_Of their Manner of making_ WAR, _&c._
THE Indians begin to bear arms at the age of fifteen, and lay them aside
when they arrive at the age of sixty. Some nations to the southward, I
have been informed, do not continue their military exercises after they
are fifty.
In every band or nation there is a select number who are stiled the
Warriors, and who are always ready to act either offensively or
defensively, as occasion requires. These are well armed, bearing the
weapons commonly in use among them, which vary according to the
situation of their countries. Such as have an intercourse with the
Europeans make use of tomahawks, knives, and fire-arms; but those whose
dwellings are situated to the westward of the Mississippi, and who have
not an opportunity of purchasing these kinds of weapons, use bows and
arrows, and also the Cassé Tête or War-club.
The Indians that inhabit still farther to the westward, a country which
extends to the South Sea, use in fight a warlike instrument that is very
uncommon. Having great plenty of horses, they always attack their
enemies on horseback, and encumber themselves with no other weapon, than
a stone of a middling size, curiously wrought, which they fasten by a
string, about a yard and half long, to their right arms, a little above
the elbow. These stones they conveniently carry in their hands till they
reach their enemies, and then swinging them with great dexterity, as
they ride full speed, never fail of doing execution. The country which
these tribes possess, abounding with large extensive plains, those who
attack them seldom return; as the swiftness of the horses on which they
are mounted, enables them to overtake even the fleetest of their
invaders.
The Naudowessies, who had been at war with this people, informed me,
that unless they found morasses or thickets to which they could retire,
they were sure of being cut off: to prevent this they always took care
whenever they made an onset, to do it near such retreats as were
impassable for cavalry, they then having a great advantage over their
enemies, whose weapons would not there reach them.
Some nations make use of a javelin pointed with bone worked into
different forms; but their Indian weapons in general are bows and
arrows, and the short club already mentioned. The latter is made of a
very hard wood, and the head of it fashioned round like a ball, about
three inches and a half diameter; in this rotund part is fixed an edge
resembling that of a tomahawk, either of steel or flint, whichever they
can procure; similar to that represented in Plate N^o IV.
The dagger placed near it in the same plate, is peculiar to the
Naudowessie nation, and of ancient construction, but they can give no
account how long it has been in use among them. It was originally made
of flint or bone, but since they have had communication with the
European traders, they have formed it of steel. The length of it is
about ten inches, and that part close to the handle nearly three inches
broad. Its edges are keen, and it gradually tapers towards a point. They
wear it in a sheath made of deer’s leather, neatly ornamented with
porcupine quills; and it is usually hung by a string, decorated in the
same manner, which reaches as low only as the breast. This curious
weapon is worn by a few of the principal chiefs alone, and considered
both as an useful instrument, and an ornamental badge of superiority.
[Illustration:
Pl. 4.
A Pipe of Peace.
A Naudowessie Dagger.
Formerly made of Stone.
A War Club or Cassa Tate.
The Ancient Tomahawk.
]
I observed among the Naudowessies a few targets or shields made of raw
buffalo hides, and in the form of those used by the ancients. But as the
number of these was small, and I could gain no intelligence of the æra
in which they first were introduced among them, I suppose those I saw
had descended from father to son for many generations.
The reasons the Indians give for making war against one another, are
much the same as those urged by more civilized nations for disturbing
the tranquillity of their neighbours. The pleas of the former are
however in general more rational and just, than such as are brought by
Europeans in vindication of their proceedings.
The extension of empire is seldom a motive with these people to invade,
and to commit depredations on the territories of those who happen to
dwell near them. To secure the rights of hunting within particular
limits, to maintain the liberty of passing through their accustomed
tracks, and to guard those lands which they consider from a long tenure
as their own, against any infringement, are the general causes of those
dissensions that so often break out between the Indian nations, and
which are carried on with so much animosity. Though strangers to the
idea of separate property, yet the most uncultivated among them are well
acquainted with the rights of their community to the domains they
possess, and oppose with vigour every encroachment on them.
Notwithstanding it is generally supposed that from their territories
being so extensive, the boundaries of them cannot be ascertained, yet I
am well assured that the limits of each nation in the interior parts are
laid down in their rude plans with great precision. By theirs, as I have
before observed, was I enabled to regulate my own; and after the most
exact observations and enquiries found very few instances in which they
erred.
But interest is not either the most frequent or most powerful incentive
to their making war on each other. The passion of revenge, which is the
distinguishing characteristic of these people, is the most general
motive. Injuries are felt by them with exquisite sensibility, and
vengeance pursued with unremitted ardour. To this may be added, that
natural excitation which every Indian becomes sensible of as soon as he
approaches the age of manhood to give proofs of his valour and prowess.
As they are early possessed with a notion that war ought to be the chief
business of their lives, that there is nothing more desirous than the
reputation of being a great warrior, and that the scalps of their
enemies or a number of prisoners are alone to be esteemed valuable, it
is not to be wondered at that the younger Indians are continually
restless and uneasy if their ardour is repressed, and they are kept in a
state of inactivity. Either of these propensities, the desire of
revenge, or the gratification of an impulse that by degrees becomes
habitual to them, is sufficient, frequently, to induce them to commit
hostilities on some of the neighbouring nations.
When the chiefs find any occasion for making war, they endeavour to
arouse these habitudes, and by that means soon excite their warriors to
take arms. To this purpose they make use of their martial eloquence
nearly in the following words, which never fails of proving effectual:
“The bones of our deceased countrymen lie uncovered, they call out to us
to revenge their wrongs, and we must satisfy their request. Their
spirits cry out against us, they must be appeased. The genii, who are
the guardians of our honour, inspire us with a resolution to seek the
enemies of our murdered brothers. Let us go and devour those by whom
they were slain. Sit therefore no longer inactive, give way to the
impulse of your natural valour, anoint your hair, paint your faces, fill
your quivers, cause the forests to resound with your songs, console the
spirits of the dead, and tell them they shall be revenged.”
Animated by these exhortations the warriors snatch their arms in a
transport of fury, sing the song of war, and burn with impatience to
imbrue their hands in the blood of their enemies.
Sometimes private chiefs assemble small parties, and make excursions
against those with whom they are at war, or such as have injured them. A
single warrior, prompted by revenge or a desire to show his prowess,
will march unattended for several hundred miles, to surprize and cut off
a straggling party.
These irregular sallies, however, are not always approved of by the
elder chiefs, though they are often obliged to connive at them; as in
the instance before given of the Naudowessie and Chipéway nations.
But when a war is national, and undertaken by the community, their
deliberations are formal and slow. The elders assemble in council, to
which all the head warriors and young men are admitted, where they
deliver their opinions in solemn speeches, weighing with maturity the
nature of the enterprize they are about to engage in, and balancing with
great sagacity the advantages or inconveniences that will arise from it.
Their priests are also consulted on the subject, and even, sometimes,
the advice of the most intelligent of their women is asked.
If the determination be for war, they prepare for it with much ceremony.
The chief warrior of a nation does not on all occasions head the war
party himself, he frequently deputes a warrior of whose valour and
prudence he has a good opinion. The person thus fixed on being first
bedawbed with black, observes a fast of several days, during which he
invokes the Great Spirit, or deprecates the anger of the evil ones,
holding whilst it lasts no converse with any of his tribe.
He is particularly careful at the same time to observe his dreams, for
on these do they suppose their success will in a great measure depend;
and from the firm persuasion every Indian actuated by his own
presumptuous thoughts is impressed with, that he shall march forth to
certain victory, these are generally favourable to his wishes.
After he has fasted as long as custom prescribes, he assembles the
warriors, and holding a belt of wampum in his hand thus addresses them:
“Brothers! by the inspiration of the Great Spirit I now speak unto you,
and by him am I prompted to carry into execution the intentions which I
am about to disclose to you. The blood of our deceased brothers is not
yet wiped away; their bodies are not yet covered, and I am going to
perform this duty to them.”
Having then made known to them all the motives that induce him to take
up arms against the nation with whom they are to engage, he thus
proceeds: “I have therefore resolved to march through the war-path to
surprize them. We will eat their flesh and drink their blood; we will
take scalps, and make prisoners; and should we perish in this glorious
enterprize, we shall not be for ever hid in the dust, for this belt
shall be a recompence to him who buries the dead.” Having said this, he
lays the belt on the ground, and he who takes it up declares himself his
lieutenant, and is considered as the second in command; this, however,
is only done by some distinguished warrior who has a right, by the
number of his scalps, to the post.
Though the Indians thus assert that they will eat the flesh and drink
the blood of their enemies, the threat is only to be considered as a
figurative expression. Notwithstanding they sometimes devour the hearts
of those they slay, and drink their blood, by way of bravado, or to
gratify in a more complete manner their revenge, yet they are not
naturally anthropophagi, nor ever feed on the flesh of men.
The chief is now washed from his sable covering, anointed with bears
fat, and painted, with their red paint, in such figures as will make him
appear most terrible to his enemies. He then sings the war song, and
enumerates his warlike actions. Having done this he fixes his eyes on
the sun, and pays his adorations to the Great Spirit, in which he is
accompanied by all the warriors.
This ceremony is followed with dances, such as I have before described;
and the whole concludes with a feast which usually consists of dogs
flesh.
This feast is held in the hut or tent of the chief warrior, to which all
those who intend to accompany him in his expedition send their dishes to
be filled; and during the feast, notwithstanding he has fasted so long,
he sits composedly with his pipe in his mouth, and recounts the valorous
deeds of his family.
As the hopes of having their wounds, should they receive any, properly
treated, and expeditiously cured, must be some additional inducement to
the warriors to expose themselves more freely to danger, the priests,
who are also their doctors, prepare such medicines as will prove
efficacious. With great ceremony they collect various roots and plants,
and pretend that they impart to them the power of healing.
Notwithstanding this superstitious method of proceeding, it is very
certain that they have acquired a knowledge of many plants and herbs
that are of a medicinal quality, and which they know how to use with
great skill.
From the time the resolution of engaging in a war is taken, to the
departure of the warriors, the nights are spent in festivity, and their
days in making the needful preparations.
If it is thought necessary by the nation going to war, to solicit the
alliance of any neighbouring tribe, they fix upon one of their chiefs
who speaks the language of that people well, and who is a good orator,
and send to them by him a belt of wampum, on which is specified the
purport of the embassy in figures that every nation is well acquainted
with. At the same time he carries with him a hatchet painted red.
As soon as he reaches the camp or village to which he is destined, he
acquaints the chief of the tribe with the general tenor of his
commission, who immediately assembles a council, to which the ambassador
is invited. There having laid the hatchet on the ground he holds the
belt in his hand, and enters more minutely into the occasion of his
embassy. In his speech he invites them to take up the hatchet, and as
soon as he has finished speaking delivers the belt.
If his hearers are inclined to become auxiliaries to his nation, a chief
steps forward and takes up the hatchet, and they immediately espouse
with spirit the cause they have thus engaged to support. But if on this
application neither the belt or hatchet are accepted, the emissary
concludes that the people whose assistance he solicits have already
entered into an alliance with the foes of his nation, and returns with
speed to inform his countrymen of his ill success.
The manner in which the Indians declare war against each other, is by
sending a slave with a hatchet, the handle of which is painted red, to
the nation which they intend to break with; and the messenger,
notwithstanding the danger to which he is exposed from the sudden fury
of those whom he thus sets at defiance, executes his commission with
great fidelity.
Sometimes this token of defiance has such an instantaneous effect on
those to whom it is presented, that in the first transports of their
fury a small party will issue forth, without waiting for the permission
of the elder chiefs, and slaying the first of the offending nation they
meet, cut open the body and stick a hatchet of the same kind as that
they have just received, into the heart of their slaughtered foe. Among
the more remote tribes this is done with an arrow or spear, the end of
which is painted red. And the more to exasperate, they dismember the
body, to show that they esteem them not as men but as old women.
The Indians seldom take the field in large bodies, as such numbers would
require a greater degree of industry to provide for their subsistence,
during their tedious marches through dreary forests, or long voyages
over lakes and rivers, than they would care to bestow.
Their armies are never encumbered with baggage or military stores. Each
warrior, besides his weapons, carries with him only a mat, and whilst at
a distance from the frontiers of the enemy supports himself with the
game he kills or the fish he catches.
When they pass through a country where they have no apprehensions of
meeting with an enemy, they use very little precaution: sometimes there
are scarcely a dozen warriors left together, the rest being dispersed in
pursuit of their game; but though they should have roved to a very
considerable distance from the war-path, they are sure to arrive at the
place of rendezvous by the hour appointed.
They always pitch their tents long before sun-set; and being naturally
presumptuous take very little care to guard against a surprize. They
place great confidence in their Manitous, or houshold gods, which they
always carry with them; and being persuaded that they take upon them the
office of centinels, they sleep very securely under their protection.
These Manitous, as they are called by some nations, but which are termed
Wakons, that is, spirits, by the Naudowessies, are nothing more than the
otter and martins skins I have already described, for which, however,
they have a great veneration.
After they have entered the enemies country, no people can be more
cautious and circumspect; fires are no longer lighted, no more shouting
is heard, nor the game any longer pursued. They are not even permitted
to speak; but must convey whatever they have to impart to each other by
signs and motions.
They now proceed wholly by stratagem and ambuscade. Having discovered
their enemies, they send to reconnoitre them; and a council is
immediately held, during which they speak only in whispers, to consider
of the intelligence imparted by those who were sent out.
The attack is generally made just before day-break, at which period they
suppose their foes to be in the soundest sleep. Throughout the whole of
the preceding night they will lie flat upon their faces, without
stirring; and make their approaches in the same posture, creeping upon
their hands and feet till they are got within bow-shot of those they
have destined to destruction. On a signal given by the chief warrior, to
which the whole body makes answer by the most hideous yells, they all
start up, and discharging their arrows in the same instant, without
giving their adversaries time to recover from the confusion into which
they are thrown, pour in upon them with their war-clubs or tomahawks.
The Indians think there is little glory to be acquired from attacking
their enemies openly in the field; their greatest pride is to surprize
and destroy. They seldom engage without a manifest appearance of
advantage. If they find the enemy on their guard, too strongly
entrenched, or superior in numbers, they retire, provided there is an
opportunity of doing so. And they esteem it the greatest qualification
of a chief warrior, to be able to manage an attack, so as to destroy as
many of the enemy as possible, at the expence of a few men.
Sometimes they secure themselves behind trees, hillocks, or stones, and
having given one or two rounds retire before they are discovered.
Europeans, who are unacquainted with this method of fighting too often
find to their cost the destructive efficacy of it.
General Braddock was one of this unhappy number. Marching in the year
1755, to attack Fort Du Quesne, he was intercepted by a party of French
and confederate Indians in their interest, who by this insidious method
of engaging found means to defeat his army, which consisted of about two
thousand brave and well-disciplined troops. So securely were the Indians
posted, that the English scarcely knew from whence or by whom they were
thus annoyed. During the whole of the engagement the latter had scarcely
a sight of an enemy; and were obliged to retreat without the
satisfaction of being able to take the least degree of revenge for the
havock made among them. The General paid for his temerity with his life,
and was accompanied in his fall by a great number of brave fellows;
whilst his invisible enemies had only two or three of their number
wounded.
When the Indians succeed in their silent approaches, and are able to
force the camp which they attack, a scene of horror, that exceeds
description, ensues. The savage fierceness of the conquerors, and the
desperation of the conquered, who well know what they have to expect
should they fall alive into the hands of their assailants, occasion the
most extraordinary exertions on both sides. The figure of the combatants
all besmeared with black and red paint, and covered with the blood of
the slain, their horrid yells, and ungovernable fury, are not to be
conceived by those who have never crossed the Atlantic.
I have frequently been a spectator of them, and once bore a part in a
similar scene. But what added to the horror of it was, that I had not
the consolation of being able to oppose their savage attacks. Every
circumstance of the adventure still dwells on my remembrance, and
enables me to describe with greater perspicuity the brutal fierceness of
the Indians when they have surprized or overpowered an enemy.
As a detail of the massacre at Fort William Henry in the year 1757, the
scene to which I refer, cannot appear foreign to the design of this
publication, but will serve to give my readers a just idea of the
ferocity of this people, I shall take the liberty to insert it,
apologizing at the same time for the length of the digression, and those
egotisms which the relation renders unavoidable.
General Webb, who commanded the English army in North America, which was
then encamped at Fort Edward, having intelligence that the French troops
under Mons. Montcalm were making some movements towards Fort William
Henry, he detached a corps of about fifteen hundred men, consisting of
English and Provincials, to strengthen the garrison. In this party I
went as a volunteer among the latter.
The apprehensions of the English General were not without foundation;
for the day after our arrival we saw Lake George (formerly Lake
Sacrament) to which it lies contiguous, covered with an immense number
of boats; and in a few hours we found our lines attacked by the French
General, who had just landed with eleven thousand Regulars and
Canadians, and two thousand Indians. Colonel Monro, a brave officer,
commanded in the Fort, and had no more than two thousand three hundred
men with him, our detachment included.
With these he made a gallant defence, and probably would have been able
at last to preserve the Fort, had he been properly supported, and
permitted to continue his efforts. On every summons to surrender sent by
the French General, who offered the most honourable terms, his answer
repeatedly was, That he yet found himself in a condition to repel the
most vigorous attacks his besiegers were able to make; and if he thought
his present force insufficient, he could soon be supplied with a greater
number from the adjacent army.
But the Colonel having acquainted General Webb with his situation, and
desired he would send him some fresh troops, the general dispatched a
messenger to him with a letter, wherein he informed him that it was not
in his power to assist him, and therefore gave him orders to surrender
up the Fort on the best terms he could procure. This packet fell into
the hands of the French General, who immediately sent a flag of truce,
desiring a conference with the governor.
They accordingly met, attended only by a small guard, in the centre
between the lines; when Mons. Montcalm told the Colonel, that he was
come in person to demand possession of the Fort, as it belonged to the
King his master. The Colonel replied, that he knew not how that could
be, nor should he surrender it up whilst it was in his power to defend
it.
The French General rejoined, at the same time delivering the packet into
the Colonel’s hand, “By this authority do I make the requisition.” The
brave Governor had no sooner read the contents of it, and was convinced
that such were the orders of the commander in chief, and not to be
disobeyed, than he hung his head in silence, and reluctantly entered
into a negociation.
In consideration of the gallant defence the garrison had made, they were
to be permitted to march out with all the honours of war, to be allowed
covered waggons to transport their baggage to Fort Edward, and a guard
to protect them from the fury of the savages.
The morning after the capitulation was signed, as soon as day broke, the
whole garrison, now consisting of about two thousand men, besides women
and children, were drawn up within the lines, and on the point of
marching off, when great numbers of the Indians gathered about, and
began to plunder. We were at first in hopes that this was their only
view, and suffered them to proceed without opposition. Indeed it was not
in our power to make any, had we been so inclined; for though we were
permitted to carry off our arms, yet we were not allowed a single round
of ammunition. In these hopes however we were disappointed: for
presently some of them began to attack the sick and wounded, when such
as were not able to crawl into the ranks, notwithstanding they
endeavoured to avert the fury of their enemies by their shrieks or
groans, were soon dispatched.
Here we were fully in expectation that the disturbance would have
concluded; and our little army began to move; but in a short time we saw
the front division driven back, and discovered that we were entirely
encircled by the savages. We expected every moment that the guard, which
the French, by the articles of capitulation, had agreed to allow us,
would have arrived, and put an end to our apprehensions; but none
appeared. The Indians now began to strip every one without exception of
their arms and cloaths, and those who made the least resistance felt the
weight of their tomahawks.
I happened to be in the rear division, but it was not long before I
shared the fate of my companions. Three or four of the savages laid hold
of me, and whilst some held their weapons over my head, the others soon
disrobed me of my coat, waistcoat, hat, and buckles, omitting not to
take from me what money I had in my pocket. As this was transacted close
by the passage that led from the lines on to the plain, near which a
French centinel was posted, I ran to him and claimed his protection; but
he only called me an English dog, and thrust me with violence back again
into the midst of the Indians.
I now endeavoured to join a body of our troops that were crowded
together at some distance; but innumerable were the blows that were made
at me with different weapons as I passed on; luckily however the savages
were so close together, that they could not strike at me without
endangering each other. Notwithstanding which one of them found means to
make a thrust at me with a spear, which grazed my side, and from another
I received a wound, with the same kind of weapon, in my ancle. At length
I gained the spot where my countrymen stood, and forced myself into the
midst of them. But before I got thus far out of the hands of the
Indians, the collar and wristbands of my shirt were all that remained of
it, and my flesh was scratched and torn in many places by their savage
gripes.
By this time the war-hoop was given, and the Indians began to murder
those that were nearest to them without distinction. It is not in the
power of words to give any tolerable idea of the horrid scene that now
ensued; men, women, and children were dispatched in the most wanton and
cruel manner, and immediately scalped. Many of these savages drank the
blood of their victims, as it flowed warm from the fatal wound.
We now perceived, though too late to avail us, that we were to expect no
relief from the French; and that, contrary to the agreement they had so
lately signed to allow us a sufficient force to protect us from these
insults, they tacitly permitted them; for I could plainly perceive the
French officers walking about at some distance, discoursing together
with apparent unconcern. For the honour of human nature I would hope
that this flagrant breach of every sacred law, proceeded rather from the
savage disposition of the Indians, which I acknowledge it is sometimes
almost impossible to controul, and which might now unexpectedly have
arrived to a pitch not easily to be restrained, than to any premeditated
design in the French commander. An unprejudiced observer would, however,
be apt to conclude, that a body of ten thousand christian troops, most
christian troops, had it in their power to prevent the massacre from
becoming so general. But whatever was the cause from which it arose, the
consequences of it were dreadful, and not to be paralleled in modern
history.
As the circle in which I stood inclosed by this time was much thinned,
and death seemed to be approaching with hasty strides, it was proposed
by some of the most resolute to make one vigorous effort, and endeavour
to force our way through the savages, the only probable method of
preserving our lives that now remained. This, however desperate, was
resolved on, and about twenty of us sprung at once into the midst of
them.
In a moment we were all separated, and what was the fate of my
companions I could not learn till some months after, when I found that
only six or seven of them effected their design. Intent only on my own
hazardous situation, I endeavoured to make my way through my savage
enemies in the best manner possible. And I have often been astonished
since, when I have recollected with what composure I took, as I did,
every necessary step for my preservation. Some I overturned, being at
that time young and athletic, and others I passed by, dextrously
avoiding their weapons; till at last two very stout chiefs, of the most
savage tribes, as I could distinguish by their dress, whose strength I
could not resist, laid hold of me by each arm, and began to force me
through the crowd.
I now resigned myself to my fate, not doubting but that they intended to
dispatch me, and then to satiate their vengeance with my blood, as I
found they were hurrying me towards a retired swamp that lay at some
distance. But before we had got many yards, an English gentleman of some
distinction, as I could discover by his breeches, the only covering he
had on, which were of fine scarlet velvet, rushed close by us. One of
the Indians instantly relinquished his hold, and springing on this new
object, endeavoured to seize him as his prey; but the gentleman being
strong, threw him on the ground, and would probably have got away, had
not he who held my other arm, quitted me to assist his brother. I seized
the opportunity, and hastened away to join another party of English
troops that were yet unbroken, and stood in a body at some distance. But
before I had taken many steps, I hastily cast my eye towards the
gentleman, and saw the Indian’s tomahawk gash into his back, and heard
him utter his last groan; this added both to my speed and desperation.
I had left this shocking scene but a few yards, when a fine boy about
twelve years of age, that had hitherto escaped, came up to me, and
begged that I would let him lay hold of me, so that he might stand some
chance of getting out of the hands of the savages. I told him that I
would give him every assistance in my power, and to this purpose bid him
lay hold; but in a few moments he was torn from my side, and by his
shrieks I judge was soon demolished. I could not help forgetting my own
cares for a minute, to lament the fate of so young a sufferer; but it
was utterly impossible for me to take any methods to prevent it.
I now got once more into the midst of friends, but we were unable to
afford each other any succour. As this was the division that had
advanced the furthest from the fort, I thought there might be a
possibility (though but a very bare one) of my forcing my way through
the outer ranks of the Indians, and getting to a neighbouring wood,
which I perceived at some distance. I was still encouraged to hope by
the almost miraculous preservation I had already experienced.
Nor were my hopes vain, or the efforts I made ineffectual. Suffice it to
say that I reached the wood; but by the time I had penetrated a little
way into it, my breath was so exhausted that I threw myself into a
brake, and lay for some minutes apparently at the last gasp. At length I
recovered the power of respiration; but my apprehensions returned with
all their former force, when I saw several savages pass by, probably in
pursuit of me, at no very great distance. In this situation I knew not
whether it was better to proceed, or endeavour to conceal myself where I
lay, till night came on; fearing, however, that they would return the
same way, I thought it most prudent to get farther from the dreadful
scene of my past distresses. Accordingly, striking into another part of
the wood, I hastened on as fast as the briars and the loss of one of my
shoes would permit me; and after a slow progress of some hours, gained a
hill that overlooked the plain which I had just left, from whence I
could discern that the bloody storm still raged with unabated fury.
But not to tire my readers, I shall only add, that after passing three
days without subsistence, and enduring the severity of the cold dews for
three nights, I at length reached Fort Edward; where with proper care my
body soon recovered its wonted strength, and my mind, as far as the
recollection of the late melancholy events would permit, its usual
composure.
It was computed that fifteen hundred persons were killed or made
prisoners by these savages during this fatal day. Many of the latter
were carried off by them and never returned. A few, through favourable
accidents, found their way back to their native country, after having
experienced a long and severe captivity.
The brave Colonel Monro had hastened away, soon after the confusion
began, to the French camp to endeavour to procure the guard agreed by
the stipulation; but his application proving ineffectual, he remained
there till General Webb sent a party of troops to demand and protect him
back to Fort Edward. But these unhappy occurrences, which would probably
have been prevented, had he been left to pursue his own plans, together
with the loss of so many brave fellows, murdered in cold blood, to whose
valour he had been so lately a witness, made such an impression on his
mind, that he did not long survive. He died in about three months of a
broken heart, and with truth might it be said, that he was an honour to
his country.
I mean not to point out the following circumstance as the immediate
judgment of heaven, and intended as an atonement for this slaughter; but
I cannot omit that very few of those different tribes of Indians that
shared in it ever lived to return home. The small pox, by means of their
communication with the Europeans, found its way among them, and made an
equal havock to what they themselves had done. The methods they pursued
on the first attack of that malignant disorder, to abate the fever
attending it, rendered it fatal. Whilst their blood was in a state of
fermentation, and nature was striving to throw out the peccant matter,
they checked her operations by plunging into the water: the consequence
was, that they died by hundreds. The few that survived were transformed
by it into hideous objects, and bore with them to the grave deep
indented marks of this much-dreaded disease.
Monsieur Montcalm fell soon after on the plains of Quebec.
That the unprovoked cruelty of this commander was not approved of by the
generality of his countrymen, I have since been convinced of by many
proofs. One only however, which I received from a person who was witness
to it, shall I at present give. A Canadian merchant, of some
consideration, having heard of the surrender of the English Fort,
celebrated the fortunate event with great rejoicings and hospitality,
according to the custom of that country; but no sooner did the news of
the massacre which ensued reach his ears, than he put an immediate stop
to the festivity, and exclaimed in the severest terms against the
inhuman permission; declaring at the same time that those who had
connived at it, had thereby drawn down on that part of their king’s
dominions the vengeance of heaven. To this he added, that he much feared
the total loss of them would deservedly be the consequence. How truly
this prediction has been verified we all know.
But to return—Though the Indians are negligent in guarding against
surprizes, they are alert and dextrous in surprizing their enemies. To
their caution and perseverance in stealing on the party they design to
attack, they add that admirable talent, or rather instinctive
qualification, I have already described, of tracing out those they are
in pursuit of. On the smoothest grass, on the hardest earth, and even on
the very stones, will they discover the traces of an enemy, and by the
shape of the footsteps, and the distance between the prints, distinguish
not only whether it is a man or woman who has passed that way, but even
the nation to which they belong. However incredible this might appear,
yet, from the many proofs I received whilst among them of their amazing
sagacity in this point, I see no reason to discredit even these
extraordinary exertions of it.
When they have overcome an enemy, and victory is no longer doubtful, the
conquerors first dispatch all such as they think they shall not be able
to carry off without great trouble, and then endeavour to take as many
prisoners as possible; after this they return to scalp those who are
either dead, or too much wounded to be taken with them.
At this business they are exceedingly expert. They seize the head of the
disabled or dead enemy, and placing one of their feet on the neck, twist
their left hand in the hair; by this means, having extended the skin
that covers the top of the head, they draw out their scalping knives,
which are always kept in good order for this cruel purpose, and with a
few dextrous strokes take off the part that is termed the scalp. They
are so expeditious in doing this, that the whole time required scarcely
exceeds a minute. These they preserve as monuments of their prowess, and
at the same time as proofs of the vengeance they have inflicted on their
enemies.
If two Indians seize in the same instant a prisoner, and seem to have an
equal claim, the contest between them is soon decided; for to put a
speedy end to any dispute that might arise, the person that is
apprehensive he shall lose his expected reward, immediately has recourse
to his tomahawk or war-club, and knocks on the head the unhappy cause of
their contention.
Having completed their purposes, and made as much havock as possible,
they immediately retire towards their own country, with the spoil they
have acquired, for fear of being pursued.
Should this be the case, they make use of many stratagems to elude the
searches of their pursuers. They sometimes scatter leaves, sand, or dust
over the prints of their feet; sometimes tread in each others footsteps;
and sometimes lift their feet so high, and tread so lightly, as not to
make any impression on the ground. But if they find all these
precautions unavailing, and that they are near being overtaken, they
first dispatch and scalp their prisoners, and then dividing, each
endeavours to regain his native country by a different route. This
prevents all farther pursuit; for their pursuers now despairing, either
of gratifying their revenge, or of releasing those of their friends who
were made captives, return home.
If the successful party is so lucky as to make good their retreat
unmolested, they hasten with the greatest expedition to reach a country
where they may be perfectly secure; and that their wounded companions
may not retard their flight, they carry them by turns in litters, or if
it is in the winter season draw them on sledges.
Their litters are made in a rude manner of the branches of trees. Their
sledges consist of two small thin boards about a foot wide when joined,
and near six feet long. The fore part is turned up, and the sides are
bordered with small bands. The Indians draw these carriages with great
ease, be they ever so much loaded, by means of a string which passes
round the breast. This collar is called a Metump, and is in use
throughout America, both in the settlements and the internal parts.
Those used in the latter are made of leather, and very curiously
wrought.
The prisoners during their march are guarded with the greatest care.
During the day, if the journey is over land, they are always held by
some of the victorious party; if by water, they are fastened to the
canoe. In the night-time they are stretched along the ground quite
naked, with their legs, arms, and neck fastened to hooks fixed in the
ground. Besides this, cords are tied to their arms or legs, which are
held by an Indian, who instantly awakes at the least motion of them.
Notwithstanding such precautions are usually taken by the Indians, it is
recorded in the annals of New England, that one of the weaker sex,
almost alone, and unassisted, found means to elude the vigilance of a
party of warriors, and not only to make her escape from them, but to
revenge the cause of her countrymen.
Some years ago, a small band of Canadian Indians, consisting of ten
warriors attended by two of their wives, made an irruption into the back
settlements of New England. They lurked for some time in the vicinity of
one of the most exterior towns, and at length, after having killed and
scalped several people, found means to take prisoner a woman who had
with her a son of about twelve years of age. Being satisfied with the
execution they had done, they retreated towards their native country,
which lay at three hundred miles distance, and carried off with them
their two captives.
The second night of their retreat, the woman, whose name, if I mistake
not, was Rowe, formed a resolution worthy of the most intrepid hero. She
thought she should be able to get from her hands the manacles by which
they were confined, and determined if she did so to make a desperate
effort for the recovery of her freedom. To this purpose, when she
concluded that her conquerors were in their soundest sleep, she strove
to slip the cords from her hands. In this she succeeded; and cautioning
her son, whom they had suffered to go unbound, in a whisper, against
being surprized at what she was about to do, she removed to a distance
with great wariness the defensive weapons of the Indians, which lay by
their sides.
Having done this, she put one of the tomahawks into the hands of the
boy, bidding him to follow her example; and taking another herself, fell
upon the sleeping Indians, several of whom she instantly dispatched. But
her attempt was nearly frustrated by the imbecility of her son, who
wanting both strength and resolution, made a feeble stroke at one of
them, which only served to awaken him; she however sprung at the rising
warrior, and before he could recover his arms, made him sink under the
weight of her tomahawk; and this she alternately did to all the rest,
except one of the women, who awoke in time, and made her escape.
The heroine then took off the scalps of her vanquished enemies, and
seizing also those they were carrying away with them as proofs of their
success, she returned in triumph to the town from whence she had so
lately been dragged, to the great astonishment of her neighbours, who
could scarcely credit their senses, or the testimonies she bore of her
Amazonian intrepidity.
During their march they oblige their prisoners to sing their death-song,
which generally consists of these or similar sentences: “I am going to
die, I am about to suffer; but I will bear the severest tortures my
enemies can inflict with becoming fortitude. I will die like a brave
man, and I shall then go to join the chiefs that have suffered on the
same account.” These songs are continued with necessary intervals, until
they reach the village or camp to which they are going.
When the warriors are arrived within hearing, they set up different
cries, which communicates to their friends a general history of the
success of the expedition. The number of the death-cries they give,
declares how many of their own party are lost; the number of war-hoops,
the number of prisoners they have taken.
It is difficult to describe these cries, but the best idea I can convey
of them is, that the former consists of the sound Whoo, Whoo, Whoop,
which is continued in a long shrill tone, nearly till the breath is
exhausted, and then broken off with a sudden elevation of the voice. The
latter of a loud cry, of much the same kind, which is modulated into
notes by the hand being placed before the mouth. Both of them might be
heard to a very considerable distance.
Whilst these are uttering, the persons to whom they are designed to
convey the intelligence, continue motionless and all attention. When
this ceremony is performed, the whole village issue out to learn the
particulars of the relation they have just heard in general terms, and
according as the news prove mournful or the contrary, they answer by so
many acclamations or cries of lamentation.
Being by this time arrived at the village or camp, the women and
children arm themselves with sticks and bludgeons, and form themselves
into two ranks, through which the prisoners are obliged to pass. The
treatment they undergo before they reach the extremity of the line, is
very severe. Sometimes they are so beaten over the head and face, as to
have scarcely any remains of life; and happy would it be for them if by
this usage an end was put to their wretched beings. But their tormentors
take care that none of the blows they give prove mortal, as they wish to
reserve the miserable sufferers for more severe inflictions.
After having undergone this introductory discipline, they are bound hand
and foot, whilst the chiefs hold a council in which their fate is
determined. Those who are decreed to be put to death by the usual
torments, are delivered to the chief of the warriors; such as are to be
spared, are given into the hands of the chief of the nation: so that in
a short time all the prisoners may be assured of their fate, as the
sentence now pronounced is irrevocable. The former they term being
consigned to the house of death, the latter to the house of grace.
Such captives as are pretty far advanced in life, and have acquired
great honour by their warlike deeds, always atone for the blood they
have spilt by the tortures of fire. Their success in war is readily
known by the blue marks upon their breasts and arms, which are as
legible to the Indians as letters are to Europeans.
The manner in which these hieroglyphicks are made, is by breaking the
skin with the teeth of fish, or sharpened flints, dipped in a kind of
ink made of the foot of pitch pine. Like those of the ancient Picts of
Britain these are esteemed ornamental; and at the same time they serve
as registers of the heroic actions of the warrior, who thus bears about
him indelible marks of his valour.
The prisoners destined to death are soon led to the place of execution,
which is generally in the centre of the camp or village; where, being
stript, and every part of their bodies blackened, the skin of a crow or
raven is fixed on their heads. They are then bound to a stake, with
faggots heaped around them, and obliged for the last time to sing their
death-song.
The warriors, for such it is only who commonly suffer this punishment,
now perform in a more prolix manner this sad solemnity. They recount
with an audible voice all the brave actions they have performed, and
pride themselves in the number of enemies they have killed. In this
rehearsal they spare not even their tormentors, but strive by every
provoking tale they can invent to irritate and insult them. Sometimes
this has the desired effect, and the sufferers are dispatched sooner
than they otherwise would have been.
There are many other methods which the Indians make use of to put their
prisoners to death, but these are only occasional; that of burning is
most generally used.
Whilst I was at the chief town of the Ottagaumies, an Illinois Indian
was brought in, who had been made prisoner by one of their war parties.
I had then an opportunity of seeing the customary cruelties inflicted by
these people on their captives, through the minutest part of their
process. After the previous steps necessary to his condemnation, he was
carried, early in the morning, to a little distance from the town, where
he was bound to a tree.
This being done, all the boys, who amounted to a great number, as the
place was populous, were permitted to amuse themselves with shooting
their arrows at the unhappy victim. As they were none of them more than
twelve years old, and were placed at a considerable distance, they had
not strength to penetrate to the vital parts, so that the poor wretch
stood pierced with arrows, and suffering the consequent agonies, for
more than two days.
During this time he sung his warlike exploits. He recapitulated every
stratagem he had made use of to surprize his enemies: he boasted of the
quantity of scalps he possessed, and enumerated the prisoners he had
taken. He then described the different barbarous methods by which he had
put the latter to death, and seemed even then to receive inconceivable
pleasure from the recital of the horrid tale.
But he dwelt more particularly on the cruelties he had practised on such
of the kindred of his present tormentors as had fallen into his hands;
endeavouring by these aggravated insults to induce them to increase his
tortures, that he might be able to give greater proofs of fortitude.
Even in the last struggles of life, when he was no longer able to vent
in words the indignant provocation his tongue would have uttered, a
smile of mingled scorn and triumph sat on his countenance.
This method of tormenting their enemies is considered by the Indians as
productive of more than one beneficial consequence. It satiates, in a
greater degree, that diabolical lust of revenge, which is the
predominant passion in the breast of every individual of every tribe,
and it gives the growing warriors an early propensity to that cruelty
and thirst for blood, which is so necessary a qualification for such as
would be thoroughly skilled in their savage art of war.
I have been informed, that an Indian who was under the hands of his
tormentors, had the audacity to tell them, that they were ignorant old
women, and did not know how to put brave prisoners to death. He
acquainted them that he had heretofore taken some of their warriors, and
instead of the trivial punishments they inflicted on him, he had devised
for them the most excruciating torments: that having bound them to a
stake, he had stuck their bodies full of sharp splinters of turpentine
wood, to which he then set fire, and dancing around them enjoyed the
agonizing pangs of the flaming victims.
This bravado, which carried with it a degree of insult that even the
accustomed ear of an Indian could not listen to unmoved, threw his
tormentors off their guard, and shortened the duration of his torments;
for one of the chiefs ran to him, and ripping out his heart, stopped
with it the mouth from which had issued such provoking language.
Innumerable are the ironies that may be told of the courage and
resolution of the Indians, who happen to be made prisoners by their
adversaries. Many that I have heard are so astonishing, that they seem
to exceed the utmost limits of credibility; it is, however, certain that
these savages are possessed with many heroic qualities, and bear every
species of misfortune with a degree of fortitude which has not been
outdone by any of the ancient heroes of either Greece or Rome.
Notwithstanding these acts of severity exercised by the Indians towards
those of their own species who fall into their hands, some tribes of
them have been remarked for their moderation to such female prisoners
belonging to the English colonies as have happened to be taken by them.
Women of great beauty have frequently been carried off by them, and
during a march of three or four hundred miles through their retired
forests, have lain by their sides without receiving any insult, and
their chastity has remained inviolate. Instances have happened where
female captives, who have been pregnant at the time of their being
taken, have found the pangs of child-birth come upon them in the midst
of solitary woods, and savages their only companions; yet from these,
savages as they were, have they received every assistance their
situation would admit of, and been treated with a degree of delicacy and
humanity they little expected.
This forbearance, it must be acknowledged, does not proceed altogether
from their dispositions, but is only inherent in those who have held
some communication with the French missionaries. Without intending that
their natural enemies the English should enjoy the benefit of their
labours, these fathers have taken great pains to inculcate on the minds
of the Indians the general principles of humanity, which has diffused
itself through their manners, and has proved of public utility.
Those prisoners that are consigned to the house of grace, and these are
commonly the young men, women, and children, await the disposal of the
chiefs, who, after the execution of such as are condemned to die, hold a
council for this purpose.
A herald is sent round the village or camp, to give notice that such as
have lost any relation in the late expedition are desired to attend the
distribution which is about to take place. Those women who have lost
their sons or husbands are generally satisfied in the first place; after
these, such as have been deprived of friends of a more remote degree of
consanguinity, or who choose to adopt some of the youth.
The division being made, which is done, as in other cases, without the
least dispute, those who have received any share lead them to their
tents or huts; and having unbound them, wash and dress their wounds if
they happen to have received any; they then cloath them, and give them
the most comfortable and refreshing food their store will afford.
Whilst their new domesticks are feeding, they endeavour to administer
consolation to them; they tell them that as they are redeemed from
death, they must now be cheerful and happy; and if they serve them well,
without murmuring or repining, nothing shall be wanting to make them
such atonement for the loss of their country and friends as
circumstances will allow of.
If any men are spared, they are commonly given to the widows that have
lost their husbands by the hand of the enemy, should there be any such,
to whom, if they happen to prove agreeable, they are soon married. But
should the dame be otherwise engaged, the life of him who falls to her
lot is in great danger; especially if she fancies that her late husband
wants a slave in the country of spirits to which he is gone.
When this is the case, a number of young men take the devoted captive to
some distance, and dispatch him without any ceremony: after he has been
spared by the council, they consider him of too little consequence to be
intitled to the torments allotted to those who have been judged worthy
of them.
The women are usually distributed to the men, from whom they do not fail
of meeting with a favourable reception. The boys and girls are taken
into the families of such as have need of them, and are considered as
slaves; and it is not uncommon that they are sold in the same capacity
to the European traders who come among them.
The Indians have no idea of moderating the ravages of war, by sparing
their prisoners, and entering into a negotiation with the band from whom
they have been taken, for an exchange. All that are captivated by both
parties, are either put to death, adopted, or made slaves of. And so
particular are every nation in this respect, that if any of their tribe,
even a warrior, should be taken prisoner, and by chance be received into
the house of grace, either as an adopted person or a slave, and should
afterwards make his escape, they will by no means receive him, or
acknowledge him as one of their band.
The condition of such as are adopted differs not in any one instance
from the children of the nation to which they now belong. They assume
all the rights of those whole places they supply, and frequently make no
difficulty of going in the war-parties against their own countrymen.
Should, however, any of these by chance make their escape, and be
afterwards retaken, they are esteemed as unnatural children and
ungrateful persons, who have deserted and made war upon their parents
and benefactors, and are treated with uncommon severity.
That part of the prisoners which are considered as slaves, are generally
distributed among the chiefs; who frequently make presents of some of
them to the European governors of the out-posts, or to the
superintendants or commissaries of Indian affairs. I have been informed
that it was the Jesuits and French missionaries that first occasioned
the introduction of these unhappy captives into the settlements, and who
by so doing taught the Indians that they were valuable.
Their views indeed were laudable, as they imagined that by this method
they should not only prevent much barbarity and bloodshed, but find the
opportunities of spreading their religion among them increased. To this
purpose they encouraged the traders to purchase such slaves as they met
with.
The good effects of this mode of proceeding was not however equal to the
expectations of these pious fathers. Instead of being the means of
preventing cruelty and bloodshed, it only caused the dissensions between
the Indian nations to be carried on with a greater degree of violence,
and with unremitted ardour. The prize they fought for being no longer
revenge or fame, but the acquirement of spirituous liquors, for which
their captives were to be exchanged, and of which almost every nation is
immoderately fond, they sought for their enemies with unwonted alacrity,
and were constantly on the watch to surprize and carry them off.
It might still be said that fewer of the captives are tormented and put
to death, since these expectations of receiving so valuable a
consideration for them have been excited than there usually had been;
but it does not appear that their accustomed cruelty to the warriors
they take, is in the least abated; their natural desire of vengeance
must be gratified; they now only become more assiduous in securing a
greater number of young prisoners, whilst those who are made captive in
their defence are tormented and put to death as before.
The missionaries finding that contrary to their wishes their zeal had
only served to increase the sale of the noxious juices, applied to the
Governor of Canada in the year 1693, for a prohibition of this baneful
trade. An order was issued accordingly, but it could not put a total
stop to it; the French Couriers de Boïs were hardy enough to carry it on
clandestinely, notwithstanding the penalty annexed to a breach of the
prohibition was a considerable fine and imprisonment.
Some who were detected in the prosecution of it withdrew into the Indian
countries, where they intermarried with the natives and underwent a
voluntary banishment. These, however, being an abandoned and debauched
set, their conduct contributed very little either towards reforming the
manners of their new relations, or engaging them to entertain a
favourable opinion of the religion they professed. Thus did these
indefatigable religious men see their designs in some measure once more
frustrated.
However, the emigration was productive of an effect which turned out to
be beneficial to their nation. By the connection of these refugees with
the Iroquois, Mississuages, Hurons, Miamies, Powtowottomies, Puants,
Menomonies, Algonkins, &c. and the constant representations these
various nations received from them of the power and grandeur of the
French, to the aggrandizement of whose monarch, notwithstanding their
banishment, they still retained their habitual inclination, the Indians
became insensibly prejudiced in favour of that people, and I am
persuaded take every opportunity of shewing their attachment to them.
And this, even in despite of the disgraceful estimation they must be
held by them, since they have been driven out of Canada; for the Indians
consider every conquered people as in a state of vassalage to their
conquerors. After one nation has finally subdued another, and a
conditional submission is agreed on, it is customary for the chiefs of
the conquered, when they sit in council with their subduers, to wear
petticoats, as an acknowledgment that they are in a state of subjection,
and ought to be ranked among the women. Their partiality to the French
has however taken too deep root for time itself to eradicate it.