THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR.
We turn back a single leaf of history in beginning this chapter on
the Russo-Turkish War,--and stand at the opening of the year 1876. As
the nations of Europe faced the questions of that hour, there was not
one of them that desired to begin a war of which no statesman could
foresee the issue.
Perhaps the traditional desire of Russia to possess the gates of the
two continents and fly her flag over Constantinople, delivered from
the Crescent of Islam, was growing apace, and her indignation at
the treatment of the Greek Christians was rising to fever heat, but
she did not desire war. Turkey did not desire war, the insurrection
in Bosnia and Herzegovina was giving her serious trouble. England
did not desire war, though her people were divided, part favoring
Russia as a Christian nation, as against an infidel, but a greater
part thinking of Turkish bonds which were held in London that would
be worthless if Turkey should be dismembered; France did not want a
war which would imperil her interests in the Suez Canal and in Syria,
and because if she sided with Turkey, Germany might side with the
Czar. And as neither Germany nor Italy desired war it would seem as
if it might be easy to prevent its occurrence.
Hence the diplomats put their heads together, and Count Julius
Andrassy, the Premier of Austria, one of the ablest of the Continental
statesmen undertook on the 25th of January, 1876, to draw up a note to
the Ottoman Porte demanding certain reforms from Turkey, and promising
to sustain her if she would institute these reforms promptly.
The following are some of the measures proposed for the pacification
of discontented Servia, Roumania and Montenegro, viz:
1. Religious liberty, full and entire.
2. Abolition of the farming of taxes.
3. A law to guarantee that the direct taxation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina should be employed for the immediate interests of the
province.
4. A special commission, composed of an equal number of Mussulmans
and Christians to superintend the execution of the reforms proclaimed
and proposed.
5. The amelioration of the condition of the rural populations.
The Grand Vizier, Midhat Pasha, replied, that he was preparing a
Constitution which would, he believed, embody these and other measures
of reform.
The Powers trusted his integrity and disposition to promote these
reforms; but even though the entire Imperial ministry saw clearly the
evils out of which the insurrections had grown, it were in the face
of centuries of deceit and the cruelty and the intolerance of Islam,
to believe that the Porte would of its own volition enforce these
reforms against a hostile Mussulman sentiment.
The Powers waited for months until on May 1st, 1876, without having
received the honest approval of the Sultan, the outline of the
Constitution of Midhat Pasha was published.
Now note this fact--that on the 14th of May, when the representatives
of Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and Great Britain, met at Berlin,
desirous of sustaining the good intentions of the Grand Vizier and
agreed upon a paper known as the "Berlin Memorandum," which provided
for a guaranty by the great powers of the several reforms which had
been already proclaimed, when all the others had signed it, knowing
that only by such a broad guaranty could the reforms ever be enforced,
Great Britain refused to sign it on the ground "that it must obviously
and inevitably lead to the military occupation of Turkey."
The Memorandum fell to the ground by the action of England, who was not
willing to stand with the other powers and compel the enforcement of
the reforms demanded. England was alone responsible for that failure.
But worse than that, with all the enormities of the Bulgarian outrages
which took place during the sessions of the great powers, just coming
to the ears of the horrified nations, England sent her fleet into
Besika Bay, on the 26th of May, as if to say to the other powers,
"Hands off, let Turkey alone, no reforms are needed."
Two or three weeks after this demonstration, which had had its effect
in assuring Turkey that England would stand by her, the fleet withdrew
to its former harbor.
Those were stormy days at Constantinople. The Grand Vizier, Mehemet
Ruchdi, and Midhat Pasha requested the Sultan Abdul Aziz to give
up some of his treasure to save the nation from ruin. He refused
and was deposed May 29th. The next day his nephew was proclaimed
as Murad V., joyfully accepted by the people and recognized by
the Western powers. But he also was deposed on August 31st and his
brother proclaimed. When invested on the 7th of September, with the
Sword of Othman, Abdul Hamid II., in his inaugural address, said:
"The great object to be aimed at, is to adopt measures for placing the
laws and regulations of the country upon a basis which shall inspire
confidence in their execution. For this purpose it is indispensable
to proceed to the establishment of a general Council or National
Assembly, whose acts will inspire confidence in the nation, and will
be in harmony with the customs, aptitudes and capabilities of the
populations of the Empire. The mission and duty of this Council will
be, to guarantee without exception, the faithful execution of the
existing laws, or of those which shall be promulgated in conformity
with the provisions of the "Sheri" (The decrees already published),
in connection with the real and legitimate wants of the country and
its inhabitants, as also to control the equilibrium of the revenue
and expenditures of the Empire."
In accordance with this inaugural promise the Council of Ministers
prepared a Constitution, not quite so liberal as the one Midhat Pasha
had previously presented, and proclaimed it on December 23d, 1876.
Midhat Pasha had been made Grand Vizier on the 19th. On the 23d
the opening of a Conference of six great Powers took place in
Constantinople to consider measures that would ensure peace at the
close of the Armistice then existing between Turkey and Servia and
Montenegro which had been extended to February, 1877. They asked
for local self-government for the Turkish provinces in Europe--equal
treatment of Mohammedans and Christians, better administration for
both, security for life and property and effectual guarantees against
the repetition of outrages. On January 18th, 1877, the great National
Council of Turkey rejected the propositions of the Conference, which
therefore closed its sittings on the 20th, having accomplished nothing.
Now just here please note this fact--that if Great Britain had signed
the Berlin memorandum which was to guarantee the execution of the
reforms promised--the Ambassadors might have demanded the enforcement
of such reforms, and backed their demand by the presence of a fleet
before Constantinople.
Great Britain thus was to blame for the feebleness of the advice
which was tendered and of course rejected. If the Sultan had been
sincere when he issued his inaugural, if he really meant to give
equal rights to his Christian subjects he would have welcomed the
presence of a combined fleet that would have protected himself from
the opposition of fanatical leaders of the old Turkish party. This
was the crisis of 1876,--granting that there was an honest desire
to reform the government of Turkey and the distinct refusal of Great
Britain to sign the memorandum guaranteeing that said reforms promised
should be executed, settles upon her government the responsibility
of the failure of the promised reforms of the constitution proposed,
and also of the war that followed.
Notice further, the fanatical leading Turks were bound not to
suffer the interference of any foreign power, and this bitterness
of fanaticism apparently compelled the Sultan to dismiss and send
into exile (February 5th) Midhat Pasha, the wisest minister in the
Government, and drove the Porte itself on to the war which followed.
After the failure of the Conference at Constantinople, Prince
Gortschakoff issued a circular in which after reciting what had taken
place he said, "It is necessary for us to know what the cabinets with
which we have hitherto acted in common, propose to do with a view of
meeting this refusal and insuring the execution of their wishes."
Now remember the armistice was only extended to February 1st,
1877. Turkey refused to give any guarantee to fulfil the reforms
promised, the atrocities of Bulgaria were still unpunished--the people
were still at the mercy of the fanatical and cruel Turks.
Before any response had been made to this request for information from
the other Cabinets, a treaty of peace with Servia had been signed
March 1st, and the First Parliament was convened at Constantinople
March 19th.
The Russian Government pressed for an answer, and fearing it might be
embarrassed prepared a protocol which was signed by the representatives
of the six powers at London on the 31st of March, 1877. After taking
cognizance of the peace which had recently been concluded between
Turkey and Servia, and of the good intentions of the Porte as had been
shown in its declarations made from time to time during the past year,
the protocol invited the Porte to place its army on a peace footing
and then declared that "the Powers propose to watch carefully by means
of their representatives at Constantinople and their local agents,
the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government are carried
into effect.
"If their hopes should once more be disappointed, and if the condition
of the Christian subjects of the Sultan should not be improved in
such a manner as to prevent the returns of the complications which
periodically disturb the peace of the East, they think it right to
declare that such a state of affairs would be incompatible with their
interests and those of Europe in general. In such case they reserve
to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may
deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations
and the interests of the general peace."
These are very good words, but unless the Powers meant to back them up
with men and guns and war ships, they were only waste breath and paper.
On affixing his signature the Russian Ambassador filed the following
declaration:--
"If peace with Montenegro is concluded and the Porte accepts the
advice of Europe, and shows itself ready to replace its forces on a
peace footing--seriously to undertake the reforms mentioned in the
protocol, let it send to St. Petersburg a special envoy to treat of
disarmament to which His Majesty, the Emperor, would also on his part
consent. If massacres similar to those which have stained Bulgaria
with blood take place, this would necessarily put a stop to the
measures of demobilization."
If Turkey had honestly desired to enforce the reforms promised,
and deal justly by her Christian subjects, and avoid the dangers of
war, there should have been no hesitation in giving its assent to
this protocol.
But the Sublime Porte knew very well that Great Britain would never
take up arms against her, as she had distinctly refused to sign
a memorandum that might involve the pressure of force. The Porte
knew it could rely upon the diplomatic resources of England in the
final issue of affairs, hence rejected the protocol with audacity
and insolence. In substance the rejection of these last offers of
peace stated that:--First, the Sublime Porte would spare no effort
to arrive at an understanding with the Prince of Montenegro. Second,
that the Imperial government was prepared to adopt all the promised
reforms. Third, that Turkey was ready to place its armies on a peace
footing as soon as it saw the Russian government take measures to
the same end. Fourth, with regard to the disturbances which might
break out and stop the demobilization of the Russian army, the
Turkish government repelled the injurious terms in which the idea
had been expressed, and stated its belief that Europe was convinced
that the recent disturbances were due to foreign instigation,
(i. e. Russia's) and after other reasons given, it declared that
Turkey can not allow foreign agents or representatives charged to
protect the interests of their compatriots to have any mission of
official supervision. (Precisely its position to-day.)
The Imperial government in fact is not aware how it can have deserved
so ill of justice and civilization, as to see itself placed in a
humiliating position without example in the world. (This after all the
horrors of Bulgaria--which were known to the world long before this.)
The treaty of Paris gave an explicit sanction to the principle of
non-intervention. * * * And if Turkey appeals to the stipulations
of the treaty * * it is for the purpose of calling attention to the
grave reasons which, in the interest of the general peace of Europe,
induced the powers, twenty years ago, to place the recognition of
the inviolability of this Empire's right to sovereignty, under the
guaranty of its collective promise.
When the Turkish ambassador in London called upon Earl Derby, on the
12th of April, to deliver the above circular, the British Minister
of Foreign Affairs expressed his deep regrets at the view the Porte
had taken, and said he could not see what further steps England could
take to avert the war which appeared to be inevitable.
On the 24th of April, the Czar, who was at Kischeneff, with his army,
issued his manifesto in which he said:--
"For two years we have made incessant efforts to induce the Porte
to effect such reforms as would protect the Christians in Bosnia,
Herzegovina, and Bulgaria from the arbitrary measures of the local
authorities. The accomplishment of these reforms was absolutely
stipulated by anterior engagements contracted by the Porte to the
whole of Europe.
"Our efforts supported by diplomatic representations made in common by
the other governments have not, however, attained their object. The
Porte has remained unshaken in its formal refusal of any effective
guaranty for the security of its Christian subjects, and has rejected
the conclusions of the Constantinople Conference. Wishing to essay
every possible means of conciliation in order to persuade the Porte,
we proposed to the other Cabinets to draw up a special protocol,
comprising the most essential conditions of the Constantinople
Conference, and to invite the Turkish government to adhere to this
international act, which states the extreme limits of our peaceful
demands. But our expectation was not fulfilled. The Porte did not
defer to this unanimous wish of Christian Europe and did not adhere
to the conclusions of the protocol. Having exhausted pacific efforts
we are compelled by the haughty obstinacy of the Porte to proceed to
more decisive acts, feeling that equity and our own dignity enjoin
it. By her refusal, Turkey places us under the necessity of having
recourse to arms.
"Profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause and humbly committing
ourselves to the grace and help of the Most High, we make known to
our faithful subjects that the moment foreseen when we pronounced
words to which all Russia responded with complete unanimity, has
now arrived. We expressed the intention to act independently when we
deemed it necessary, and when Russia's honor should demand it. And
now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies, we give
them the order to cross the Turkish frontier."
Never was the sword drawn in more dignified and solemn manner; never
in a more holy war for the deliverance of persecuted and outraged
humanity. Alexander drew his sword in the cause of Bulgaria, knowing
that single-handed and alone he must face the armies of Turkey,
the indifference of Continental Europe; knowing that he must face the
bitter opposition and jealousy of England, and not knowing but he might
have to meet her armies and fleets as well. This latter possibility
was averted, as we know, by the vehement opposition of Gladstone,
John Bright, and other statesmen; the people voiced their opinions in
four hundred public meetings, and the Disraeli Cabinet was prevented
from declaring war in behalf of injured and self-righteous Turkey.
It is very well known that there are many who deny that Russia was
moved by any high sense of honor, or driven by righteous and outraged
Christian sentiment to draw the sword for the deliverance of Bulgaria
and the punishment of the unspeakable Turk. They affirm her to be
governed entirely by self-interest, and that under the garb of zeal
for her distressed co-religionists she seeks to conceal her purposes
of self-aggrandizement. Russia has been the persistent and bitter
foe of Turkey for three hundred years, and Turkey of Russia.
Only once in all that time (1833) did Russia stretch out her hand to
aid the Turk, and for reward she received the free navigation of the
Dardanelles and the Bosphorus for a series of years. She has fought the
Turk single-handed and alone: she has fought him when he has had Poland
and the Tartars for his allies: when Venice and Austria and Hungary
fought under his banners: when Italy and France were his allies:
when England, France and Sardinia united to help him in the Crimea.
Whatever her motives Russia has always been true to herself,
and consistent in her hatred of the Turk. It may be that she has
dreams of an empire ruled from Constantinople as a Winter Capital;
but whatever her dreams or purposes, no nation has less claim to rule
over the ancient Byzantine Empire than the alien race of the Ottoman
Turks--fanatical followers of the prophet.
The Russo-Turkish war, while but a brief campaign, was from its
beginning to the treaty of San Stefano a war for religious life and
freedom and singularly free from death or insult to civilian or woman,
while abounding in thrilling and dramatic incident.
On the Russian side the preparations for war had been carried on with
much secrecy, headquarters being at Kischeneff in Bessarabia. The
greater part of the army had been distributed throughout the provinces
in comfortable winter quarters, and were in excellent health and
spirits. Early in April the soldiers began swarming towards Kischeneff
for the Grand Review and the expected declaration of war. The city
had put on its holiday attire, flags and streamers were flying from
the houses, and there was the greatest excitement among the people
and the soldiers as they waited the arrival of the Emperor. The Review
was to be no dress parade, but the serious prelude to war. It was all
the more impressive therefore, as early on the morning of April 24th,
1877, the army corps began to gather on the broad plains and sloping
hillsides above the town. The troops were already under arms by nine
o'clock, standing in lone lines and solid masses, silent and almost
motionless as for an hour and a half, they waited the arrival of
the Emperor. The crowd, too, of onlookers were serious, and spoke
in hushed voices, for these splendid troops were soon to be hurled
against the fortification of Plevna only to be shattered, broken,
decimated. Only when the Emperor appeared mounted, accompanied by
his brother the Grand Duke Nicholas and an immense staff of a hundred
officers and rode slowly along the lines, was the silence broken by
the sound of music and the cheering of the soldiers.
The review was over in an hour. The music ceased, silence reigned, the
soldiers stood uncovered and the crowd also removed their caps. The
voice of only one man was heard, that of the Bishop of Kischeneff
saying a grand military Mass. For more than half an hour the soldiers,
composed, expectant, reverently stood and listened. When the Mass was
finished a low murmur ran through the crowd. Then a dead silence,
and again the strong voice of the Bishop was heard not now engaged
in prayer but in reading the Manifesto. In the midst of it sobs were
heard and as men looked they saw the Emperor weeping like a child. It
had been the pride and glory of the reign of Alexander that his reign
had been of peace. He hoped to finish it without war, and now the
fatal step had been taken, and who could tell its issue. This was
not the spirit of a man eager, determined on conquest, lusting for
martial fame and glory. There was not a dry eye within sound of the
Bishop's voice, but when he closed with the impressive words, "And
now, invoking the blessing of God upon our valiant armies we give them
the order to cross the Turkish frontier," a wild and universal shout
went up--a shout of exultation, triumph, relief, which ran through
all the army over hill and plain till the whole air resounded with
the glad acclaim. Some corps started at once for the frontier and the
rest began rapidly preparing for the march--and by the 10th of May
the Russian army, over two hundred thousand men, was posted along the
banks of the Danube facing the forts, the fleets and the armies of the
Porte which numbered one hundred and fifty thousand effective soldiers.
Not until June 27th did the main body of the Russians succeed in
crossing the Danube, but it was most skillfully done and the march
began for Constantinople. Already the hero of the war had been revealed
in the person of General Skobeleff--the Custer of the Russian army
and the youngest general in the army, with a strange and brilliant
career which was to be most gloriously eclipsed by the successes of
this campaign.
"He was a tall, handsome man with a lithe, slender, active figure,
clear, blue eyes, a large prominent, but straight well-shaped nose,
the kind of a nose it said Napoleon used to look for among his officers
when he wished to find a general." He was highly educated, speaking
five languages fluently, and always had time even in his hardest
campaigns for new books and reviews. He was every inch a soldier,
and his great strength lay in the power and influence he had over
his men. He was never weary of seeing that his men were well fed,
warmly clothed and comfortable. He was always intelligible in his
orders. He was the comrade of his men as well as their officer. When
the passage of the Danube was made finally on the pontoon bridge,
Skobeleff shouldered a musket like a private soldier and marched over
with his men. Every officer under him was devoted to him. He treated
them all as friends, but then every one of them was expected when
occasion came to lay down his life as an example to his men. "Fear,"
he said, "must cease when a man reaches the grade of captain."
After the passage of the Danube, he was given the command of a
division--was always at the front, in the thickest of every fight. He
was a hero at Plevna, that stronghold commanding the pass through
the Balkans, where Osman Pasha held the Russians at bay from July
until December 11th. Three times the Russians had attacked it and
been repulsed; twice in July and the third time in September. The
great infantry assault was made on the 11th day of September, the
fifth day of the bombardment.
On this last occasion Skobeleff's duty was to take a redoubt on
a certain Green Hill, which he regarded as the key to the Turkish
position. He always rode a white horse and wore a white coat that he
might be more conspicuous to his own men during a battle. With his
usual address to his soldiers he despatched them to the redoubt. He
knew well that he was sending many of them to their death. They knew
it too, but advanced unflinchingly in the face of a fearful fire from
cannon and from infantry. One company wavered and broke. Instantly
Skobeleff was among them on his white charger. "Follow me," he cried,
"I will show you how to thrash the Turks. Close up there! Follow me
my men. I will lead you myself. He who deserts me should be ashamed
of himself! Now then, drummers--look alive."
Meantime the Turks were seen everywhere torturing the wounded before
despatching them. This roused the spirit of the Russians and they
pushed on with fury. With fearful loss they captured the redoubt,
and planted two Russian flags on it. Then Skobeleff, who had had two
horses shot under him, started back for reinforcements.
In vain he pleaded for men. In vain he pleaded that the redoubt was
the key of the position. He burst into tears. He visited the redoubt
three or four times during the day to encourage them. Plevna would
soon be taken. Victory would crown their efforts. For the honor and
the glory of the Russian arms;--and they always replied with the same
cheery shouts while their numbers were dwindling by hundreds. But
the battle was against the Russians. One more effort must be made.
"Major Gortaloff, you will remain here in charge of the redoubt,"
he said. "Can I depend on you? You must hold this at any price." "I
will remain or die, Your Excellency." "Possibly I shall be unable
to send you any reinforcements. Give me your word that you will not
leave the redoubt." "My honor is pledged. I will not leave this place
alive." The Major raised his hand as if taking an oath. Skobeleff
embraced him. "God help you! Remember my men, there may be no
reinforcements. Count only on yourselves. Farewell, heroes." But as
he took his last look at them--the finest troops of his division,
he sighed. "Consecrated to death," he said and thundered down the hill.
Only one thing remained, to draw off his men and save as many of them
as possible.
A colonel of one regiment of Cossack infantry, however, without
orders, put his men at Skobeleff's disposal and once more he started
for the redoubt.
The Turks were swarming over the ramparts, mounting its walls on
dead bodies. The garrison defending themselves by bayonets began to
despair. At last through the fog and smoke they saw their comrades
coming. But Skobeleff had only one battalion; not enough to drive
out the Turks.
"I think he wants to cover our retreat," said the Major. He gathered
his men about him. "Comrades go. Open your way with your bayonets. This
place can no longer be held. God bless you, my children. Forward." And
bowing his head he reverently made the sign of the cross over his
men. "And you, father?" they exclaimed. "I stay with our dead. Tell
the general I have kept my word. Good by, children." They watched him
as they turned their heads in their retreat. They saw him standing
on the ramparts waving to them. Then the Turks rushed in. They saw
the struggle. They saw his body uplifted upon Turkish bayonets.
"It was just after this," said a correspondent, "that I met General
Skobeleff the first time that day. He was in a fearful state of
excitement and fury. His uniform was covered with mud and filth, his
sword broken; his cross of St. George twisted round on his shoulder;
his face black with powder and smoke; his eyes haggard and bloodshot,
and his voice quite gone. I never before saw such a picture of battle
as he presented. I saw him again in his tent at night. He was quite
calm and collected. He said, 'I have done my best. I could do no
more. My detachment is half destroyed; my regiments do not exist; I
have no officers left; they sent me no reinforcements, and I have lost
three guns.' 'Why did they refuse you reinforcements?' I asked. 'Who
was to blame?' 'I blame nobody,' he replied. 'It is the will of God.'"
The Russians fell back from Plevna for a little breathing spell,
having lost in this third assault more than twenty thousand men.
At Bucharest General Skobeleff met General Todleben, the great
engineer who had planned and superintended twenty-one years before
the defence of Sebastopol. It had been decided to plan works by which
Plevna should be taken, not by assault but by starvation.
By the middle of October, 1877, Skobeleff was back at the seat of war
with his division of about forty thousand men. He had no longer with
him the "lions," the "eagles," the "heroes" of the third assault,
but largely new recruits whom he must train.
Two months of the siege sufficed to starve out the garrison, and Osman
Pasha surrendered unconditionally on December 11th, and thirty-two
thousand men laid down their arms and the gates were open towards
Constantinople. As soon as Plevna fell Skobeleff was appointed its
military governor. The Roumanians in the Russian army had already
begun the plunder of the city. When Skobeleff remonstrated, their
officers replied: "We are the victors, and the victors have a
right to the spoils." "In the first place," answered the general,
"we were never at war with the peaceable inhabitants of this place,
and consequently can not have conquered them. But, secondly, please
acquaint your men that I shall have victors of this kind shot. Every
man caught marauding shall be shot like a dog. Please bear this in
mind. There is another thing. You must not insult women. Such conduct
is very humiliating. Let me tell you that every such complaint will
be investigated and every case of outrage punished."
Compare this order with the horrible atrocities continually committed
upon the Bulgarians during this campaign by Bashi-Bazouks and the
thirty thousand Circassian horsemen, who were allowed to follow
their own fashions, in which they excel even the Apache tribes once
the terror of the Southwest. Before them went anguish and horror;
after them death, ruin and despair.
We have no time to follow the war as carried on in Armenia, but on
November 17-18, the city and fortress of Kars was carried by assault,
and the Russian officers remembering how the fanatical Turks had
tortured and killed the wounded soldiers that had fallen into their
cruel hands, expressed the fear lest their excited soldiers might
put aside feelings of humanity and inflict summary vengeance.
But contrary to all expectations, Cossack and Russian put aside all
thought of personal revenge; and not a single civilian was killed or
insulted, and not a woman had to complain of insult or outrage. These
facts are stated for the sake of those who may have thought that
there is little to choose between the semi-barbarous hordes of Russia
(as they call them) and the armies of Turks, Kurds and Circassians.
Another fact regarding the religious sentiment of the Russian peasant
transformed into a soldier. A Frenchman who was at Plevna with the
officers of the Commander-in-chief's staff thus writes of Skobeleff:
"He is a magnificent looking soldier, almost as tall as the Emperor. *
* On the battlefield he is brave as a lion. * * * When ordering
a retreat, he sheathes his sword, sends his white charger to the
front and remains on foot, the last man in the rear, saying; 'They
may kill me if they like, but they shall not harm my horse unless he
is advancing against the enemy.' He has never quitted a battlefield
without carrying off his wounded (unless in such retreat as from
the third assault on Plevna), nor has he ever after a battle gone
to rest without making an address to his men, and writing his own
report to the commander-in-chief. He is adored by his soldiers. *
* He is highly educated and a sincerely religious man. 'No man
can feel comfortable in facing death' he has been heard to say
'who does not believe in God and have hope of a life to come.' Each
evening in the camp he stood bareheaded taking part in the evening
service which was chanted by fifty or sixty of his soldiers. * If
the people of Paris who shed tears over the Miserére in Trovatore,
could hear these simple soldiers in the presence of death addressing
prayers and praises to the Almighty Father with their whole hearts,
they would find it far more moving. Skobeleff is as distinguished for
his modesty as his bravery. 'My children,' he says to his soldiers,
'I wear these crosses, but it is you who have won them for me.'"
Attention is called to these things that you can compare for yourselves
the morale of the Russian army with its reverence for woman and for
God, with the grossness and corruption and wickedness that prevails
in the mixed multitudes that form the soldiers of Islam.
Who is not touched by the deep sincerity of that word in his first
address to his army, "while you are fighting I shall pray for you."
So deep was his interest in the war that he could not content himself
in St. Petersburg but felt that his place was on the Danube. When he
reached the seat of war he assumed no command, but he endeavored to
inform himself about everything. The failures before Plevna greatly
troubled him. "If we lose I will never return to Russia. I will
die here with my brave soldiers." Hence it was with more than usual
emotion that the Emperor reviewed the troops, seventy thousand men,
at Plevna a few days after its fall.
The troops were drawn up in two lines of quarter columns at intervals
of ten paces between regiments. The second line was about fifty paces
in rear of the first. He embraced the Generals, greeted the officers
and then accompanied by the Grand Duke and Prince Charles, attended
by a brilliant staff, he passed down the front line and back by the
second. His reception was most enthusiastic, every regiment cheering
the moment it caught sight of the white flag with the ornamental
cross that denoted the Emperor's presence; and nothing could be more
impressive than the enormous volume of sound produced by the triumphant
cheers of seventy thousand men.
In a few days Skobeleff's division was to cross the Balkans by a pass
leading to Senova while the main army was to take the Shipka Pass. One
order he gave caused much amusement among his brother officers. Each
man of his division was ordered to carry a log of wood with him. "What
will he think of next?" said some one. "If Skobeleff has ordered,"
said the Grand Duke Nicholas, "he has some good reason for it."
He had a good reason. There was no wood on the summit of the
Balkans. He wanted his men to have three hot meals a day. And in
consequence of his precautions not one man of his division arrived
disabled or frozen on the other side; not one had straggled, and the
only two who were lost had slipped and fallen over a precipice. The
soldiers who crossed the Shipka Pass suffered frightfully. The passage
to Senova was an awful journey. The men had to break their way through
great snowdrifts. They had to drag their cannon on sledges by hand,
but on the third day they descended into the Valley of Roses in
splendid form.
In the battles that raged during the next few days Skobeleff was
uniformly successful, and the regiments coming down the Shipka Pass
went right into the thick of the fight. At last the Turks put out
two white flags. The Pashas surrendered themselves and their whole
army--thirty-five thousand men and one hundred and thirteen guns were
given up.
"The scoundrels," muttered Gen. Skobeleff "to give up with such
a force and with such a position." "No wonder," cried the Turks,
"that we were beaten; for the Russians were commanded by Akh Pasha
and it is impossible to overcome him." The first order given was,
"Let the Turks' property be sacred to us. Let not a crumb of theirs
be lost. Warn the men, I will shoot them for stealing."
"I shall never forget," said Mr. Kinnard Rose, "a solemn service for
the repose of the souls of the dead that was held on that battlefield
of Senova by the General and a score of companions. Skobeleff's
chaplain chanted the Mass with a simple dragoon for clerk. Every
head was uncovered. The party stood in respectful groups around a
monumental column with its cross, the General to the right of the
priest. As the service progressed, the General wept like a child, and
among the small but deeply moved congregation there were few dry eyes."
And now the road lay open before him. The last army was
beaten--Skobeleff's forced march made the Turkish Pashas stand
aghast--thirty, even fifty miles a day, and soon he had occupied
Adrianople, the second city of the Empire. He had entered it without
a sick man--there was not a theft nor burglary--not a street row,
as he rested there a few days.
The heroes of the campaign in the Balkans were Generals Gourko,
Radetzky and Skobeleff. They carried out operations which for
difficulty of execution, rapidity of movement and quickness of
combination have hardly ever been equalled. In fifteen days they had
destroyed three Turkish armies, and swept the country from Shipka Pass
to Adrianople and with one hundred and thirty-two thousand bayonets
were ready to dictate peace to the Sublime Porte.
General Gourko, who was Skobeleff's senior, arrived in advance of his
columns on January 26th, and took command of the city, while Skobeleff
pushed on with his cavalry and in two weeks (February 5th) camped on
the shores of the Sea of Marmora a short distance from Constantinople,
having marched two hundred and seventy-five miles in twenty days,
one hundred miles of it in four days.
The history of the Russo-Turkish war has been written in terms
of highest eulogy by impartial historians and disinterested
eyewitnesses. The condensed account given in these pages is accorded
space to emphasize the difference between warfare as conducted by
one of the Great Powers of Europe and the barbarous methods of the
"Unspeakable Turk." Previously to the occupancy of Adrianople by the
Russian forces, representatives of the two nations most interested,
met and seriously discussed the question of peace.
The Turkish delegates refused to accept the Russian terms. They were
informed that the Russians would march upon Constantinople unless they
accepted. On the question of the autonomy for Bulgaria, the Russians
were inflexible. This the delegates refused, and the troops continued
to close in upon Constantinople.
On January 31st an armistice was signed, and a neutral zone declared
with Constantinople exposed to the Russian army. While going over the
lines of delimitation one day, General Skobeleff and his whole staff
gazed upon the city of Constantinople. He was furious when he learned
that the Russian army was not even to enter Constantinople, and he is
said to have debated whether he would not on his own responsibility
take the city without orders and break the meshes of diplomacy.
"I would hold a congress in Constantinople--here!" he said, "and would
myself preside if I were Emperor, with three hundred thousand bayonets
to back me--prepared for any eventuality. Then we could talk to them."
"But suppose all Europe should oppose you?"
"There are moments when one must act--when it is criminal to be
too cautious. We may have to wait centuries for so favorable an
opportunity. You think the bulldogs would fight us? Never. It should
be our duty to defend this--our own city--with the last drop of
our blood."
When General Grant said that Russia's abstaining from entering
Constantinople was the greatest mistake a nation ever committed,
he was either not aware of the secret engagement made with Lord
Loftus, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, or he considered
with reason that England's sending her fleet into the Bosphorus was
such a violation of her engagements of neutrality, as would justify
Russia in not abiding by her promises.
England, on February 8th, had ordered her fleet to Constantinople
to protect British interests. News was received by Skobeleff that
the fleet was under way. He instantly informed headquarters, and
had orders for concentrating his troops where they could strike at
a moment's notice. He quickly and gladly so disposed his army that
in two hours he could occupy the Turkish positions, and in thirty
six hours could place two divisions on the high ground just behind
Constantinople, the very ground from which the Turks in 1453 had
besieged and assaulted and captured this Queen of Eastern Christian
Empire. For Russia had decided before the armistice that the English
fleet coming into the Bosphorus should be the signal for the march
into the city. Then came the news that the Turks refused to allow the
fleet to pass and that it was lying at the mouth of the Dardanelles
and the danger of a general European war was passed for the time.
But the approach of the fleet was a warning and the delay, and
hesitation of the Ambassadors to sign the preliminaries of peace
and the objections they made were irritating to the last degree, and
the answer of Russia was the removal of headquarters to San Stefano,
only twelve miles from Constantinople, and there the treaty of peace
must be signed.
There is little time to portray the many dramatic scenes connected
with the signing of the treaty of San Stefano. March 3d was the
anniversary of the Czar's accession to the throne. There was to be
a grand review. At four o'clock the Grand Duke galloped towards the
hill where the army was drawn up; then up dashed a carriage from the
village. General Ignatieff was in it and when he approached he rose
and said: "I have the honor to congratulate Your Highness on the
signature of peace." Then the Grand Duke to the army: "I have the
honor to inform the army that with the help of God we have concluded
a treaty of peace."
A shout, swelling and triumphant, rose from the throats of twenty
thousand men, some of them the most famous regiments of Russia's
favored troops. After the review the Grand Duke spoke briefly, "To
an army which has accomplished what you have, my friends, nothing is
impossible." Then all dismounted, uncovered and a solemn service was
held, the soldiers all kneeling, even the wife of General Ignatieff
was seen kneeling on a fur rug beside her carriage. The religious
ceremony over, the Grand Duke took his stand and the army began to file
past with a swinging, rapid stride. The night was falling, darkness
settling over all. Still the Grand Duke sat motionless on his horse,
the troops still were passing; the joyous shouts grew fainter and the
measured tramp, tramp died out on the ear and the war of 1877-78 had
entered into the history of the struggle of humanity for religious
life and freedom. The history of the treaties of San Stefano and of
Berlin will be told in the chapter that records the greatest crime
of the century against the life and freedom of a still suffering and
outraged humanity under the curse of Islam.