I was at Versailles last Saturday with the Villarses.... At three the

king, the queen, Monsieur [eldest brother to the king], Madame [that

brother's wife], Mademoiselle [that brother's eldest unmarried

daughter], and every thing else which is royal, together with Madame

de Montespan [the celebrated mistress of the king] and train, and all

the courtiers, and all the ladies--all, in short, which constitutes

the court of France, is assembled in the beautiful apartment of the

king's, which you remember. All is furnished divinely, all is

magnificent. Such a thing as heat is unknown; you pass from one place

to another without the slightest pressure. A game at _reversis_ [the

description is of a gambling scene, in which Dangeau figures as a cool

and skillful gamester] gives the company a form and a settlement. The

king and Madame de Montespan keep a bank together; different tables

are occupied by Monsieur, the queen, and Madame de Soubise, Dangeau

and party, Langlee and party. Everywhere you see heaps of louis d'ors;

they have no other counters. I saw Dangeau play, and thought what

fools we all were beside him. He dreams of nothing but what concerns

the game; he wins where others lose: he neglects nothing, profits by

every thing, never has his attention diverted; in short his science

bids defiance to chance. Two hundred thousand francs in ten days, a

hundred thousand crowns in a month, these are the pretty memorandums

he puts down in his pocket-book. He was kind enough to say that I was

partners with him, so that I got an excellent seat. I made my

obeisance to the king, as you told me; and he returned it as if I had

been young and handsome.... The duke said a thousand kind things

without minding a word he uttered. Marshal de Lorgnes attacked me in

the name of the Chevalier de Grignan; in short, _tutti quanti_ [the

whole company]. You know what it is to get a word from every body you

meet. Madame de Montespan talked to me of Bourbon, and asked me how I

liked Vichi, and whether the place did me good. She said that Bourbon,

instead of curing a pain in one of her knees, injured both.... Her

size is reduced by a good half, and yet her complexion, her eyes, and

her lips, are as fine as ever. She was dressed all in French point,

her hair in a thousand ringlets, the two side ones hanging low on her

cheeks, black ribbons on her head, pearls (the same that belonged to

Madame de l'Hopital), the loveliest diamond earrings, three or four

bodkins--nothing else on the head; in short a triumphant beauty,

worthy the admiration of all the foreign embassadors. She was accused

of preventing the whole French nation from seeing the king; she has

restored him, you see, to their eyes; and you cannot conceive the joy

it has given everybody, and the splendor it has thrown upon the court.

This charming confusion, without confusion, of all which is the most

select, continues from three till six. If couriers arrive, the king

retires a moment to read the despatches and returns. There is always

some music going on, to which he listens, and which has an excellent

effect. He talks with such of the ladies as are accustomed to enjoy

that honor.... At six the carriages are at the door. The king is in

one of them with Madame de Montespan, Monsieur and Madame de Thianges,

and honest d'Hendicourt in a fool's paradise on the stool. You know

how these open carriages are made; they do not sit face to face, but

all looking the same way. The queen occupies another with the

princess; and the rest come flocking after, as it may happen. There

are then gondolas on the canal, and music; and at ten they come back,

and then there is a play; and twelve strikes, and they go to supper;

and thus rolls round the Saturday. If I were to tell you how often you

were asked after, how many questions were put to me without waiting

for answers, how often I neglected to answer, how little they cared,

and how much less I did, you would see the _iniqua corte_ [wicked

court] before you in all its perfection. However, it never was so

pleasant before, and everybody wishes it may last.

There is your picture. Picture, pure and simple, it is--comment none,

least of all, moralizing comment. The wish is sighed by "everybody,"

that such pleasant things may "last." Well, they did last the writer's

time. But meanwhile the French revolution was a-preparing. A hundred

years later it will come, with its terrible reprisals.

We have gone away from the usual translations to find the foregoing

extract in an article published forty years ago and more, in the

"Edinburgh Review." Again we draw from the same source--this time, the

description of a visit paid by a company of grand folks, of whom the

writer of the letter was one, to an iron-foundery:

FRIDAY, _1st Oct._ (1677).

Yesterday evening at Cone we descended into a veritable hell, the true

forges of Vulcan. Eight or ten Cyclops were at work, forging, not arms

for AEneas, but anchors for ships. You never saw strokes redoubled so

justly nor with so admirable a cadence. We stood in the midst of four

furnaces; and the demons came passing about us, all melting in sweat,

with pale faces, wild-staring eyes, savage mustaches, and hair long

and black--a sight enough to frighten less well-bred folks than

ourselves. As for me, I could not comprehend the possibility of

refusing any thing which these gentlemen, in their hell, might have

chosen to exact. We got out at last, by the help of a shower of

silver, with which we took care to refresh their souls, and facilitate

our exit.

Once more:

PARIS, _29th November_ (1679).

I have been to the wedding of Madame de Louvois. How shall I describe

it? Magnificence, illuminations, all France, dresses all gold and

brocade, jewels, braziers full of fire, and stands full of flowers,

confusions of carriages, cries out of doors, lighted torches, pushings

back, people run over; in short, a whirlwind, a distraction; questions

without answers, compliments without knowing what is said, civilities

without knowing who is spoken to, feet entangled in trains. From the

midst of all this issue inquiries after your health, which not being

answered as quick as lightning, the inquirers pass on, contented to

remain in the state of ignorance and indifference in which they [the

inquiries] were made. O vanity of vanities! Pretty little De Mouchy

has had the small-pox. O vanity, _et caetera_!

Yet again. The gay writer has been sobered, perhaps hurt, by a friend's

frankly writing to her, "You are old." To her daughter:

So you were struck with the expression of Madame de la Fayette,

blended with so much friendship. 'Twas a truth, I own, which I ought

to have borne in mind; and yet I must confess it astonished me, for I

do not yet perceive in myself any such decay. Nevertheless, I cannot

help making many reflections and calculations, and I find the

conditions of life hard enough. It seems to me that I have been

dragged, against my will, to the fatal period when old age must be

endured; I see it; I have come to it; and I would fain, if I could

help it, not go any farther; not advance a step more in the road of

infirmities, of pains, of losses of memory, of _disfigurements_ ready

to do me outrage; and I hear a voice which says, "You must go on in

spite of yourself; or, if you will not go on, you must die;" and this

is another extremity from which nature revolts. Such is the lot,

however, of all who advance beyond middle life. What is their

resource? To think of the will of God and of universal law, and so

restore reason to its place, and be patient. Be you, then, patient

accordingly, my dear child, and let not your affection soften into

such tears as reason must condemn.

She dates a letter, and recalls that the day was the anniversary of an

event in her life:

PARIS, _Friday, Feb._ 5, 1672.

This day thousand years I was married.

Here is a passage with power in it. The great war minister of Louis has

died. Madame de Sevigne was now sixty-five years old. The letter is to

her cousin Coulanges:

I am so astonished at the news of the sudden death of M. de Louvois,

that I am at a loss how to speak of it. Dead, however, he is, this

great minister, this potent being, who occupied so great a place;

whose personality [_le moi_], as M. Nicole says, had so wide a sway;

who was the center of so many orbs. What affairs had he not to manage!

what designs, what projects! what secrets! what interests to unravel,

what wars to undertake, what intrigues, what noble games at chess to

play and to direct! Ah! my God, grant me a little time; I want to give

check to the Duke of Savoy--checkmate to the Prince of Orange. No, no,

you shall not have a moment, not a single moment. Are events like

these to be talked of? Not they. We must reflect upon them in our

closets.

A glimpse of Bourdaloue:

Ah, that Bourdaloue! his sermon on the Passion was, they say, the most

perfect thing of the kind that can be imagined; it was the same he

preached last year, but revised and altered with the assistance of

some of his friends, that it might be wholly inimitable. How can one

love God if one never hears him properly spoken of? You must really

possess a greater portion of grace than others.

A distinguished caterer or steward, a gentleman described as possessing

talent enough to have governed a province, commits suicide on a

professional point of honor:

PARIS, _Sunday, April_ 26, 1671.

I have just learned from Moreuil of what passed at Chantilly with

regard to poor Vatel. I wrote to you last Friday that he had stabbed

himself--these are the particulars of the affair: The king arrived

there on Thursday night; the walk, and the collation, which was served

in a place set apart for the purpose, and strewed with jonquils, were

just as they should be. Supper was served; but there was no roast meat

at one or two of the tables, on account of Vatel's having been obliged

to provide several dinners more than were expected. This affected his

spirits; and he was heard to say several times, "I have lost my

honor! I cannot bear this disgrace!" "My head is quite bewildered,"

said he to Gourville. "I have not had a wink of sleep these twelve

nights; I wish you would assist me in giving orders." Gourville did

all he could to comfort and assist him, but the failure of the roast

meat (which, however, did not happen at the king's table, but at some

of the other twenty-five) was always uppermost with him. Gourville

mentioned it to the prince [Conde, the great Conde, the king's host],

who went directly to Vatel's apartment and said to him, "Every thing

is extremely well conducted, Vatel; nothing could be more admirable

than his majesty's supper." "Your highness's goodness," replied he,

"overwhelms me; I am sensible that there was a deficiency of roast

meat at two tables." "Not at all," said the prince; "do not perplex

yourself, and all will go well." Midnight came; the fireworks did not

succeed; they were covered with a thick cloud; they cost sixteen

thousand francs. At four o'clock in the morning Vatel went round and

found every body asleep. He met one of the under-purveyors, who was

just come in with only two loads of fish. "What!" said he, "is this

all?" "Yes, sir," said the man, not knowing that Vatel had despatched

other people to all the seaports around. Vatel waited for some time;

the other purveyors did not arrive; his head grew distracted; he

thought there was no more fish to be had. He flew to Gourville: "Sir,"

said he, "I cannot outlive this disgrace." Gourville laughed at him.

Vatel, however, went to his apartment, and setting the hilt of his

sword against the door, after two ineffectual attempts, succeeded, in

the third, in forcing his sword through his heart. At that instant the

couriers arrived with the fish; Vatel was inquired after to distribute

it. They ran to his apartment, knocked at the door, but received no

answer; upon which they broke it open, and found him weltering in his

blood. A messenger was immediately dispatched to acquaint the prince

with what had happened, who was like a man in despair. The duke wept,

_for his Burgundy journey depended upon Vatel_.

The italics here are our own. We felt that we must use them.

Is it not all pathetic? But how exquisitely characteristic of the nation

and of the times! "Poor Vatel," is the extent to which Madame de Sevigne

allows herself to go in sympathy. Her heart never bleeds very

freely--for anybody except her daughter. Madame de Sevigne's heart,

indeed, we grieve to fear, was somewhat hard.

In another letter, after a long strain as worldly as any one could wish

to see, this lively woman thus touches, with a sincerity as

unquestionable as the levity is, on the point of personal religion:

But, my dear child, the greatest inclination I have at present is to

be a little religious. I plague La Mousse about it every day. I belong

neither to God nor to the devil. I am quite weary of such a situation;

though, between you and me, I look upon it as the most natural one in

the world. I am not the devil's, because I fear God, and have at the

bottom a principle of religion; then, on the other hand, I am not

properly God's, because his law appears hard and irksome to me, and I

cannot bring myself to acts of self-denial; so that altogether I am

one of those called lukewarm Christians, the great number of whom does

not in the least surprise me, for I perfectly understand their

sentiments, and the reasons that influence them. However, we are told

that this is a state highly displeasing to God; if so, we must get out

of it. Alas! this is the difficulty. Was ever any thing so mad as I

am, to be thus eternally pestering you with my rhapsodies?

Madame de Sevigne involuntarily becomes a maxim-maker:

The other day I made a maxim off-hand without once thinking of it; and

I liked it so well that I fancied I had taken it out of M. de la

Rochefoucauld's. Pray tell me whether it is so or not, for in that

case my memory is more to be praised than my judgment. I said, with

all the ease in the world, that "ingratitude begets reproach, as

acknowledgment begets new favors." Pray, where did this come from?

Have I read it? Did I dream it? Is it my own idea? Nothing can be

truer than the thing itself, nor than that I am totally ignorant how I

came by it. I found it properly arranged in my brain, and at the end

of my tongue.

The partial mother lets her daughter know whom the maxim was meant for.

She says, "It is intended for your brother." This young fellow had, we

suspect, been first earning his mother's "reproaches" for spendthrift

habits, and then getting more money from her by "acknowledgment."

She hears that son of hers read "some chapters out of Rabelais," "which

were enough," she declares, "to make us die with laughing." "I cannot

affect," she says, "a prudery which is not natural to me." No, indeed, a

prude this woman was not. She had the strong aesthetic stomach of her

time. It is queer to have Rabelais rubbing cheek and jowl with Nicole

("We are going to begin a moral treatise of Nicole's"), a severe

Port-Royalist, in one and the same letter. But this is French; above

all, it is Madame de Sevigne. By the way, she and her friends, first and

last, "die" a thousand jolly deaths "with laughing."

A contemporary allusion to "Tartuffe," with more French manners implied:

The other day La Biglesse played Tartuffe to the life. Being at table,

she happened to tell a fib about some trifle or other, which I

noticed, and told her of it; she cast her eyes to the ground, and with

a very demure air, "Yes, indeed, madam," said she, "I am the greatest

liar in the world; I am very much obliged to you for telling me of

it." We all burst out a-laughing, for it was exactly the tone of

Tartuffe--"Yes, brother, I am a wretch, a vessel of iniquity."

M. de la Rochefoucauld appears often by name in the letters. Here he

appears anonymously by his effect:

"Warm affections are never tranquil;" _a maxim_.

Not a very sapid bit of gnomic wisdom, certainly. We must immediately

make up to our readers, on Madame de Sevigne's behalf, for the

insipidity of the foregoing "maxim" of hers, by giving here two or three

far more sententious excerpts from the letters, excerpts collected by

another:

There may be so great a weight of obligation that there is no way of

being delivered from it but by ingratitude.

Long sicknesses wear out grief, and long hopes wear out joy.

Shadow is never long taken for substance; you must be, if you would

appear to be. The world is not unjust long.

Madame de Sevigne makes a confession which will comfort readers who may

have experienced the same difficulty as that of which she speaks:

I send you M. de Rochefoucauld's "Maxims," revised and corrected, with

additions; it is a present to you from himself. Some of them I can

make shift to guess the meaning of; but there are others, that, to my

shame be it spoken, I cannot understand at all. God knows how it will

be with you.

What was it changed this woman's mood to serious? She could not have

been hearing Massillon's celebrated sermon on the "Fewness of the

Elect," for Massillon was yet only a boy of nine years; she may have

been reading Pascal's "Thoughts"--Pascal had been dead ten years, and

the "Thoughts" had been published; or she may have been listening to one

of those sifting, heart-searching discourses of Bourdaloue--the date of

her letter is March 16, 1672, and during the Lent of that year

Bourdaloue preached at Versailles--when she wrote somberly as follows:

You ask me if I am as fond of life as ever. I must own to you that I

experience mortifications, and severe ones too; but I am still unhappy

at the thoughts of death; I consider it so great a misfortune to see

the termination of all my pursuits, that I should desire nothing

better, if it were practicable, than to begin life again. I find

myself engaged in a scene of confusion and trouble; I was embarked in

life without my own consent, and know I must leave it again; this

distracts me, for how shall I leave it? In what manner? By what door?

At what time? In what disposition? Am I to suffer a thousand pains and

torments that will make me die in a state of despair? Shall I lose my

senses? Am I to die by some sudden accident? How shall I stand with

God? What shall I have to offer to him? Will fear and necessity make

my peace with him? Shall I have no other sentiment but that of fear?

What have I to hope? Am I worthy of heaven? Or have I deserved the

torments of hell? Dreadful alternative! Alarming uncertainty! Can

there be greater madness than to place our eternal salvation in

uncertainty? Yet what is more natural, or can be more easily accounted

for, than the foolish manner in which I have spent my life? I am

frequently buried in thoughts of this nature, and then death appears

so dreadful to me that I hate life more for leading me to it, than I

do for all the thorns that are strewed in its way. You will ask me,

then, if I would wish to live forever? Far from it; but if I had been

consulted, I would very gladly have died in my nurse's arms; it would

have spared me many vexations, and would have insured heaven to me at

a very easy rate; but let us talk of something else.

A memorable sarcasm saved for us by Madame de Sevigne, at the very close

of one of her letters:

Guilleragues said yesterday that Pelisson abused the privilege men

have of being ugly.

Readers familiar with Dickens's "Tale of Two Cities" will recognize in

the following narrative a state of society not unlike that described by

the novelist as immediately preceding the French Revolution:

The Archbishop of Rheims, as he returned yesterday from St. Germain,

met with a curious adventure. He drove at his usual rate, like a

whirlwind. If he thinks himself a great man, his servants think him

still greater. They passed through Nanterre, when they met a man on

horseback, and in an insolent tone bid him clear the way. The poor man

used his utmost endeavors to avoid the danger that threatened him, but

his horse proved unmanageable. To make short of it, the coach-and-six

turned them both topsy-turvy; but at the same time the coach, too, was

completely overturned. In an instant the horse and the man, instead of

amusing themselves with having their limbs broken, rose almost

miraculously; the man remounted, and galloped away, and is galloping

still, for aught I know; while the servants, the archbishop's

coachman, and the archbishop himself at the head of them, cried out,

"Stop that villain! stop him! thrash him soundly!" The rage of the

archbishop was so great, that afterward, in relating the adventure, he

said if he could have caught the rascal he would have broke all his

bones, and cut off both his ears.

If such things were done by the aristocracy--and the spiritual

aristocracy at that!--in the green tree, what might not be expected from

them in the dry? The writer makes no comment--draws no moral. "Adieu, my

dear, delightful child. I cannot express my eagerness to see you," are

her next words. She rattles along, three short sentences more, and

finishes her letter.

We should still not have done with these letters were we to go on a

hundred pages, or two hundred, farther. Readers have already seen truly

what Madame de Sevigne is. They have only not seen fully all that she

is. And that they would not see short of reading her letters entire.

Horace Walpole aspired to do in English for his own time something like

what Madame de Sevigne had done in French for hers. In a measure he

succeeded. The difference is, that he was imitative and affected, where

she was original and genuine.

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu must, of course, also be named, as, by her

sex, her social position, her talent, and the devotion of her talent,

an English analogue to Madame de Sevigne. But these comparisons, and all

comparison, leave the French woman without a true parallel, alone in her

rank, the most famous letter-writer in the world.

X.

CORNEILLE.

1606-1684.

The two great names in French tragedy are Corneille and Racine. French

tragedy is a very different affair from either modern tragedy in English

or ancient tragedy in Greek. It comes nearer being Roman epic, such as

Lucan wrote Roman epic, dramatized.

Drama is everywhere and always, and this from the nature of things, a

highly conventional literary form. But the convention under which French

tragedy should be judged, differs, on the one hand, from that which

existed for Greek tragedy, and, on the other hand, from that existing

for the English. The atmosphere of real life present in English tragedy

is absent in French. The quasi-supernatural religious awe that reigned

over Greek tragedy, French tragedy does not affect. You miss also in

French tragedy the severe simplicity, the self-restraint, the statuesque

repose, belonging to the Greek model. Loftiness, grandeur, a loftiness

somewhat strained, a grandeur tending to be tumid, an heroic tone

sustained at sacrifice of ease and nature--such is the element in which

French tragedy lives and flourishes. You must grant your French

tragedists this their conventional privilege, or you will not enjoy

them. You must grant them this, or you cannot understand them. Resolve

that you will like grandiloquence, requiring only that the

grandiloquence be good, and on this condition we can promise that you

will be pleased with Corneille and Racine. In fact, our readers, we are

sure, will find the grandiloquence of these two tragedy-writers so very

good that a little will suffice them.

Voltaire in his time impressed himself strongly enough on his countrymen

to get accepted by his own generation as an equal third in tragedy with

Corneille and Racine. There was then a French triumvirate of tragedists

to be paralleled with the triumvirate of the Greeks. Corneille was

AEschylus; Racine was Sophocles; and, of course, Euripides had his

counterpart in Voltaire. Voltaire has since descended from the tragic

throne, and that neat symmetry of trine comparison is spoiled. There is,

however, some trace of justice in making Corneille as related to Racine

resemble AEschylus as related to Sophocles. Corneille was first, more

rugged, loftier; Racine was second, more polished, more severe in taste.

Racine had, too, in contrast with Corneille, more of the Euripidean

sweetness. In fact, La Bruyere's celebrated comparison of the two

Frenchmen--made, of course, before Voltaire--yoked them, Corneille with

Sophocles, Racine with Euripides. Mr. John Morley, however, in his

elaborate monograph on Voltaire, remarks: "He [Voltaire] is usually

considered to hold the same place relatively to Corneille and Racine

that Euripides held relatively to AEschylus and Sophocles."

It was perhaps not without its influence on the style of Corneille, that

a youthful labor of his in authorship was to translate, wholly or

partially, the "Pharsalia" of Lucan. His fondness for Lucan, Corneille

always retained. This taste on his part, and the rhymed Alexandrines in

which he wrote tragedy, may together help account for the hyperheroic

style which is Corneille's great fault. A lady criticised his tragedy,

"The Death of Pompey," by saying: "Very fine, but too many heroes in

it." Corneille's tragedies generally have, if not too many heroes, at

least too much hero, in them. Concerning the historian Gibbon's habitual

pomp of expression, it was once wittily said that nobody could possibly

tell the truth in such a style as that. It would be equally near the

mark if we should say of Corneille's chosen mold of verse, that nobody

could possibly be simple and natural in that. Moliere's comedy, however,

would almost confute us.

Pierre Corneille was born in Rouen. He studied law, and he was admitted

to practice as an advocate, like Moliere; but, like Moliere, he heard

and he heeded an inward voice summoning him away from the bar to the

stage. Corneille did not, however, like Moliere, tread the boards as an

actor. He had a lively sense of personal dignity. He was eminently the

"lofty, grave tragedian," in his own esteem. "But I am Pierre Corneille

notwithstanding," he self-respectingly said once, when friends were

regretting to him some deficiency of grace in his personal carriage. One

can imagine him taking off his hat to himself with unaffected deference.

But this serious genius began dramatic composition with writing comedy.

He made several experiments of this kind with no commanding success; but

at thirty he wrote the tragedy of "The Cid," and instantly became

famous. His subsequent plays were chiefly on classical subjects. The

subject of "The Cid" was drawn from Spanish literature. This was

emphatically what has been called an "epoch-making" production.

Richelieu's "Academy," at the instigation, indeed almost under the

dictation, of Richelieu, who was jealous of Corneille, tried to write it

down. They succeeded about as Balaam succeeded in prophesying against

Israel. "The Cid" triumphed over them, and over the great minister. It

established not only Corneille's fame, but his authority. The man of

genius taken alone proved stronger than the men of taste taken together.

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