VOL. II NO. 4
THE
MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
WITH
NOTES AND QUERIES
OCTOBER, 1905
WILLIAM ABBATT
281 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
Published Monthly $5.00 a Year 50 Cents a Number
THE MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
WITH NOTES AND QUERIES
VOL. II OCTOBER, 1905 NO. 4
CONTENTS
PAGE
THE BRITISH NAVY IN THE REVOLUTION REGINALD PELHAM
BOLTON 223
LIBERTY OF THE PRESS (_Sixth Paper_) REV. LIVINGSTON ROWE
SCHUYLER 228
EARLY DAYS IN LUZERNE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA
W. P. RYMAN 239
THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC (_Concluded_) R. N. ARPE 249
THE NORTHERN NECK OF VIRGINIA E. N. VALLANDIGHAM 259
FANCIES AT NAVESINK (_Poem_) WALT WHITMAN 264
THE FIGHT AT DIAMOND ISLAND REV. B. F. DECOSTA 265
INDIAN LEGENDS: _II._ THE MAIDEN OF THE
MOON The late CHARLES
LANMAN 273
THE FIRST WOMAN IN THE POST OFFICE
DEPARTMENT 276
HAND-LOOM WEAVING REVIVED 278
ERROR--MEMORIAL TREES 281
BALTIMORE’S OLD STEPPING-STONES 282
THE GRAVE OF LEATHERSTOCKING 283
THE BATTLE OF SARATOGA (_Excerpt_) WILLIAM L. STONE 284
COMMUNICATION (John Paul Jones) A. A. FOLSOM 285
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
Letter of Col. Henry Glen to Col. Marinus Willett 287
Letter of Washington to the Board of War 289
Letter of John Dickinson to the President of Congress 290
MINOR TOPICS: The First U. S. Flag 291
GENEALOGICAL: Queries--Answers 292
BOOK NOTICES 293
Entered as second-class matter, March 1, 1905, at the Post Office at
New York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879.
_Copyright, 1905, by William Abbatt_
THE MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
WITH NOTES AND QUERIES
VOL. II OCTOBER, 1905 NO. 4
THE BRITISH NAVY IN THE REVOLUTION
In the study of the events of the Revolution, one cannot but be
impressed with the important share which the movements and achievements
of the navy of Great Britain, had in deciding the military events.
It has often been remarked that had King George been as well served
ashore, as he was afloat, the Revolution might have ended very
differently. Therefore, it may be assumed that the history of that
great struggle will not be entirely complete until the work done at
sea on both sides is more fully dealt with in its bearing on the land
operations.
In such a study, the material facts are available to an extent which
does not seem to be widely known; for in the great Public Record Office
of the Crown, in Chancery Lane, London, are stored away the actual
orders, reports and correspondence of the naval officials of that
period, and in addition the actual log books of the vessels. The former
include Admirals’ despatches, filed in the Navy Side, under the heading
“Admiralty Secretary, In Letters,” and those relating to the strife
with the thirteen colonies, during the period 1774 to 1784 inclusive,
are indexed by the name of the “North American Station,” and numbered
484, 485, 486, 487 and 488. Of the mass of interesting material therein
I was able, during a short visit, only to examine hastily one great
package, which I found teeming with details of the affairs of the
time, the confidential communications not only of the superior, but of
subordinate officers on different stations, captured papers, reports of
spies, and lists of captured vessels, men, and goods.
These papers are entirely free of access to any person, the only
requirement being that they shall be examined in public, that no ink
shall be used in copying, and that they are returned after every
session.
Up to a date one hundred years ago, the papers are available without
any introduction or order, but if the enquirer should desire those of
more recent date, a special order must be obtained. The courtesy of
Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte, K. C. B., Deputy Keeper of the Records, and
of W. Stamp, his assistant must be acknowledged by myself, and will
undoubtedly be experienced by other enquirers into these matters.
It is extremely interesting to the student of history thus to handle
and read the very documents which, received by the then authorities
from the scene of actual hostilities, did so much in themselves to
affect the course of events.
These official naval documents may be supplemented by examination
of the contemporary military papers of the period, those emanating
from the pseudo-civil governors of the colonies containing especially
interesting matter.
Of these a number of the despatches of Governor Tryon to Lord George
Germain, will be found in the Colonial Office Records, under heading
“America and West Indies.” Those of 1780, for instance, are indexed
No. 189--a bundle which contains some fascinating papers, such as
the original reports of spies, a number of these signed by one
especially active scoundrel whose signature, A. Z., is frequent, and
his suggestions for the confounding of the American forces full of
a lively personal interest. On the reports of deserters and spies,
many favorable prognostications are founded by the writers of these
despatches, and much may be learned of the policy and directions which
led to some of the stirring events of that period.
Another source of information of a most detailed character is the large
collection of log-books of the various war vessels. These were, in
those days, kept not only by the Captains, and by the Lieutenants in
command, but separate books were also kept by the sailing masters. Of
the two former, those of the Lieutenants being practically duplicates
of the Commanders’, have been destroyed, but the Captains’ and Masters’
books are preserved.
These books are in the original bindings and are of a most interesting
character, carefully noting the time and nature of every occurrence in
which the ship took part, as well as the surrounding circumstances of
weather, sea and course.
From them may thus be obtained not only much new information of the
details of actions, but confirmative and corrective matters of time and
place.
In the course of a study of the operations of the British marine in
the waters of New York, I found myself confronted by contradictions
of a very annoying nature in the published accounts of the events of
1776, but upon reference to these log books many of these points were
fully cleared up. Of some of these I hope at a future date to be able
to give details, but the purpose of this article being to afford to
others the knowledge of the existence and accessibility of the source
of this information, I shall here give only the index numbers of the
log-books of the most important vessels, which bore a prominent part in
the Revolution.
The well-known names of the redoubtable men-of-war, frigates, armed
brigs and schooners will recall to my readers events in which these
took part, and the significant gaps in the logs of some point to the
disasters or captures of which they became the victims.
CAPTAINS’ LOG BOOKS
[Preserved in the Public Record Office, London]
----------+--------------------------------------+------------------------
NAME OF | ARMAMENT | CAPTAIN | PERIOD COVERED | INDEX
VESSEL | | | BY LOG | NO.
----------+------------+---------------------+----------------------------
Asia | 64 Guns | George Vandeput | 177- to |
| | | 1783, April 3 | 67
Phœnix | 44 Guns | Capt. Hyde Parker | |
| | Jr. | 1764, Oct. 1, to |
| | | 1776, July 7 | 693
” | ” ” | ” ” ” | 1776, July 8, to |
| | | 1780, April 8 | 694
Roebuck | 32 Guns | A. S. Hamond | 1775, July 14, to |
| | | 1783, April 8 | 796
| | | (No entries |
| | | between |
| | | 13 July, |
| | | 1776, and |
| | | 7 Jan., 1769) |
Rose | 20 Guns | Sir Richard Wallace | 1768, April 27, to |
| | | 1776, Feb. 29 | 804
” | ” ” | ” ” ” | 1776, March 1, to |
| | | 1785, June 8 | 805
Tartar | Frigate | Edward Medows | 1763 to |
| | | 1778, Nov. 23 | 972
“ | ” | ” ” | 1779, July 27, to |
| | | 1783, Oct. 25 | 973
Thunderer | Bomb-ketch | | 1764 to |
| | | 1780, March 27 | 987
Thunder | Bomb-ketch | | 1775 to |
| | | 1780, May 18 | 987
Vulture | Frigate | | 1776, June 10, to |
| | | 1783, Nov 19 | 1044
” | ” | | 1780, Nov. 8, to |
| | | Dec. 22 | 4386
Pearl | 30 Guns | Jas. O’Hara | |
| | to 1775 | 1764 to |
| | | 1777, May 21 | 674
” | ” ” | Thos. Wilkinson | 1777, June 14, to |
| | | 1782, July 18 | 675
| | | (Missing to 1786) |
Orpheus | | Chas. Hudson | 1773 to |
| | | 1784, March 31 | 650
” | | ” ” | 1775, July 25, to |
| | | 1776, Aug. 31 } | 4279
” | | ” ” | 1781, Jan. 1, to |
| | | Dec. 31 } |
” | | ” ” | 1784, April 1, to |
| | | 1787, Feb. 26 | 659
----------+------------+---------------------+--------------------+-------
MASTERS’ LOG BOOKS
[Preserved in the Public Record Office, London]
------------+----------------+------------------+--------------------------
NAME | ARMAMENT | CAPTAIN | PERIOD COVERED |INDEX
| | | | NO.
------------+----------------+------------------+--------------------------
Asia | 64 Guns | George Vandeput | 1771, April 23, to |
| | | 1775, Mar. 9 | 1580
” | ” ” | ” ” | 1775, Mar. 10, to |
| | | 1777, Mar. 10 | 1583
” | ” ” | ” ” | 1777, Mar. 14, to |
| | | 1779, Apr. 24 | 1582
” | ” ” | ” ” | 1779, Apr. 24, to |
| | | 1781, Apr. 23 | 1581
” | ” ” | ” ” | 1781, Apr. 24, to |
| | | 1783, Apr. 3 | 2149
Carcass | Bomb-ketch | | 1775 to |
| | | 1778, Sept. 14 | 1640
” | ” ” | | 1778 to 1781 | 1641
Carysfort | Frigate | Fanshaw | 1775, Nov. 15, to |
| | | 1778, Apr. 30 | 1642
Charlotte | | | Missing from 1770 |
| | | to 1797 |
Charlotta | Tender | | None |
Dutchess of | | | |
Gordon | Despatch Packet| | None |
Eagle | Flagship | | 1776, Mar. 4, to |
| | | 1779, Jan. 8 | 1709
” | ” | | 1779, Jan. 8, to |
| | | 1781, Jan 7 | 1710
” | ” | | 1781, Jan. 8, to |
| | | 1782, April 16 | 2296
Experiment | 50 Guns | Alexander Scott | 1775, July 11, to |
| | | 1779, Mar. 18 | 1725
| | (1778, Wallace) | (Missing to 1793) |
Greyhound | 30 ” | Archibald Dickson| 1775, Nov. 5, to |
| | | 1778, Dec. 2 | 1768
” | “ ” | ” ” | 1778, Dec. 2, |
| | | to 1780, Aug. 20 | 1765
| | | (Missing on |
| | | to 1794) |
La Brune | 32 ” | | Not in list |
Orpheus | | Charles Hudson | 1775, Aug. 24, to |
| | | 1781, Aug. | 1893
Pearl | 20 Guns | Thos. Wilkinson | 1776, Sept. 14, to |
| | | 1777, Nov. 16 | 1392
Phœnix | 44 ” | Hyde Parker, Jr. | 1775, July 8, to |
| | | 1778, July 23 | 1909
Repulse | 50 ” | Davis | 1780 to 1782 | 2494
Renown | 50 ” | Banks | 1775, Aug. 4, to |
| | | 1778, Mar. 18 | 1953
” | ” ” | ” | 1780, Aug. 2, to |
| | | 1783, Jan. 5 | 2495
Roebuck | 32 ” | A. S. Hamond | 1775 to |
| | | 1777, July 14 | 1963
” | ” ” | ” ” ” | 1777, July 15, to |
| | | 1779, July 14 | 1964
” | ” ” | “ ” ” | 1779 to |
| | | 1781, July 3 | 2504
” | ” ” | ” ” ” | 1781 to |
| | | 1783, April 9 | 2505
Rose | 20 ” | Sir Richard | |
| | Wallace | 1775, Nov. 1, to |
| | | 1777, Oct. 31 | 1970
Shuldham | Tender | | None |
Solebay | 28 Guns | | 1775, Aug. 16, to |
| | | 1777, Aug. 27 | 1999
” | ” ” | | 1777, Aug. 27, to |
| | | 1780, Mar. 3 | 1998
| | | (Missing to 1787) |
Tartar | Frigate | Edward Medows | 1775, Dec. 13, to |
| | | 1778, Sept. 22 | 2029
” | ” | ” ” | 1778 to |
| | | 1781, May 26 | 2030
” | ” | ” ” | 1781 to |
| | | 1783, Oct. 25 | 2567
Thunder | Bomb-ketch | | 1775 to |
| | | 1780, June 2 | 2041
Thunderer | ” ” | | (Missing to 1778) |
” | ” ” | | 1778, Feb. 25, to |
| | | 1780, June 20 | 2042
| | | (Missing to 1794) |
Trial | Armed Schooner | Lt. John Brown | Up to 1772, Aug. 6 | 1483
” | ” ” | ” ” ” | Begins 1790, |
| | | Oct. 17 | 3551
Vulture | Frigate | | 1776, June 19, to |
| | | 1779, June 30 | 2072
” | ” | | 1779, June 29, to |
| | | 1782, July 29 | 2073
” | ” | | 1782, July 30, to |
| | | 1783, Nov. 19 | 2592
| | | (Missing on |
| | | to 1803) |
------------+----------------+------------------+--------------------+-----
Of these it may be noted that the _Asia_ was conspicuous around
New York, particularly in the summer of 1776, when a shot from her
caused the only bloodshed of which Governor’s Island has been the
scene, although it has been a military station since 1800. One of her
cannon-balls took off an arm of an American soldier, in April, 1776.
Another of her shots penetrated the roof of Fraunces’ Tavern, in Broad
street, New York. It was preserved until a few years ago, when it
mysteriously disappeared. Freneau, in his _Petition of Hugh Gaine_
refers to the incident:
At first we supposed it was only a sham
Till he drove a round ball through the roof of Black Sam.
The _Eagle_ came very near furnishing the first proof in history of the
efficiency of submarine boats or torpedoes. It is part of the history
of the Revolution that Bushnell’s “Turtle” only failed to blow her up,
as she lay off Governor’s Island in August, 1776, because of her bottom
being coppered, and hence affording no chance of attachment of the
“Turtle” by a huge screw, as the inventor had intended.
The _Duchess of Gordon_ was Tryon’s headquarters at the same time.
The _Experiment_, _Thunder_ and _Solebay_ were conspicuous in the
unsuccessful attack on Charleston in June, 1776, and the _Pearl_,
_Phœnix_, _Rose_, _Roebuck_ and _Tartar_ were particularly active near
New York during the whole war.
* * * * *
The foregoing are by no means all of the vessels engaged in the war of
the Revolution, of which I have gathered references to no less than one
hundred and twenty-two, and there were doubtless many more engaged in
those operations east and south of which I have been unable to make a
close study.
These will, however, serve to indicate some of the material available,
and perhaps afford some historical enquirers the means of adding to
their information.
REGINALD PELHAM BOLTON.
NEW YORK CITY.
THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES BEFORE THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, WITH PARTICULAR
REFERENCE TO CONDITIONS IN THE ROYAL COLONY OF NEW YORK.
CHAPTER IV (_Continued_)
THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS IN NEW YORK
The administration of Governor George Clinton is very important on
the side of Constitutional growth, since it is now that the General
Assembly for the first time clearly enunciates the principles of
self-government and the right not only to vote the taxes but to
determine the ways in which the money shall be expended. In 1747 the
colonies were engaged in war with France, and it was of the greatest
importance that the outposts and fortified places on the Canadian
border should be adequately garrisoned and amply supplied with
provisions and munitions of war. Clinton was striving to assert the
principle of royal prerogative in the matter of money-bills, a right
which Governor Clarke had allowed to slip away from him. This attempt
the General Assembly naturally resisted, and as a result is reproached
by the Governor with neglecting to provide him with the money
necessary to keep the province properly defended against the French.
In the Minutes of the General Assembly of Oct. 8th, 1747, appears the
following Message from the Governor,
“_Gentlemen_,
By your Votes I understand you are going upon Things very foreign
to what I recommended you: I will receive nothing from you at this
critical Juncture, but what relates to the Message I last sent you,
viz. By all Means, immediately to take the preservation of your
Frontiers, and the Fidelity of the Indians, into consideration: The
Loss of a Day may have fatal Consequences; when that is over, you may
have Time enough to go upon any other Matters.
G. CLINTON.”
The next day the House took into consideration the Governor’s Message,
and after a rather theatric locking of the door and laying the key on
the table (as though, as Clinton says in his Message of Oct. 13th, some
one were attempting to break in,) drew up a set of Resolutions to be
delivered to the Governor, in which his Message was declared to be an
attempt to subvert the rights, privileges, and immunities of the House.
In addition a long document, called “A Humble Remonstrance of the
House on the present State and Condition of the Colony,” was ordered
carried by a committee to the Governor. This document, which had taken
a Committee several days to draw up, was a long and detailed statement
of the Assembly’s side of the quarrel and an attempt to show that the
wretched state of the colony’s affairs was due to the tactics of delay
made use of by the Governor and not to any fault of the Assembly which
was very willing to grant money provided it had some assurance that
the sums voted would be expended for the purposes designated. This
Remonstrance the Governor refused to receive, and by his Secretary
directed James Parker, the official printer, not to print it in the
proceedings of the Assembly; this direction was not heeded by Parker, a
step which brought out from the Governor the following Order:
“By His Excellency the Honourable George Clinton, Captain General and
Governor in Chief, of the Province of New York, etc.
To Mr. James Parker, Printer to the General Assembly of the Province
of New York.
Whereas some Persons, calling themselves a Committee of the General
Assembly of this Province, came into an Apartment of my House, on the
9th instant, while I was engaged in my private affairs; and without
the least previous Notice, one of them offered to read a large bundle
of Paper, which he said was a Remonstrance from that House, and
desired my Leave to read the same, which I absolutely refused, or to
have it left with me; and whereas the Speaker of the said General
Assembly hath, in disregard to my Authority and Person, ordered the
same to be printed by you in their Votes, although I forewarned you
by my Secretary not to do it; but as you afterwards signified to him,
that a Verbal Order was not sufficient to forbid you printing any
Thing to that Purpose;
I do hereby in his Majesty’s Name, expressly forbid you or any
other person in this Province, to re-print or otherwise publish,
the said Paper, called, a Remonstrance of the General Assembly of
this Province, as you and they shall answer the same at your and
their Peril; the said Paper, containing many false, scandalous and
malicious Aspersions on me, as Governor of this Province; and I do
hereby, further require you to give publick Notice of this my Order,
by publishing the same in your next News-Paper; and for your so doing,
this shall be the warrant.
Given under my Hand, at the City of New York, October 24th, 1747.[1]
G. CLINTON.”
This Order having duly appeared in Parker’s New York Gazette and Post
Boy, the Speaker on Oct. 26th reported it to the House and requested
“that the House would vindicate his Conduct therein.” Accordingly
Parker was ordered to appear before the body. He came the next day
and produced Clinton’s order in justification of his action, and the
Assembly then passed the following resolutions;[2]
“Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That it is the undoubted Right of the
People of this Colony, to know the Proceedings of their Representatives
in General Assembly, and that any Attempt to prevent their Proceedings
being printed and published, is a Violation of the Rights and Liberties
of the People of this Colony.
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That any Attempt to prohibit the
printing or re-printing of any of the Proceedings of this House, is an
infringement of the Privileges of this House, and of the People they
represent.
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That the Humble Remonstrance of
this House, of the 9th instant, though his Excellency, (contrary to
the uninterrupted Usage in such Cases,) refused to receive it, was,
notwithstanding, a regular Proceeding of this House.
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That his Excellency’s Order to forbid
the printing or re-printing the said Remonstrance, is unwarrantable,
arbitrary and illegal, and not only an open and manifest Violation of
the Privileges of this House, but also of the Liberty of the Press, and
evidently tends to the utter subversion of all the Rights and Liberties
of this House, and of the People they represent.
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That Mr. Speaker’s ordering the said
Remonstrance to be printed with the Votes and Proceedings of this
House, is regular, and entirely consistent with the Duty of his Office
as Speaker of this House.”
On Nov. 12th a further step was taken, when Col. Lewis Morris made the
following Motion, which was carried;
“The late Order in Parker’s Paper, ordering him as Printer of this
House, not to publish or print the Proceedings of this House, is an
Attempt to deprive the People of these Colonies of their Liberties; I
therefore move, that we order him to re-print our Humble Remonstrance
to his Excellency, and that he deliver ten Copies to each member
of this House, that our Constituents may know, that it is our firm
Resolution to preserve the Liberty of the Press, and to communicate
our proceedings to them, that they may judge of our Conduct.”
The Governor up to this time had said nothing on the subject, but in
his Speech dissolving the Assembly on Nov. 25,[3] he breaks his silence
and argues the matter at length. He begins by saying that their action
has a very dangerous likeness to a desire to grasp the executive power,
a result which would be destructive of their dependency on Great
Britain, and of which the people of Great Britain might become jealous.
He then goes on to show that their conduct is not only wanting in
respect to their Sovereign, since the Governor is his representative,
but even wanting in ordinary manliness and honesty, since they are
striking at one who, (on account of his position,) cannot retaliate.
The question as to whether the paper is not a false, scandalous and
malicious libel he left to his superiors in England. He ends his
statement of the matter, “As to the popular Out-cry you endeavor to
raise, of the Liberty of the Press, I shall only say, that certainly
this Liberty, as well as any other may be abused, to the injury of
others; if an injury is done, a proper Remedy ought to be applied; and
such a Remedy can never be thought a Restraint of any just Liberty.
I am persuaded that no considerate man can think, that I offered any
Obstruction to the Liberty of the Press, by forbidding the Printer to
publish that one Paper at his Peril; if no Peril in doing it, neither
the author nor Publishers of it can suffer by the Order; the proper
Judges may in Time show, whether I did a Service or a Disservice to
any, by such Warning.”
The Twenty-fifth Assembly came together in the Spring of 1748 and
the old quarrel was resumed. On reassembling for the second Session
in September an Address was drawn up in which former complaints were
reiterated, and which the Governor refused to receive.[4] The Address
was then printed in the Votes and Proceedings of the Assembly, and on
Nov. 12th the Governor, in proroguing the Assembly, took occasion to
complain of their method of procedure.
“In whatever your Governor and you differ, there is a legal Method for
Redress. In my Message to you, I told you that I would do the Justice,
to send a Copy of that Paper, which you call an Address, to his
Majesty’s Ministers; which is sending it to the proper Tribunal for
Redress, if I have done you any injury, by my refusing to receive it;
but you seem to decline this legal Method; and by your publishing that
Paper, under the name of an Address, in your Votes, and afterwards
in a publick News Paper, published by the Printer of your Votes; you
seem to place the dernier Resort in all Disputes between you and your
Governor, in the Populace; how his Majesty may take this, or how a
Parliament of Great Britain, may take your claiming, not only the
Privileges of Parliament, but Privileges far beyond what any House of
Commons ever claimed, deserves your most serious consideration.”[5]
Governor George Clinton was succeeded by Sir Danvers Osborne in the
summer of 1753, but the latter meeting with a violent death the
government devolved on James Delancey, the Lieutenant-Governor. The
latter in his speech at the coming together of the Assembly took
occasion to quote certain paragraphs from the Instructions given to Sir
Danvers Osborne. These would naturally be of interest to all in the
colony, and Hugh Gaine, the printer of the New York Mercury, published
the paragraphs in his next issue. This provoked comment and the
Assembly at once took action.[6]
“The House being informed that one Hugh Gaine, a printer, in the City
of New York, had presumed in his Paper, called, the New York Mercury,
of Monday, November the 12th, 1753, No. 66, to print and publish Part
of the Proceedings of this House, particularly several articles of
his Majesty’s Instructions to his Excellency, the late Sir Danvers
Osborne, Baronet; and the said Paper being produced, and read,
Ordered, That the said Hugh Gaine, attend this House To-morrow, at 10
o’clock in the morning.
Ordered, That the Serjeant at Arms, attending this House, serve the
said Hugh Gaine, with a Copy of this Order forthwith.”
Next day Hugh Gaine appeared at the Bar of the House; “being asked,
whether he was the Printer of the Paper, called the New York Mercury,
he acknowledged that he was; and then being asked, by what Authority
he had therein printed and published an Extract of the Votes of this
House; answered, that he had no Authority for doing it, and knew not
that he did amiss in doing so; and that he was very sorry that he had
offended the House, and humbly asked their Pardon.”[7]
The result was that after the matter had been discussed in the House
the printer was called in, reprimanded, and allowed to go, on paying
the costs.
In 1756 James Parker, who had in 1747 braved the wrath of Governor
Clinton in order to obey the Speaker of the House, himself fell into
disgrace. Parker and Wm. Weyman were at this time joint owners of the
New York Gazette, or the Weekly Post Boy, and on the 15th of March,
published an article entitled “Observations on the Circumstances and
Conduct of the People in the Counties of Ulster and Orange, in the
Province of New York.”
The Assembly at its meeting on the 16th took the matter up on the
ground that it reflected on the conduct and composition of the House.
The Serjeant at Arms was directed to bring the printers to the Bar.
Parker was out of town, but Weyman appeared, and being asked how he had
come to print it said that he done so merely as a piece of news, and
went on to say that he believed it to have been written by the Rev.
Hezekiah Watkins, a clergyman of Newburgh, Ulster County, and that he
was heartily sorry for the mistake. The House then;[8]
“Resolved, That the Piece ... contains sundry insolent, false, and
malicious Expressions, calculated to misrepresent the conduct of the
Representatives of the People of this Colony.
Resolved, That the Author of the said Piece has attempted by false and
malicious Misrepresentations, to irritate the People of this Colony
against their Representatives in General Assembly, and is therefore
guilty of a high Misdemeanor and a Contempt of the Authority of this
House.
Resolved, That James Parker and Wm. Weyman, for having published the
said Piece in their Weekly Paper, are guilty of a high Misdemeanor and
a Contempt of the Authority of this House.
Resolved, That James Parker and Wm. Weyman, be for their said offense,
taken into the Custody of the Sergeant at Arms attending this House.”
Four days later Parker presented a petition setting forth that on
receiving news of what had happened he had at once returned and
surrendered himself; that the writer of the piece was Mr. Watkins,
as he could easily prove; and the petition goes on to say “that when
he received the said Piece, he thought it contained sundry indecent
Expressions, and thereupon struck them out, but is sorry that he left
sundry Matters, which though they seemed not to be malignant to him at
the Time, appear now to be so; that he humbly confesses his fault in
printing the said Piece; that he had no design to give Offense thereby,
promised to be more circumspect for the future, and humbly begs the
pardon of the honourable House: And therefore humbly praying (having
long experienced the Kindness of the Honourable House) a Dismission
from the Custody in which he now is.”
A week later the House took the matter up, and a motion to that effect
having been made by Capt. Richard, Parker and Weyman were discharged
from custody.
The House having been prorogued shortly after this, it was not until it
came together again that the matter of the Revd. Mr. Watkins received
attention. On Oct. 15, 1756, a motion was made by Capt. Walton that
Mr. Watkins be ordered to attend the House. Accordingly he appeared on
the 22nd and admitted the fact of authorship said that he had had no
intention of acting disrespectfully but that the condition of affairs
in Ulster and Orange Counties had caused his zeal for the welfare
of the people to carry him too far; and that he was heartily sorry.
In spite of his explanation he was ordered into the custody of the
Sergeant at Arms, and the Minutes of the next day (Oct. 23,) set forth
his Petition in which he went over at greater length the explanation he
had given orally the day before. After some discussion of the matter
he was ordered to be brought to the Bar of the House where he was
reprimanded by the Speaker and then discharged.
Another case very similar to the last was that of Samuel Townsend, a
Justice of the Peace of Queen’s County. Some of the so-called “Neutral
French” had been quartered upon Long Island, and Samuel Townsend wrote,
in reference to their uncared for condition and misfortunes, a letter
to the Speaker which the latter laid before the Assembly on Mar. 16,
1758, and Townsend was ordered to appear and explain the matter. Having
examined him the House[9]
“Resolved, That the letter ... contains sundry indecent and insolent
Expressions, reflecting on the Honour, Justice and Authority of this
House.
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That the said Samuel Townsend, for
writing and sending the said Letter, is guilty of a high Misdemeanor
and a most daring Insult, on the Honour, Justice, and Authority of
this House.
Ordered, That the said Samuel Townsend remain in the Custody of the
Sergeant at Arms attending this House.”
Next day a long petition was presented in which Townsend begged “leave,
humbly to express his Uneasiness and Sorrow, for having wrote the said
Letter; and at the same time, to declare that he did not intend thereby
to cast any Reflection upon the Conduct or Dignity of this House, and
that he shall for the future be more cautious to avoid every occasion
of exposing himself to their Censure or Reproof.
Your Petitioner therefore most humbly Prays, that the sincere
Acknowledgement of his Sorrow and Uneasiness may prevail upon this
honourable House, to treat him with all that Levity and Compassion,
to which the Innocence of his Intention herein declared, and the real
Regard he has for the Honour of this House, may entitle him, and
discharge him from the Custody of the Sergeant at Arms.”
After this had been read Townsend was ordered to the Bar, and, having
been reprimanded by the Speaker, was discharged.
The growing dissatisfaction with the home government was fanned into
open opposition when the news arrived in the colonies that the
Ministry, not content with the restrictions which it had placed upon
the growing trade of the Atlantic coast towns, had decided to introduce
direct taxation by a duty on stamped paper. The popular press in
New York was filled with articles against the Stamp Act, but these
articles were far exceeded in number and influence by handbills which
were posted throughout the town, and read and discussed by all the
inhabitants. The Assembly passed all this over, in silence, tacitly
permitting what but a short time before would have brought any one
suspected of complicity in the writing or printing of the same to its
Bar.
But a peculiarly offensive piece of writing finally was taken notice
of. It was about a month after the riot of Nov. 1st, 1765, (when the
Stamp Act was due to go into effect,) on which occasion some damage
had been done to the fort and batteries, that,[10] “Mr. Lott, Clerk
to this House, presented on the 26th instant, a sealed Letter to the
House, directed in the words following, viz. ‘To the General Assembly
of the Province of New York.’ Which Letter was delivered to him, the
said Lott, by his Clerk who had received it from a Person unknown;
and was enclosed in another Letter directed, ‘To Mr. Lott, Mercht. in
New York,’ and the same being read, was in the words following: ‘on
Receiving you are to read the in Closed in the open assembly of this
Province New York as you are Clark and whare of fail not on your perrel.
(Signed) FREEDOM.’”
* * * * *
And then the Letter addressed to the General Assembly being opened
and also read, was in the Words following: ‘Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives you are to consider what is to be Done first Drawing
of as much money from the Lieut. Governors Sallery as will Repare the
fort and on Spike the Guns on the Battery and the next a Repeal of the
Gunning Act and then thare will be a good Militia but not before and
also as you are asetting you may Consider of the Building Act as it is
to take place nex yeare wich it Cannot for thare is no Supply of Some
Sort of meterials Require’d this Law is not Ground on Reasons but thare
is a Grate many Reasons to the Contrary do Gentlemen we desire you
will Do what Lays in your power for the Good of the public but if you
take this ill be not so Conceited as to Say or think that other People
know noting about Government you have made these Laws and say they are
Right but they are Rong and take a way Liberty, Oppressons of your
make Gentlemen make us Sons of Liberty think you are not for the Public
Liberty, this is the General Opinion for this part of Your Conduct.
by order
Signd. one and all
FREEDOM’
1765 Nov. 26.
“The House then proceeded to the Consideration of the said Letters,
and having fully weighed and Examined the same;
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente,
That, said Letters are Libellous, Scandalous and Seditious, containing
many indecent and insolent Expressions, highly reflecting on the
Honour, Justice and Authority of, and an High Insult and Indignity
to this House; and are designed and calculated to inflame the Minds
of the good People of this Colony, against their Representatives in
General Assembly.
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente,
That the Author or Authors of the said Letters is, or are, guilty of
an High Misdemeanor and a most daring Insult on the Honour, Justice,
and Authority of this House.”
They then resolved to present an Address to the Governor calling on him
to offer a reward of £50 for the discovery of the Author or Authors,
and say that the House will provide means to meet the expense.
Writing under date of Sept. 23, 1765 to Secretary Conway in England,
Lieutenant Governor Colden remarks on this general subject:[11]
“Soon after it was known that Stamp Duties were by Act of Parliament
to be paid in the Colonies, virulent papers were published in the
Weekly Newspapers, filled with every falsehood that malice could
invent to serve their purpose of exciting the people to disobedience
of the Laws and to Sedition. At first they only denied the authority
of Parliament to lay internal taxes in the Colonies but at last
they have denyed the Legislative Authority of the Parliament in the
Colonies, and these papers continue to be published.
I agreed with the Gentlemen of the Council that considering the
present temper of the people this is not a proper time to prosecute
the printers and Publishers of the Seditious Papers. The Attorney
General likewise told me that he does not think himself safe to
commence any such Prosecution.”
And in another letter to Secretary Conway under date of Oct. 12,
1765,[12] he again refers to the matter.
“Since the last which I had the honour to write to you of the 23d
of September, this town has remained quiet the inflammatory Papers
continue to be published, exciting the People to oppose the execution
of the Act of Parliament for laying a Stamp Duty in the Colonies. The
most remarkable of these Papers is enclosed. This was distributed
along the Post Roads by the Post Riders. I examined the Post Master in
this place to know how this came to be done. He assured me that it was
without his knowledge; that he had examined the Post Riders and found
that one or more Bundles of them were delivered at Woodbridge, New
Jersey, to the Post Rider, by James Parker Secretary to the General
Post Office in N. America. Parker was formerly a printer in this place
and has now a printing Press and continues to print occasionally. It
is believed that this Paper was printed by him. The Gentlemen of the
Council think it prudent at this time to delay making more particular
inquiry least it should be the occasion of raising the Mob which it is
thought proper by all means to avoid.”
(_To be continued._)
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Minutes, General Assembly, Oct. 27, 1747.
[2] Minutes, General Assembly, Oct. 27, 1747.
[3] Minutes of General Assembly of that date.
[4] Minutes, General Assembly, Oct. 19 and Oct. 21.
[5] Minutes, General Assembly of that date.
[6] Minutes, General Assembly, Nov. 13, 1753.
[7] Minutes, General Assembly, Nov. 14, 1753.
[8] Minutes, General Assembly, March 19, 1756.
[9] Minutes, General Assembly, Mar. 23, 1758.
[10] Minutes, General Assembly, Nov. 29th, 1765.
[11] Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., VII, 759.
[12] Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., VII, 767.
EARLY DAYS IN LUZERNE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA (1805-1845)
[Excerpts from an address by the late W. P. Ryman, Esq., of
Wilkes-Barré, Pa., before the Wyoming Historical and Geological
Society.]
THE EARLIEST SETTLERS AND THEIR IMPROVEMENTS
The difficulties of settling Dallas township were very great. It was
comparatively an easy thing to cut a path or road along the banks of
Toby’s Creek and find a way even to its source, but to settle there
alone, many miles from any clearing, and meet the wolves, bears and
other wild animals, which were terrible realities in those early days,
saying nothing of the still pending dread of the prowling Indian, was a
very serious undertaking.
When a small boy I heard Mr. Charles Harris, then an old man, tell some
of his early recollections, which ran back to about the time of the
battle and massacre of Wyoming. He told us of the Indians who once came
into the house where he and his mother were alone and demanded food.
There being nothing better they roasted a pumpkin before the fire and
scraped it off and ate it as fast as it became soft with cooking. He
also told us about his father’s first settling on the westerly side of
Kingston Mountain at what is still known as the “Harris Settlement”
about two miles north of Trucksville. He said that his father worked
all the first day felling trees and building a cabin. Night came on
before the cabin could be inclosed. With the darkness came a pack of
wolves, and, to protect his family, Mr. Harris built a fire and sat up
all night to keep it burning. The wolves were dazed and would not come
near a fire, and when daylight came they disappeared. To pass one night
under such circumstances required bravery, but to stay, build a house,
clear a farm and raise a family with such terrors constantly menacing
exhibited a courage that commands our highest esteem.
Among those who came in the first decade were Joseph Worthington
and wife--the latter a daughter of Jonathan Buckley. They came from
Connecticut in the year 1806 and settled near Harvey’s Lake. His first
house was built of logs, and stood on the hill about a quarter of a
mile from the eastern inlet to Harvey’s Lake. When he first moved into
that country there was no road from Huntsville to Harvey’s Lake except
a bridle path. Mr. Worthington cut a way through and built a house when
his nearest neighbor was miles away and no clearings in sight anywhere.
Wolves were then very numerous and bold at night, and the only way Mr.
Worthington could protect his family from their assaults was for all to
climb the ladder to the second floor and pull the ladder up after them.
Mr. Worthington used to say that his life during those early days was
most lonely and disheartening.
THE VILLAGE STORE
The best of the first stores in Dallas would hardly be dignified by
that name now. Only a few necessaries were kept in any of them, and
“necessaries” then had a much scantier meaning than now. A few of the
commonest and cheapest cotton cloths were kept in stock; the woolen
goods used for winter wear, for both men and women, were all homespun.
It took many years for the storekeepers to convince the farmers that
they could buy heavy clothes of part wool and part cotton that would be
as durable and cheaper than the all wool homespun. The time spent on
the latter was counted as nothing, and the argument failed. A few other
goods of kinds in daily use, such as coffee, tea, sugar, molasses,
tobacco, powder, shot and flints and rum were of course necessary
to any complete store. Hunting materials and supplies were in great
demand. A hunter’s outfit at that time was proverbially “a quarter
pound of powder, a pound of shot, a pint of rum and a flint.” The flint
was the box of matches of that day. Before the invention of the lucifer
match, the matter of keeping fire in a house, especially in winter
time, was one of extreme importance in that sparsely settled country.
Everyone burned wood then, about there, and fire was kept over night by
covering a few “live coals” with ashes in the fireplace. Sometimes this
failed, and then, if no flint and punk were at hand, some member of the
family had to go to the nearest neighbor, probably a mile or more away,
and bring fire. It is not difficult to imagine their sufferings during
the winters in this respect. Had food, clothing and other things been
plenty and good, this hardship could have been better endured; but they
were not, and worst of all, there were almost no means of procuring
them. There was an abundance of game and fish for a time, but they did
not satisfy a civilized people.
EARLY AGRICULTURE
The only plow in use then was the old-fashioned shovel plow. The only
iron about it was the blade, which was about the shape of an ordinary
round-pointed shovel. This was fastened to the lower end of an upright
post. To the post were attached handles to hold it with, and a beam or
tongue to which the team could be hitched. This plow was jabbed into
the ground here and there between roots, stumps and stones, and with it
a little dirt could be torn up now and then. There was no patent plow
in use then, nor could it be used there for many years after we settled
in Dallas. Nor could we use a cradle for cutting grain. At that time
the ground was so rough, and there were so many stumps and roots and
stones, that we had to harvest at first with a sickle.
CROPS AND PIGEONS
Buckwheat was early introduced in Dallas, and was afterwards so
extensively raised there that the expression “Buckwheat-Dallas” was
frequently used by the way of marking this fact in connection with the
name. It is a summer grain and quick to mature. In ninety days from the
day when the crop is sowed it can be grown, matured, gathered, ground
and served on the table as food, or, as has been often remarked, just
in time to meet a three months’ note in bank. Another practical benefit
from raising this grain was that, in gathering it, a large quantity
of it shook off and was scattered over the fields. This afforded a
most attractive pigeon food, and during the fall and spring seasons,
and often during much of the winter, pigeons would flock in countless
numbers all over that country. They came in such quantities that it
would be difficult to exaggerate their numbers. When a boy I used
to see flocks that extended as far as the eye could reach, from end
to end, and these long strings or waves of birds would pass over so
closely following each other that sometimes two or three flocks could
be seen at once, and some days they were almost constantly flying
over, and the noise of their wings was not unlike the sound of a high
wind blowing through a pine wood. They cast a shadow as they passed
over almost like a heavy cloud. Often they flew so low as to be easily
reached with an ordinary shotgun. The skilled way of capturing them in
large numbers, however, was with a net. William or Daddy Emmons was a
famous pigeon trapper as well as fisherman. He used decoy pigeons. They
were blind pigeons tied to the ground at some desired spot, and when
they heard the noise of large flocks flying overhead, they would flap
their wings as if to fly away. Attracted by this the flock would come
down and settle near the decoys, where plenty of buckwheat was always
to be found. When a sufficient number had settled and collected on the
right spot, Mr. Emmons, who was concealed in a bush or bough house near
by, would spring his net over them quickly and fasten them within.
After properly securing the net, the work of killing them began. It
was done in an instant by crushing their heads between the thumb and
fingers. Hundreds were often caught and killed in this way at one
spring of the net. Pigeons were so plenty that some hunters cut off and
saved the breast only, and threw the rest away.
THE OLD LOG CHURCH
Of all the occasions in the church, none ever approached such intensity
of feeling and excitement as the “revival” or “protracted meeting”
season.
These meetings usually began late in the fall, about the time or just
after the farmers had finished their fall work. The first symptom
usually appeared in the slightly extra fervor which the minister
put in his sermons and prayers on Sunday. Then a special prayer
meeting would be set for some evening during the week. Other special
meetings soon followed, so that, if all things were favorable, the
revival or “protracted meeting” would be at a white heat within two
or three weeks. In the meantime the fact would become known far and
near, and the “protracted meeting” would be the leading event of the
neighborhood. If the sleighing became good, parties would be formed
miles away to go sleigh riding with this “protracted meeting” as their
objective visiting point, often from idle curiosity or for want of
something more instructive or entertaining to do. Others went equally
far, through storm and mud, in wagons or on foot, from a higher sense
of personal responsibility and duty. With many it was a most grave
and serious business. The house was usually packed to repletion.
Professional ambulatory revivalists, often from remoter parts of the
state or county, would stop there on their religious crusades through
the land, to attend and help at these meetings. Many of these were
specially gifted in the kind of praying and speaking that was usually
most successful at such times. It is not overdrawing to say that many
times on a still night the noise of those meetings was heard a mile
away from the church. In one occasion I saw a leading exhorter at one
of those meetings enter the pulpit, take off his coat, hurl it into
a corner, and standing in his shirt sleeves begin a wild and excited
harangue. After possibly half an hour of most violent imprecations and
raving he came down from the pulpit, jumped up on top of the rail which
extended down the center of the room and divided the seats on the two
sides of the house, and from there finished, and exhausted himself,
begging and pleading with sinners to come forward and be converted, and
invoking “hell fire” and all the torments supposed to accompany this
kind of caloric, upon those who dared to smile or exhibit a sentiment
or action not in accord with his.
The principal argument at those meetings was something to excite
fear through most terrible picturings of hell, and the length of an
eternal damnation and death. Scores would be converted, and many would
backslide before the probationary season had ended. Some were annually
re-converted, and as often returned again to their natural state. Many
remained true to the new life, and became useful and prominent members
of the church and community. It cannot be successfully denied that many
were reached and reformed at those meetings whose consciences never
could have been touched by any milder form of preaching. They had to be
gathered in a whirlwind or not at all.
THE SECOND ADVENT