Diamond Island to guard the stores accumulated
there. Seeing the opportunity thus broadly presented, General Lincoln,
acting under the direction of Gates, resolved to make an effort to
destroy Burgoyne’s line of communication, and, if possible, capture his
supplies. To this end, he despatched Colonel John Brown with a force to
attack Ticonderoga, an enterprise which, though attended with partial
success, failed in the end. To this failure he subsequently added
another, which resulted from the fight at Diamond Island.
But since the printed accounts of the attack upon Ticonderoga are
almost as meagre as those of the struggle at the island, we will here
give the official report, which is likewise to be found among the Gates
Papers, now in the possession of the Historical Society of New York,
prefacing the report, however, with the English statement of Burgoyne.
In the course of a vindication of his military policy, General Burgoyne
writes as follows:
“During the events stated above, an attempt was made against
Ticonderoga by an army assembled under Major-General Lincoln,
who found means to march with a considerable corps from Huberton
undiscovered, while another column of his force passed the mountains
Skenesborough and Lake George, and on the morning of the 18th of
September a sudden and general attack was made upon the carrying place
at Lake-George, Sugar-Hill, Ticonderoga, and Mount-Independence.
The sea officers commanding the armed sloop stationed to defend the
carrying place, as also some of the officers commanding at the post
of Sugar-Hill and at the Portage, were surprised, and a considerable
part of four companies of the 53d regiment were made prisoners; a
block-house, commanded by Lieutenant Lord of the 53d, was the only
post on that side that had time to make use of their arms, and they
made a brave defence till cannon taken from the surprised vessel was
brought against them.
After stating and lamenting so fatal a want of vigilance, I have to
inform your Lordship of the satisfactory events which followed.
The enemy having twice summoned Brigadier General Powell, and received
such answer as became a gallant officer entrusted with so important
a post, and having tried during the course of four days several
attacks, and being repulsed in all, retreated without having done any
considerable damage.
Brigadier General Powell, from whose report to me I extract this
relation, gives great commendations to the regiment of Prince
Frederick, and the other troops stationed at Mount-Independence. The
Brigadier also mentions with great applause the behaviour of Captain
Taylor of the 21st regiment, who was accidentally there on his route
to the army from the hospital, and Lieutenant Beecroft of the 24th
regiment, who with the artificers in arms defended an important
battery.”[32]
Such is Burgoyne’s account of the attack upon Ticonderoga; next to
which comes that of Colonel Brown, who for the second time in the
course of his military experience has an opportunity of exhibiting his
unquestioned valor. His report to General Lincoln runs as follows:
“North end of lake George landing.
thursday Sep 10^{th} 1777
Sir,
With great fatigue after marching all last night I arrived at
this place at the break of day, and after the best disposition of
the men, I could make, immediately began the attack, and in a few
minutes, carried the place. I then without any loss of time detached
a considerable part of my men to the mills, where a greater number
of the enemy were posted, who also were soon made prisoners, a small
number of whom having taken possession of a block house in that
Vicinity were with more difficulty bro’t to submission; but at the
sight of a Cannon they surrendered. during this season of success,
Mount Defiance also fell into our hands. I have taken possession of
the old french lines at Ticonderoga, and have sent a flag demanding
the surrender of Ty: and mount independence in strong and peremptory
terms. I have had as yet no information of the event of Col^o.
Johnson’s attack on the mount. My loss of men in these several actions
are not more than 3 or 4 killed and 5 wounded. the enemy’s loss; is
less. I find myself in possession of 293 prisoners. Viz^t 2 captains,
9 subs. 2 Commisaries. non Commissioned officers and privates 143
British. 119 Canadians, 18 artificers and retook more than 100 of our
men. total 293, exclusive of the prisoners retaken.--The watercraft I
have taken, is 150 batteaus below the falls on lake Champlain 50 above
the falls including 17 gun boats and one armed sloop. arms equal to
the number of prisoners. Some ammunition and many other things which
I cannot now ascertain. I must not forget to mention a few Cannon
which may be of great service to us. Tho: my success has hitherto
answered my most sanguine expectations, I cannot promise myself great
things, the events of war being so dubious in their nature, but shall
do my best to distress the enemy all in my power, having regard to my
retreat--There is but a small quantity of provisions at this place
which I think will necessitate my retreat in case we do not carry Ty
and independence--I hope you will use your utmost endeavor to give
me assistance should I need in crossing the lake &c--The enemy but a
very small force at fort George. Their boats are on an island about
14 miles from this guarded by six companies, having artillery--I
have much fear with respect to the prisoners, being obliged to send
them under a small guard--I am well informed that considerable
reinforcements is hourly expected at the lake under command of Sir
John Johnson--This minute received Gen^l. Powels answer to my demand
in these words, ‘The garrison intrusted to my charge I shall defend to
the last.’ Indeed I have little hopes of putting him to the necessity
of giving it up unless by the force under Colonel Johnson.
I am &
JOHN BROWN.”
Gen^l Lincoln.[33]
We now turn to the fight at Diamond Island, giving first the English
version, simply remarking as a preliminary, that in the postscript of
a letter addressed by Jonas Fay to General Gates, dated Bennington,
September 22, 1771, is the following:
“By a person just arrived from Fort George--only 30 men are at that
place and 2 Gun Boats anchor’d at a distance from land and that the
enemy have not more than 3 weeks provisions.”[34]
Writing from Albany after his surrender, General Burgoyne says, under
the date of October 27, that
“On the 24th instant, the enemy, enabled by the capture of the
gunboats and bateaux which they had made after the surprise of the
sloop, to embark upon Lake George, attacked Diamond Island in two
divisions.
Captain Aubrey and two companies of the 47th regiment, had been posted
at that island from the time the army passed the Hudson’s River, as
a better situation for the security of the stores at the south end
of Lake George than Fort George, which is on the continent, and not
tenable against artillery and numbers. The enemy were repulsed by
Captain Aubrey with great loss, and pursued by the gunboats under his
command to the east shore, where two of their principal vessels were
retaken, together with all the cannon. They had just time to set fire
to the other bateaux and retreated over the mountains.”[35]
This statement was based upon the report made by Lieutenant Irwine,
the commander at Lake George, whose communication appears to have
fallen into the hands of Gates, at the surrender of Burgoyne.
Lieutenant George Irwine, of the 47th, reports thus to Lieutenant
Francis Clark, aid-de-camp to General Burgoyne:
“Fort George 24^{th} Sept^r. 1777.
Sir
I think it necessary to acquaint you for the information of General
Burgoyne, that the enemy, to the amount of two or three hundred men
came from Skenesborough to the carrying place near Tyconderoga and
there took seventeen or eighteen Batteaus with Gunboats--Their design
was first to attack the fort but considering they could not well
accomplish it without cannon they desisted from that scheme, they were
then resolved to attack Diamond Island (which Island Capt. Aubrey
commands) and if they succeeded, to take this place, they began to
attack the Island with cannon about 9 o’clock yesterday morning, I
have the satisfaction to inform you that after a cannonading for near
an hour and a half on both sides the enemy took to their retreat.
Then was Gun boats sent in pursuit of them which occasioned the enemy
to burn their Gun boats and Batteaus and made their escape towards
Skenesborough in great confusion--we took one Gun boat from them with
a twelve pounder in her and a good quantity of ammunition--we have
heard there was a few kill’d and many wounded of them. There was not a
man killed or hurt during the whole action of his Majesty’s Troops. I
have the honor to be Sir your most obedient and most humb^{le} Ser^t
Geo^e Irwine Com at Fort George
L^t 47^{th}”[36]
We now turn to the hitherto unpublished report of Colonel Brown, who
reports as follows, not without chagrin:
“Skeensboro Friday 11 o’clock, a. m. Sep^t 26^{th} 1777
Dear Sir
I this minute arrived at this place by the way of Fort Ann, was
induced to take this route on ac^t of my Ignorance of the situation of
every part of the continental Army----
On the 22 ins^t at 4 o’clk P.M. I set sail from the north end Lake
George with 20 sail of Boats three of which were armed, Viz one small
sloop mounting 3 guns, and 2 British Gun Boats having on Board the
whole about 420 Men officers included with a Determined resolution
to attack Diamond Island which lies within 5 miles Fort George at
the break of Day the next Morning, but a very heavy storm coming on
prevented--I arrived Sabbath Day point abt midnight where I tarried
all night, during which time I [sic] small Boat in the fleet taken the
Day before coming from Fort George, conducted by one Ferry lately a
sutler in our army, I put Ferry on his Parole, but in the night he
found Means to escape with his Boat, and informed the Enemy of our
approach, on the 23d I advanced as far as 12 Mile Island, the Wind
continuing too high for an attack I suspended it untill the Morning
of the 24^{th} at 9 oclock at which Time I advanced with the 3 armed
Boats in front and the other Boats, I ordered to wing to the Right and
left of Island to attempt a landing if practicable, and to support the
Gun Boats in case they should need assistance, I was induced to make
this experiment to find the strength of the Island as also to carry it
if practicable--the enemy gave me the first fire which I returned in
good earnest, and advanced as nigh as I thought prudent, I soon found
that the enemy had been advertised of our approach and well prepared
for our reception having a great number of cannon well mounted with
good Breast Works, I however approached within a small Distance giving
the Enemy as hot a fire as in my Power, untill the sloop was hulled
between wind and Water and obliged to toe her off and one of the boats
so damaged as I was obliged to quit her in the action. I had two men
killed two Mortally wounded and several others wounded in such Manner
as I was obliged to leave them under the Care of the Inhabitants,
who I had taken Prisoners giving them a sufficient reward for their
services.
I Run my Boats up a Bay a considerable distance and burnt them with
all the Baggage that was not portable--The Enemy have on Diamond
Island as near as could be collected are about three hundred, and
about 40 at Fort George with orders if they are attacked to retreat
to the Island--Gen^l Borgoine has about 4 Weeks Provision with his
army and no more, he is determined to cut his Road through to Albany
at all events, for this I have the last authority, still I think him
under a small mistake--Most of the Horses and Cattle taken at Ty and
thereabouts were left in the Woods. Gen^l Warner has put out a party
in quest of them.
I am Dear S^r wishing you and the Main Army
great Success your most ob^t hum^l Ser^t
JNO BROWN.”
Gen^l Lincoln
“NB You may Depend on it that after the British Army were supply with
six Weeks provision which was two weeks from the Communication between
Lake George and Fort Edward was ordered by Gen^l Burgoine to be stor’d
and no passes given----
The attack on the Island continued with interruption 2 Hours.”[37]
Thus ended the fight of Diamond Island; a fight which, if attended
with better success, might have perhaps hastened the surrender of
Burgoyne, and resulted in other advantages to the American arms. As
it was, however, the British line of communication on Lake George was
not broken, while the American leaders took good care to prevent this
failure from reaching the public ear through the press. Thus Colonel
Brown’s reports to General Lincoln remained unpublished. They have now
been brought out to be put on permanent record, as interesting material
for American history.
To-day the summer tourist who rows out to this lovely isle, which
commands delightful views of the lake far and wide, will see no
evidences of the struggle, but will find the very atmosphere bathed in
perfect peace. Of relics of the old wars, which for more than a hundred
years caused the air to jar, and echoing hills to complain,--there are
none. The ramparts that once bristled with cannon have been smoothed
away, and the cellar of an ancient house is all the visitor will find
among the birches to tell of the olden occupancy of man.
(The Late Rev.) B. F. DACOSTA.
NEW YORK CITY.
Lieutenant Colonel John Brown (1774-1780), a native of Berkshire
county, Massachusetts, was a Yale graduate of 1771, and in 1774 visited
Canada as a horse dealer, to ascertain the sentiments of the Canadians
towards the principles of our impending Revolution. His subsequent
experiences with Arnold in the Quebec campaign are matters of history,
but his early death, in the encounter at Stone Arabia, N. Y., in 1780,
just after the discovery of Arnold’s treachery, prevented the details
of his specific accusations against the latter from becoming public.
His descendants in Boston have long been preparing to issue a detailed
biography, which should be a valuable contribution to the literature
of the Revolution. The story of his Lake George fight was practically
unknown before Dr. DeCosta’s article was written [for the N. E.
Historic Genealogic Society] and although it was afterward published in
pamphlet form, so few copies were printed that it has been inaccessible
to the general reader.
Mr. William L. Stone furnishes me with the following particulars
regarding Captain Aubrey: He came with his regiment from Ireland to
America in 1773, and served throughout the Revolution. He commanded his
company at Bunker Hill, and when in the spring of 1776 the regiment
was sent to reinforce Carleton in Canada, he accompanied it and aided
in the expulsion of the American forces. After Burgoyne’s surrender,
Aubrey’s detachment returned to Canada and he remained there and in
command of the post at the entrance to Lake Ontario for a long time. He
died in London, January 15, 1814.--[ED.]
FOOTNOTES:
[28] Silliman, who was here in 1819, says: “The crystals are hardly
surpassed by any in the world for transparency and perfection of form.
They are, as usual, the six-sided prism, and are frequently terminated
at both ends by six-sided pyramids. These last, of course, must be
found loose, or, at least, not adhering to any rock; those which are
broken off have necessarily only one pyramid.”--_Silliman’s Travels_,
p. 153.
[29] This affair was alluded to by the English, though the Americans
said nothing. Among recent writers, I have found no notice beyond that
by Lossing in his Field Book, vol. i., p. 114. When the present writer
composed his work on Lake George he had not found the official account
by Col. Brown.
[30] See _Relations des Jesuits_, 1646, p. 15.
[31] Mr. Parkman, in his work _The Jesuits in America_ (p. 219), has
indeed stated that Father Jogues ascended Lake George in 1642, when, in
company with Père Goupil, he was carried away a prisoner by the Indians.
The opinion of Mr. Parkman is based on a manuscript account of that
journey, taken down from Father Jogues’ own lips by Father Buteux.
The account, after describing the journey southward and over Lake
Champlain, which occupied eight days, says that they “arrived at the
place where one leaves the canoes” (_où l’on quitte les canots_), and
then “marched southward three days by land,” until they reached the
Mohawk villages. But there is nothing whatever in the description, by
which we can recognize a passage over Lake George, nothing about the
portage, the falls, nor the outlet. Everything turns chiefly on the
fact that they _arrived at the place where one leaves the canoes_. This
place, it is assumed, was the head of Lake George, from whence there
was a trail southward. Now in regard to the existence of such a trail
at that period, there can be no doubt; yet unquestionably it was not
the _only_ trail followed by the Indians. The old French map shows two
trails to the Mohawk villages, one from the head of Lake George, and
the other from the South-west Bay.
It is true that Champlain, in 1609, intended to go to the Mohawk
country, by Lake George, yet at the period of Jogue’s captivity we have
no account of any one taking that route. Father Jogues himself clearly
did not cross the lake in 1646. It is distinctly said that they arrived
at the end of the lake (_bout de lac_) on the eve of the Festival
of _St. Sacrament_, when they named the lake, and the next day went
south _on foot_, carrying their packs on their backs. This is the view
given by every one who has treated the subject in print, including Mr.
Parkman himself.
To this it has been answered that _bout de lac_ always means the _head_
of the lake, and that the terms are so used in the _Relations_; yet
if we return to the _Relations_ of 1668 (vol. ii., p. 5), detailing
the journey of Fathers Fremin, Pieron and Bruyas, we find that this is
not the case. The writer there says that while he and others delayed
on an island in Lake Champlain, the boatmen went forward, “landing at
the _end_ of the Lake (_bout de lac_) du St. Sacrement, and preparing
for the portage.” At this place, the north end of the lake, there is a
heavy portage, in order to get around the Falls of Ticonderoga. In the
next sentence he again calls this end of the lake, which is the north
end or outlet, _bout de lac_. But we have also to remind the reader,
that the place where Father Jogues _left his canoe_, in 1646, was at
the north end of the lake (the foot), which he, like the others, calls
_bout de lac_. The language is so translated by Parkman and others
who have mentioned the circumstances. _Bout de lac_, in the Jesuit
_Relations_, therefore does not mean the _head_ of the lake. We see,
then, that we have not sufficient reason for supposing that “the place
where one leaves the canoes” meant the head, or south end of Lake
George, and consequently that the alleged passage over the lake by
Jogues, in 1642, is indefensible.
[32] State of the Expedition from Canada. By Burgoyne. p. xciv. Ed.
1780.
[33] Gates Papers, p. 194.
[34] Gates Papers, p. 208.
[35] State of the Expedition from Canada, p. 53.
[36] Gates Papers, p. 218.
[37] Gates Papers, p. 220.
INDIAN LEGENDS
II
THE MAIDEN OF THE MOON
[The following legend was obtained from the lips of a Chippewa woman
named Penaqua, or the Female Pheasant, and I hardly know which to
admire most, the simple beauty of the plot, or the graphic and unique
manner of the narrative, of which, I regret to say, I can hardly give
a faithful translation.]
Among the rivers of the North, none can boast of more numerous charms
than the St. Louis, and the fairest spot of the earth which it waters
is that where now (1847) stands the trading post of Fond du Lac. Upon
this spot, many summers ago, there lived a Chippewa chief and his
wife, who were the parents of an only daughter. Her name was _Sweet
Strawberry_, and she was acknowledged to be the most beautiful maiden
of her nation. Her voice was like that of the turtle-dove, and the red
deer was not more graceful and sprightly in its form. Her eyes were
brilliant as the star of the northern sky, which guides the hunter
through the wilderness, and her dark hair clustered around her neck
like grape vines around the trunk of the tree they loved. The young
men of every nation had striven to win her heart, but she smiled upon
none. Curious presents were sent to her from the four quarters of the
world, but she received them not. Seldom did she deign to reply to the
many warriors who entered her father’s lodge, and when she did, it was
only to assure them that while upon earth she would never change her
condition. Her strange conduct astonished them, but did not subdue
their affection. Many and noble were the deeds they performed, not only
in winning the white plumes of the eagle, but in hunting the elk and
the black bear. But all their exploits availed them nothing, for the
heart of the beautiful girl was still untouched.
The snows of winter were all gone, and the pleasant winds of spring
were blowing over the land. The time for making sugar had arrived,
though the men had not yet returned from the remote hunting grounds,
and in the maple forests bright fires were burning, and the fragrance
of the sweet sap filled all the air. The ringing laugh of childhood and
the mature song of women, were heard in the valley, but in no part of
the wilderness could be found more happiness than on the banks of the
St. Louis. But the _Sweet Strawberry_ mingled with the young men and
maidens of her tribe, in a thoughtful mood and with downcast eyes. She
was evidently bowed down by some mysterious grief, but she neglected
not her duties; and though she spent much of her time alone, her
buchère-bucket was as frequently filled with the sugar juice as any of
her companions.
Such was the condition of affairs, when a party of young warriors
from the far North came upon a frolic to the St. Louis River. Having
seen the many handsome maidens of this region, the strangers became
enamored of their charms, and each one succeeded in obtaining the love
of a maiden, who was to become his bride during the marrying season of
summer.