Further consideration of Napoleon's purposes.
What Australia owes to British sea power.
Influence of the Napoleonic wars.
Fresh points relative to Napoleon's designs.
Absence of evidence.
Consequences of suspicions of French intentions.
Promotion of settlement in Tasmania.
Tardy occupation of Port Phillip.
The Swan River Settlement.
The Westernport scheme.
Lord John Russell's claim of "the Whole" of Australia for the British.
The designs of Napoleon III.
Australia the nursling of sea power.
The question of paramount interest connected with the events considered
in the foregoing pages is whether or not the expedition of 1800 to 1804
had a political purpose. It is hoped that the examination to which the
facts have been subjected has been sufficient to show that it had not. It
was promoted by an academic organisation of learned men for scientific
objects; it was not an isolated effort, but one of a series made by the
French, which had their counterpart in several expeditions despatched by
the British, for the collection of data and the solution of problems of
importance to science; its equipment and personnel showed it to be what
it professed to be; and the work it did, open to serious criticism as it
is in several aspects, indicated that purposes within the scope of the
Institute of France, and not those with which diplomacy and politics were
concerned, were kept in view throughout. So much, it is claimed, has been
demonstrated. But the whole case is not exhausted in what has been
written; and in this final chapter will be briefly set forth a sequence
of reasons which go to show that Bonaparte in 1800 had no thought of
founding a new fatherland for the French in Australasia, or of
establishing upon the great southern continent a rival settlement to that
of the British at Port Jackson.
It may legitimately be suggested that though all the French expeditions
enumerated in a previous chapter, including Baudin's, were promoted for
purposes of discovery, the rulers of France were not without hope that
profit would spring from them in the shape of rich territories or fields
for French exploitation. It is, indeed, extremely likely that such was
the case. Governments, being political organisations, are swayed chiefly
by political considerations, or at any rate are largely affected by them.
When Prince Henry the Navigator fitted out the caravels that crept
timidly down the west coast of Africa, penetrating farther and farther
into the unknown, until a new ocean and new realms at length opened upon
the view he was inspired by the ideal of spreading the Christian religion
and of gaining knowledge about the shape of the world for its own sake;
but he was none the less desirous of securing augmented wealth and
dominion for Portugal.* (* See Beazley, Henry the Navigator pages 139 to
141; and E.J. Payne, in Cambridge Modern History 1 10 to 15.) It was not
solely for faith and science that he:
"Heaven inspired,
To love of useful glory roused mankind
And in unbounded commerce mixed the world."
Isabella of Castile did not finance Columbus purely for the glory of
discovery. Luis de Santangel and Alonso de Quintanilla, who prevailed
upon her to befriend the daring Genoese, not only used the argument that
the voyage would present an opportunity of "spreading her holy religion,"
but also that it would "replenish her treasury chests."* (* Justin
Winsor, Christopher Columbus page 178.) It is as natural for the
statesman to hope for political advantage as for the man of science to
look for scientific rewards, the geographer for geographical results, the
merchant for extended scope for commerce, from any enterprise of the kind
in which the State concerns itself. It would have been a perfectly proper
aspiration on the part of French statesmen to seek for opportunities of
development in a region as yet scarcely touched by European energy. But
there is no more reason for attributing this motive to Bonaparte in 1800,
than to the Ministers of Louis XV and Louis XVI, or to the Government of
France during the Revolution: and that is the point.
It is to misinterpret the character of the Napoleon Bonaparte who ruled
the Republic in the early period of the Consulate, to suppose him
incapable of wishing to promote research for its own sake. He desired the
glory of his era to depend upon other achievements than those of war. "My
intention certainly is," he said to Thibaudeau, "to multiply the works of
peace. It may be that in the future I shall be better known by them than
by my victories." The Memoires of the shrewd observer to whom the words
were uttered, give us perhaps a more intimate acquaintance with the
Consular Bonaparte than does any other single book; and it is impossible
to study them without deriving the impression that he was at this time
far more than a great soldier. He was, faults notwithstanding, a very
noble and high-minded man. It was easy for the savants of the Institute
to show him what a fine field for enterprise there was in the South Seas;
and though there is not a shred of evidence to indicate that, in
acquiescing in the proposition, he yielded to any other impulse than that
of securing for France the glory of discovery, there may yet have been at
the back of his mind, so to speak, the idea that if good fortune attended
the effort, the French nation might profit otherwise than in repute. To
say so much, however, is not to admit that there is any justification for
thinking that the acquisition of dominion furnished a direct motive for
the expedition. If Bonaparte entertained such a notion he kept it to
himself. There is not a trace of it in his correspondence, or in the
memoirs of those who were intimate with him at this period. One cannot
say what thoughts took shape at the back of a mind like Napoleon's, nor
how far he was looking ahead in anything that he did. One can only judge
from the evidence available. On some of Flinders' charts there are dotted
lines to indicate coasts which he had not been able to explore fully. He
would not set down as a statement of fact what he had not verified.
History, too, has its dotted lines, where supposition fills up gaps for
which we have no certain information. There is no harm in them; there is
some advantage. But we had better take care that they remain dotted lines
until we can ink them over with certainty, and not mistake a possibly
wrong guess for a fact.
It is also necessary to distinguish between the exalted motives of which
we may think the First Consul capable in 1800, and for a year or two
after, and the use he would have made five, eight, or ten years later of
any opportunities of damaging the possessions and the prestige of Great
Britain. In the full tide of his passionate hatred against the nation
that mocked and blocked and defied him at every turn of his foreign
policy, he would unquestionably have been delighted to seize any
opportunity of striking a blow at British power anywhere. He kept Decaen
at Mauritius in the hope that events might favour an attempt on India. He
would have used discoveries made in Australasia, as he would have used
Fulton's steamboat in 1807, to injure his enemy, could he have done so
effectually. But to do that involved the possession of great naval
strength, and the services of an admiral fit to meet upon the high seas
that slim, one-armed, one-eyed man whose energy and genius were equal to
a fleet of frigates to the dogged nation whose hero he was; and in both
these requirements the Emperor was deficient.
Indeed, we can scarcely realise how much Australia owes to Britain's
overwhelming strength upon the blue water at the beginning of the
nineteenth century. But for that, not only France but other European
powers would surely have claimed the right to establish themselves upon
the continent. The proportion of it which the English occupied at the
time was proportionately no more than a fly-speck upon a window pane. She
could not colonise the whole of it, and the small portion that she was
using was a mere convict settlement. Almost any other place would have
done equally well for such a purpose. It needed some tremendous exertion
of strength to enable her to maintain exclusive possession of a whole
continent, such as Spain had vainly professed regarding America in the
sixteenth century. From the point of view of Australian "unity, peace,
and concord," the Napoleonic wars were an immense blessing, however great
an infliction they may have been to old Europe. In an age of European
tranquillity, it is pretty certain that foreign colonisation in Australia
would not have been resisted. Great Britain would not have risked a war
with a friendly power concerning a very distant land, the value and
potentialities of which were far from being immediately obvious. The
Englishman, however, is tremendously assertive when threatened. He will
fight to the last gasp to keep what he really does not want very much, if
only he supposes that his enemy wishes to take a bit of it. It was in
that spirit of pugnacity that he stretched a large muscular hand over the
whole map of Australia, and defied his foes to touch it. Before the great
struggle it would have been quite possible to think of colonising schemes
in the southern hemisphere without seriously contemplating the danger of
collision with the British. But the end of the Napoleonic wars left the
power and prestige of Great Britain upon the sea unchallengeable, and her
possessions out of Europe were placed beyond assail. This position was
fairly established before Napoleon could have made any serious attempt to
annoy or injure the English settlement in Australia. Traced back to
decisive causes, the ownership of Australia was determined on October 21,
1805, when the planks of the Victory were reddened with the life-blood of
Nelson.
The remaining points to be considered are the following.
The Treaty of Amiens was negotiated and signed in 1801 and 1802, while
Baudin's expedition was at sea. Had Napoleon desired to secure a slice of
Australia for the French, here was his opportunity to proclaim what he
wanted. Had he done so, we can have no reasonable doubt that he would
have found the British Government compliant. His Majesty's Ministers were
in a concessionary mood. By that treaty Great Britain surrendered all her
maritime conquests of recent wars, except Trinidad and Ceylon. She gave
up the Cape, Demerara, Berbice, Essequibo, Surinam, Martinique,
Guadeloupe, Minorca, and Malta.* (* Cambridge Modern History 9 75 et seq;
Brodrick and Fotheringham, Political History of England 11 9 et seq.) She
was eagerly desirous for peace. Bread was dear, and England seethed with
discontent. Napoleon was fully aware that he was in a position to force
concessions. King George's advisers were limp. "England," wrote
Thibaudeau, who knew his master's mind, "was driven by sheer necessity to
make peace; not so Bonaparte, whose reasons were founded on the desire of
the French nation for peace, the fact that the terms of the treaty were
glorious for France, and the recognition by his bitterest enemy of the
position which the nation had bestowed upon him."* (* Fortescue's English
edition page 18.) The value of Australia at this time was scarcely
perceived by Great Britain at all. Sydney was just a tip for human
refuse, and a cause of expense, not of profit or advantage. The only
influential man in England who believed in a future for the country was
Sir Joseph Banks; and he, in 1799, had written to Governor Hunter: "The
situation of Europe is at present so critical, and His Majesty's
Ministers so fully employed in business of the highest importance, that
it is scarce possible to gain a moment's audience on any subject but
those which stand foremost in their minds, and colonies of all kinds, you
may be assured, are now put in the background...Your colony is a most
valuable appendage to Great Britain, and I flatter myself we shall,
before it is long, see her Ministers made sensible of its real value."*
(* Banks to Hunter, February 1, 1799. Historical Records of New South
Wales 3 532.) If that was the feeling in 1799, we can imagine how a claim
to the right to found a French settlement in Australia during the
nerveless regime of Addington would have been received. It would not have
delayed the signing of the Treaty of Amiens by one hour. England at that
time would not have risked a frigate or spent an ounce of powder on
resisting such a demand. But the subject does not appear to have been
even mentioned during the negotiations.
Nor was it mentioned by Napoleon during the years of his captivity at St.
Helena. He talked about his projects, his failures, his successes, with
O'Meara, Montholon, Las Cases, Admiral Malcolm, Antommarchi, Gourgaud,
and others. Australia and the Baudin expedition were never discussed,
though Surgeon O'Meara knew all about Flinders' imprisonment, and
mentioned it incidentally in a footnote to illustrate the hardships
brought upon innocent non-belligerents during the Napoleonic wars.
Indeed, an interesting passage in O'Meara's Napoleon at Saint Helena* (*
Edition of 1888, 2 129.) causes a doubt as to whether Napoleon had a
clear recollection of the Flinders case at all. It is true that General
Decaen's aide-de-camp had mentioned it to him in 1804, and that Banks had
written to him on the subject; but he had many larger matters to occupy
him, and possibly gave no more than passing thought to it. O'Meara
records that among Napoleon's visitors at the rock was an Englishman, Mr.
Manning, who was travelling in France for the benefit of his health in
1805. He had been arrested, but on writing to Napoleon stating his case,
was released. He mentioned the incident in the course of the
conversation, and expressed his gratitude. "What protection had you?"
asked Napoleon. "Had you a letter from Sir Joseph Banks to me?" Manning
replied that he had no letter from any one, but that Napoleon had ordered
his release without the intervention of any influential person. The
occurrence of Banks's name to Napoleon's memory in connection with an
application for the release of a traveller may indicate that a
reminiscence of the Flinders case lingered in the mind of the illustrious
exile. So much cannot, however, be stated positively, because Flinders
was not the only prisoner in behalf of whom the President of the Royal
Society had interested himself, though his was the only case which
attracted a very large amount of public attention. But what is chiefly
significant is the absence of any reference to Australia and Baudin's
expedition in the St. Helena conversations, in which the whole field of
Napoleonic policy was traversed with amplitude.
Had the selection of a site for settlement, rather than research, been
intended, it seems most likely that Napoleon, with his trained eye for
strategic advantages, would have directed particular if not exclusive
attention to be paid to the north coast of Australia. If he had taken the
map in hand and studied it with a view to obtaining a favourable
position, he would probably have put his finger upon the part of the
coast where Port Darwin is situated, and would have said, "Search
carefully just there: see if a harbour can be discovered which may be
used as a base." The coast was entirely unoccupied; the French might have
established themselves securely before the British knew what they had
done; and had they found and fortified Port Darwin, they would have
captured the third point of a triangle--the other two being Mauritius and
Pondicherry--which might have made them very powerful in the Indian
Ocean. And that is precisely what the East India Company's directors
feared that Napoleon intended. One of them, the Hon. C.F. Greville, wrote
to Brown, the naturalist of the Investigator, "I hope the French ships of
discovery will not station themselves on the north coast of New
Holland";* (* January 4, 1802. Historical Records of New South Wales 4
677.) and the Company, recognising their own interest in the matter,
voted six hundred pounds as a present to the captain, staff, and crew of
the Investigator before she sailed from England. But instead of what was
feared, the French ships devoted principal attention to the south, where
there was original geographical work to do--a natural course, their
object being discovery, but not what might have been expected had their
real design been acquisition. Peron censured Baudin because he examined
part of the west coast before proceeding to the unknown south; and when
at length Le Geographe did sail north, the work done there was very
perfunctory. Baudin himself was no fighting man; nor was there with the
expedition a military engineer or any officer capable of reporting upon
strategic situations, or competent to advise as to the establishment of a
fort or a colony. Captain Hamelin and Lieutenant Henri de Freycinet
afterwards saw active service with the Navy, but the staff knew more
about flowers, beetles, butterflies, and rocks than about fortifications
and colonisation.
In recent years research has concentrated powerful rays of light on the
intricacies of Napoleonic policy. Archives have been thrown open,
ransacked, catalogued and codified. Memoirs by the score, letters by the
hundred, have been published. Documents by the thousand have been
studied. A battalion of eager students have handled this vast mass of
material. The piercing minds of eminent scholars have drilled into it to
elucidate problems incidental to Napoleon's era. But nothing has been
brought to light which indicates that Australia was within the radius of
his designs.
The idea that the publication of the Terre Napoleon maps, with their
unfounded pretensions to discoveries, was a move on Napoleon's part
towards asserting a claim upon territory in Australia, is surely
untenable by any one with any appreciation of the irony of circumstances.
No man in history had a deeper realisation of the dynamics of empire than
Napoleon had. A nation, as he well knew, holds its possessions by the
power behind its grasp. If he had wanted a slice of Australia, and had
been able to take and hold it, of what political use to him would have
been a few maps, even with an eagle's picture on one of them? When his
unconquerable legions brought Italy under his sway, absorbed the Low
Countries, and established his dominion on the Rhine, the Elbe, and the
Danube, he based no claims on maps and documents. He took because he
could. An empire is not like a piece of suburban property, based on
title-deeds drawn by a family solicitor. Its validity is founded on
forces--the forces of ships, armies, manhood, treaties, funds, national
goodwill, sound government, commercial enterprise, all the forces that
make for solidity, resistance, permanence. Freycinet's maps would have
been of no more use to Napoleon in getting a footing in Australia than a
postage stamp would be in shifting one of the pyramids. He was capable of
many mean things, but we gravely undervalue his capacity for seeing to
the heart of a problem if we suppose him both mean and silly enough to
conspire to cheat Matthew Flinders out of his well and hardly won
honours, on the supposition that the maps would help him to assert a
claim upon Australia. He could have made good no such claim in the teeth
of British opposition without sea power; and that he had not.
The consequences of the suspicion that Napoleon intended to seize a site
in Australia, were, however, quite as important as if he had formally
announced his intention of doing so. What men believe to be true, not
what is true, determines their action; and there was quite enough in the
circumstances that occurred to make Governor King and his superiors in
England resolve upon decisive action. King having communicated his
beliefs to Ministers, Lord Hobart, Secretary of State for War and the
Colonies, in June 1803, wrote a despatch in which he authorised the
colonisation of Van Diemen's Land by the removal of part of the
establishment at Norfolk Island to Port Dalrymple--"the advantageous
position of which, upon the southern coast of Van Diemen's Land, and near
the entrance of Bass Straits, renders it, in a political view,
particularly necessary that a settlement should be formed there."* (* See
Backhouse Walker, Early Tasmania page 22.) It will be observed that the
Secretary of State's geographical knowledge of the countries under his
regime was quite remarkable. A man who should describe Glasgow as being
on the southern coast of England, near the eastern entrance of the
Channel, would be just about as near the truth as Lord Hobart managed to
get.* (* Froude's amusing story of Lord Palmerston, when, on forming a
Ministry, he thought he would have to take the Secretaryship of State for
the Colonies himself, comes to mind. He said to Sir Arthur Helps, "Come
upstairs with me, Helps; we will look at the maps, and you shall show me
where these places are." Froude's Oceana page 12.)
King moved immediately. He despatched the Lady Nelson and the Albion on
August 31 to establish a settlement on the river Derwent, with Lieutenant
John Bowen in charge; and in September 1803 the first British colony in
Tasmania was planted. It had a variety of adverse experiences before at
length the beautiful site of the city of Hobart, at the foot of Mount
Wellington, was determined upon; but here, at all events, was a
beginning, and the tale from that time forward has been one of steady
progress.
As soon as the imagined threat of French invasion lost its impulsion, the
colonising energy of the governing authorities subsided. The Tasmanian
settlement remained and grew, but Trafalgar removed all fear of foreign
interference. Hence it was that nearly forty years elapsed before any
real effort was made to settle the lands within Port Phillip. Then the
first energies that were devoted towards creating the great state of
Victoria were not directed by the Government, which no longer had any
political motive for forcing matters, but were made by enterprising
stock-owners searching for pastures. It was not till 1835 that John
Batman pushed up the river Yarra, found the site of the present city of
Melbourne, and said, "This will be the place for a village!" Trafalgar
and the security which it gave to British possessions oversea made all
the difference between the early occupation of Tasmania for fear the
French should take it, and the leisurely and non-official settlement of
the Port Phillip district, when it was quite certain that no foreign
power could set a foot upon it without British permission.
There was one other occasion when the recurrence of French exploring
ships in Australian waters revived the idea that foreign settlement on
some portion of the continent was contemplated. Just as the appearance of
Baudin's expedition at the commencement of the century expedited the
colonisation of Tasmania, and prompted a tentative occupation of Port
Phillip, so the renewed activity of the French in the South Seas during
the years 1820 to 1826, was the immediate cause of the foundation of the
Swan River Settlement (1829), the nucleus of the present state of Western
Australia. Steps were also taken to form an establishment at Westernport,
where, on the arrival of H.M.S. Fly with two brigs conveying troops,
evidences were found showing that the French navigators had already paid
a call, without, however, making any movement in the direction of
"effective occupation." The Swan River Settlement grew, but the
Westernport expedition packed up its kit and returned to Sydney when the
alarm subsided.
There is perhaps some warrant for believing that the French Government,
when it sent out Freycinet in the Uranie and the Physicienne from 1817 to
1820, and the Baron de Bougainville in the Esperance and the Thetis from
1824 to 1826, desired to collect information with a possible view to
colonise in some part of Australasia; though the fear that these
commanders were themselves commissioned to "plant" a colony was quite
absurd, and the express exploratory purpose of their voyages was
abundantly justified by results. Lord John Russell, in after years,
related that "during my tenure of the Colonial office, a gentleman
attached to the French Government called upon me. He asked how much of
Australia was claimed as the dominion of Great Britain. I answered, 'The
whole,' and with that answer he went away."* (* Russell's Recollections
and Suggestions (1875) page 203.) Lord John Russell was at the head of
the Colonial Office in the second Melbourne Administration, 1839 to 1841,
a long time after the French explorers had gone home and published the
histories of their voyages. But it is still quite possible that the
researches made by Freycinet and the Baron de Bougainville prompted the
inquiry of the Colonial Secretary's visitor. The phrase, "a gentleman
attached to the French Government," is rather vague. The question was
clearly not asked by the French Ambassador, or it would have been
addressed to the Foreign Secretary, who at that time was Lord Palmerston,
and whose reply would certainly not have fallen short of Lord John's,
either in emphasis or distinctness. It may well be, however, that the
Government of King Louis Philippe--whose chief advisers during the period
were Thiers (1839 to 1840) and Guizot (from July 1840)--desired to make
their inquiry in a semi-official manner to avoid causing offence.
Yet the fact cannot escape notice, that at this particular time the
French were busily laying the foundation of that new colonial dominion
with which they have persevered, with admirable results, since the
collapse of their oversea power during Napoleon's regime. Though their
aptitude for colonisation had been "unhappily rendered sterile by the
faults of their European policy,"* (* Fallot, L'Avenir Colonial de la
France page 4.) the more far-seeing among their statesmen and publicists
did not lose sight of the ideal of creating a new field for the diffusion
of French civilisation. They commenced in 1827 that colonising enterprise
in Algiers which has converted "a sombre and redoubtable barbarian coast"
into "a twin sister of the Riviera of Nice, charming as she, upon the
other side of the Mediterranean."* (* Hanotaux, L'Energie Francaise
(1902) page 284.)
Lord John Russell was not likely to be regardless of this movement, nor
unaware of the strongly marked current of opinion in France in favour of
expansion.
Twenty years later Lord John Russell had the position of Australia, as a
factor in world politics, brought under his notice again, through a
document to which he evidently attached importance, and which is still
the legitimate subject of historical curiosity. He was then Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs in the second Palmerston Administration (1859
to 1865). A great change had meanwhile taken place affecting the economic
value of this large island in the South Seas. Apart from the growth of
its commerce and the productive capacity of its great fertile areas, the
gold discoveries of the early fifties--the nuggets of Ballarat and the
rich auriferous gravels of wide belts of country--had turned the eyes of
the world towards the land of whose agricultural and mineral resources so
little had been previously known. France, too, had passed through a new
series of changes in her very mutable modern history, and a Bonaparte
once more occupied the throne, as Napoleon III.
One day the British Foreign Minister received, from a source of which we
know nothing--but the Foreign Office in the Palmerstonian epoch was
exceedingly well informed--a communication which, having read, he did not
deposit among the official documents at Downing Street, but carefully
sealed up and placed among his own private papers. His biographer, Sir
Spencer Walpole, tells us all that is at present known about this
mysterious piece of writing. "There is still among Lord John's papers,"
he says, "a simple document which purports to be a translation of a
series of confidential questions issued by Napoleon III on the
possibility of a French expedition, secretly collected in different
ports, invading, conquering, and holding Australia. How the paper reached
the Foreign Office, what credit was attached to it, what measures were
suggested by it, there is no evidence to show. This only is certain. Lord
John dealt with it as he occasionally dealt with confidential papers
which he did not think it right to destroy, but which he did not wish to
be known. He enclosed it in an envelope, sealed it with his own seal, and
addressed it to himself. It was so found after his death."* (* Walpole,
Life of Lord John Russell 2 177.)
Oddly enough, the period within which Lord John received the piece of
information which he carefully kept to himself in the manner described,
corresponds with that of the most notorious effort of Napoleon III to
assert his power beyond the confines of Europe.
In 1853, the year after the establishment of the second Empire, the
Government of Napoleon III had annexed New Caledonia, commencing on this
island the policy of transportation in the very year in which Great
Britain ceased to send convicts to Australia. Thus for the first time did
France secure a footing in the South. This was a safe step to take, as
the annexation was performed with the concurrence of Great Britain. But
Napoleon's oversea move of nine years later was rash in the extreme.
From 1862 to 1866--after a joint Anglo-French-Spanish movement to compel
the Republic of Mexico to discharge her debts to European bondholders,
and after a disagreement between the allies which led to the withdrawal
of the British and the Spaniards--forty thousand French troops were
engaged upon the quixotic task of disciplining Mexican opinion,
suppressing civil war, and imposing upon the people an unwelcome and
absurd sovereign in the person of Maximilian of Austria. His throne
endured as long as the French battalions remained to support it. When
they withdrew, Maximilian was deposed, court-marshalled, and shot. The
wild folly of the Mexican enterprise, from which France had nothing to
gain, illustrated in an expensive form the unbalanced judgment and the
soaring megalomaniac propensities of "the man of December." That he
should institute such inquiries as are indicated by the document
described by Lord John Russell's biographer, even though the preservation
of friendly relations with Great Britain was essential to him, was quite
in accordance with the "somewhat crafty" character of the man of whom a
contemporary French historian has said: "He knew how to keep his own
counsel, how to brood over a design, and how to reveal it suddenly when
he felt that his moment had come."* (* M. Albert Thomas in Cambridge
Modern History 11 287.) It is a little singular, however, that Russell
did not allude to the mysterious paper when he wrote his Recollections
and Suggestions, five years after the fall of Napoleon III. There was no
imperative need for secrecy then, and the passage quoted from his book
indicates that the welfare of Australia was under his consideration.
The facts set forth in the preceding pages are sufficient to show that
the people of no portion of the British Empire have greater reason to be
grateful for the benefits conferred by the naval strength maintained by
the mother country, during the past one hundred years, than have those
who occupy Australia. Their country has indeed been, in a special degree,
the nursling of sea power. By naval predominance, and that alone, the way
has been kept clear for the unimpeded development, on British
constitutional lines, of a group of flourishing states forming "one
continent-isle," whose bounds are "the girdling seas alone."
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
ALARD, Eloge Historique de Francois Peron, redacteur du Voyage de
Decouvertes aux Terres Australes. Paris, 1811.
Almanac de Gotha, 1811, contains a good narrative of the Baudin
expedition, founded on Peron's first volume, giving an account of the
discoveries claimed to have been made.
Annual Register, 1800 to 1814. Various References.
AUDIAT, Louis, Peron, sa vie, ses voyages (en Oceanie) et ses ouvrages.
Moulins, 1855.
AULARD, A., Paris sous le Consulat. 5 volumes. Paris, 1903.
BANKS, THOMAS, System of Universal Geography. 2 volumes. London, 1790.
BAUDIN, NICOLAS, Lettre sur la Nouvelle Hollande, in Annales du Musee
d'Histoire Naturelle, volume 2 pages 415 to 422. Paris, 1809.
BECKE, LOUIS, and JEFFERY, WALTER, Naval Pioneers of Australia. London,
1899.
BLADEN, F.M. (Editor), Historical Records of New South Wales. 7 volumes.
Sydney, 1893 to 1901. The most important collection of Australian
historical material up to the year 1812; prints all the important
documents preserved in the Record Office, Colonial Office, and Admiralty.
An indispensable work.
BLAIR, DAVID, Cyclopaedia of Australasia. Melbourne, 1811. Useful, but to
be used with caution.
BONWICK, J., Port Phillip Settlement. London, 1883.
BORY ST. VINCENT, J.B.G., "Histoire de la traversee du Capitaine Baudin
jusqu'au Port Louis de L'Ile Maurice, in Voyage dans les quatre
principales iles des mers d'Afrique, 1801 to 1802. 3 volumes. Paris,
1804.
BOUGAINVILLE, LOUIS ANTOINE DE, Voyage autour du monde par la fregate du
roi La Boudeux et la flute L'Etoile, en 1766 a 1769. Paris, 1771;
Neuchatel, 1773.
BOUGAINVILLE, THE BARON DE, journal de la Navigation du monde de la
fregate La Thetis et de la corvette L'Esperance pendant les annees 1824
to 1826. Paris, 1828 to 1837.
BROSSES, CHARLES DE, Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes. 2
volumes. Paris, 1756. The series of organised French expeditions to the
South Seas was largely impelled by the publication of this work.
BURNEY, JAMES, Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea
or Pacific Ocean. 5 volumes. London, 1803 to 1817.
BURNEY, JAMES, Voyages and Discoveries in the South Seas. 2 volumes.
London, 1806.
CALLANDER, JOHN, Terra Australis Cognita. 3 volumes Edinburgh, 1766 to
1768.
CHEVALIER, E., Histoire de la marine francaise sous le Consulat et
l'Empire. Paris, 1886.
CLEVELAND'S Voyages, volume 1 page 35. London, 1842.
COCKBURN, RODNEY, Nomenclature of South Australia. Adelaide, 1909.
COLLINGRIDGE, GEORGE, Discovery of Australia. Sydney, 1895.
COLLINS, DAVID, Account of the English Colony in New South Wales from its
first Settlement in January 1788 to August 1801. London, 1804. Contains a
contemporary account of the discoveries of Bass and Flinders in the Tom
Thumb, the whale-boat, and the Norfolk; embodying Bass's diary.
COOK, JAMES, Voyage towards the South Pole and round the World, performed
in His Majesty's Ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years 1772 to
1775. 2 volumes. London, 1777.
COOK, JAMES, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean in His Majesty's Ships the
Resolution and the Discovery, in the Years 1776 to 1780. 3 volumes.
London, 1784.
COOK, Journal during his first Voyage round the World made in H.M. Bark
the Endeavour, 1768 to 1771, edited by Captain W.J.L. Wharton. London,
1893.
(There have been many reprints of Cook's Voyages, and many translations.
The best Biography of Cook is that of Kitson, 1907. Besant's brief Life
(1890) is also good.)
DAHLGREN, E.W., Voyages francaises a destination de la mer du Sud avant
Bougainville, 1695 to 1749. Paris, 1908. Contains notices of eleven
French voyages of circumnavigation and 175 South Sea voyages accomplished
by the French before Bougainville.
DALRYMPLE, ALEXANDER, Account of the Discoveries made in the South
Pacific Ocean Previous to 1764. London, 1767.
DALRYMPLE, ALEX., Collection of the Several Voyages and Discoveries in
the South Pacific Ocean. 2 volumes. London, 1770.
DAMPIER, WILLIAM, Voyages. 3 volumes. London, 1703 to 1705. An excellent
reprint of Dampier's Voyages, edited by John Masefield, was published in
1906.
DELEUZE, F. Peron. 1811.
DUCASSE, Histoire des negotiations diplomatiques relatives aux traites de
Morfontaine, de Luneville et d'Amiens. Paris, 1857.
DUMONT D'URVILLE, JULES SABASTIAN CESAR, Voyage pittoresque autour du
monde. 2 volumes. Paris, 1839.
DUMONT D'URVILLE, Voyage de la corvette l'Astrolabe pendant les annees
1826-1829, sous le commandement de. Paris, 1830.
DUPONCHAL, Voyages, volume 6 pages 167 to 219. Paris, 1841.
EVANS, Captain, A Treatise on the Navigation of Port Phillip. Melbourne.
FALLOT, L'Avenir colonial de la France. Paris, 1903.
FAVENC, ERNEST, History of Australian Exploration. Sydney, 1888.
FERGUSON, Sailing Directions for Port Phillip. Melbourne, 1854.
FINDLEY, Navigation of the South Pacific Ocean. London, 1863.
FISHER, H.A.L., Bonapartism. Oxford, 1908. Six lectures. On page 92 is a
reference to the alleged designs of Napoleon III on Australia, based on
Walpole's Life of Lord John Russell.
FLINDERS, MATTHEW, Voyage to Terra Australis in the Years 1801 to 1803,
in His Majesty's Ship the Investigator, and subsequently in the Armed
Vessel Porpoise and Cumberland Schooner, with an Account of the Shipwreck
of the Porpoise, arrival of the Cumberland at Mauritius, and Imprisonment
of the Commander during six and a half Years in that Island. 2 volumes,
quarto, with large folio atlas. London, 1814. The foundation authority
for all circumstances affecting Flinders' discoveries and his experiences
at Mauritius.
FLINDERS, M., Observations on the Coast of Van Diemen's Land. London,
1801.
FREVILLE, Hydrographie de la Mer du Sud: Histoire des Nouvelles
Decouvertes. Paris, 1774.
FREYCINET, LOUIS DE, Voyage autour du monde. Paris, 1827.
FREYCINET, LOUIS DE. See also under Peron and Freycinet.
GAFFAREL, P., La Politique coloniale en France de 1789 a 1830. Paris,
1908.
GARNIER, Voyages Abreges, volume 2 pages 176 to 180. Paris, 1837.
GIRARD, M., Francois Peron, 1857.
GRANT, JAMES, Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery. London, 1803. Grant's
eye-chart shows the main features of the extensive south coast of
Australia from Mount Gambia to Wilson's Promontory, and contains frequent
mention of Bass and Flinders. He was the first to sail through Bass
Strait from the west.
GREGORY, J.W., Geography of Australasia. London, 1907. The best book on
the subject. The author was formerly professor of geology at the
University of Melbourne, and has an unusually intimate knowledge of the
country, the result of wide and observant travel.
HAUSLEUTNER, P.W.G., German translation of Peron and Freycinet's Voyage
aux Terres Australes. Tubingen and Stuttgart, 2 volumes, 1808 to 1819.
HOEFER (Editor), Nouvelle Biographie Generale. Paris, 46 volumes, 1852 to
1866. Article on Flinders in Volume 46 by Alfred de Lacaze; also
biographies of Peron and Decaen.
HUMBOLDT, ALEXANDER VON, Personal Narrative of Travels. London, 1814.
Volume 1 pages 7 to 8, contains an account of the original objects and
scope of Baudin's expedition.
HUNTER, JOHN, Historical Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and
Norfolk Island, with the Discoveries which have been made in New South
Wales and in the Southern Ocean since the Publication of Phillip's
Voyage. London, 1793.
JOSE, A.W., Australasia, 1901. The best brief history of Australia.
KERR, ROBERT, General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels. 18
volumes. London, 1824. Volume 18 contains an appreciation of the work of
Flinders.
KIRKPATRICK, F.A. (Editor), Lectures on the Nineteenth Century. 1908.
Contains a lecture by Dr. Holland Rose bearing upon the Baudin expedition
and the Terre Napoleon maps.
LABORDE, J.B., Histoire Abregee de la Mer du Sud. 3 volumes. Paris, 1791.
A rare book, though not so important as the work of De Brosses, upon
which it was founded. It was written "pour l'education of M. le Dauphin."
LAURIE, J.S., Story of Australasia. 1896.
LABILLARDIERE, J.J.H. DE, Relation du Voyage a la recherche de la
Perouse. 2 volumes. Paris.
LABILLIERE, Early History of Victoria. London, 1878.
LEE, IDA, The Coming of the British to Australia, 1788 to 1824. London,
1906.
LEROY-BEAULIEU, Colonisation chez les peuples modernes. 2 volumes. Paris,
1902.
MAHAN, A.T., Life of Nelson. London, 1899.
MAIDEN, J.H., Sir Joseph Banks, the Father of Australia. Sydney, 1909.
Prints many of Banks's letters.
MAJOR, R.H., Early Voyages to Terra Australis, now called Australia.
London, 1859. One of the Hakluyt Society's valuable volumes.
MASSON, F., Napoleon Inconnu: Papiers Inedits. Paris, 1895.
MILBERT, M.J., Voyage pittoresque a l'Ile de France au cap de Bonne
Esperance et a l'ile de Teneriffe, 1800 a 1803, par M.J. Milbert, peintre
embarque sur la corvette Le Geographe, et directeur des gravures de la
partie historique du voyage aux Terres Australes. 2 volumes. Paris, 1812.
MILET-MUREAU, L.A., Voyage autour du monde du Comte Jean Francois Galaup
de la Perouse. 4 volumes. Paris, 1797.
Moniteur, Le, 1800 to 1814. Napoleon's official organ contains various
allusions to Baudin's expedition and to Flinders. See exact references in
text.
MONTEMONT, Voyages, Volume 18. pages 3 to 49. Paris, 1834.
NAPOLEON I, Correspondance. 32 volumes. 1858 to 1870. A letter relating
to Baudin's expedition in Volume 6, and a reference to Port Jackson in
Volume 20.
Naval Chronicle, 1799 to 1818. Various references to Baudin's expedition;
there is a biographical sketch of Flinders in Volume 32, with portrait
and facsimile of signature; account of Flinders' imprisonment at the Isle
of France in Volume 14; letters from Flinders in Volume 26; other
facsimiles of signature in Volumes 26 and 28; memorandum by Flinders on
deflections of the compass needle in Volume 28; discovery of Bass Strait
recorded in Volume 28.
NODIER et DESPLACES (Editors), Biographie Universelle. Paris, 1814, and
later years. Contains biographies of Peron and Decaen; the biography of
Flinders, by Walckenaer, in Volume 14, is excellent.
PATERSON G., History of New South Wales. Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1811. Mention
of Flinders; and especially interesting on account of its map, showing
Bass Strait, and Tasmania as an island, but indicating the southern coast
of Australia by a line which represented a guess.
PERON and FREYCINET, Voyage de decouvertes aux Terre Australes, execute
par ordre de sa majeste l'Empereur et Roi, sur les corvettes Le Geographe
et Le Naturaliste et la goelette Le Casuarina, pendant les annees 1800,
1801, 1802, 1803, et 1804; publie par decret imperial sous le ministere
de M. de Champagny, et redige par M. F. Peron, naturalisle de
l'expedition, correspondant de l'Institut de France, de la Societe de
l'Ecole de Medecine de Paris, des Societes philomatriques et medicale de
la meme ville. Paris, 1807 to 1817.
First volume by Peron, published 1807.
Second volume by Peron and Freycinet, published 1816.
Third volume by Freycinet, published 1815, all in quarto.
Second edition of the historical narrative, edited by Freycinet,
published in three volumes, octavo, 1824.
First atlas by Freycinet, Lesueur, Petit, and others, published 1807.
Atlas re-issued, enlarged, 1812.
Revised atlas, with names on Terre Napoleon maps entirely altered,
published 1817.
Hydrographical atlas by Freycinet, published 1812.
An English translation of volume one was published, London, 1809.
PHILLIP'S Voyages. London, 1805, Volume 3 pages 1 to 71, contains a
narrative of the passage of Captain Baudin to Port Louis in Mauritius.
PINKERTON, Modern Geography. 2 volumes. London, 1807.
PINKERTON, Voyages, Volume 11 pages 739 to 952. London, 1812.
PRENTOUT, HENRI, L'Ile de France sous Decaen, 1803 to 1810. Paris, 1901.
Based upon the voluminous papers of General Decaen, preserved at Caen; a
most valuable book.
Quarterly Review, volume 4 (1810) page 42, article on first volume of
Peron's Voyage, very strongly condemnatory; volume 17 (1817) page 229,
article on the second volume, dealing largely with Freycinet's work. The
first article was based partly on Flinders' Manuscript journal, lent to
the reviewer by the Admiralty.
ROCHON, Nouveau voyage a la mer du Sud, commence sous les ordres de M.
Marion, et ackeve sous M. Duclesmeur. Paris, 1783.
ROGERS, J.D., Historical Geography of Australasia. Oxford, 1907.
ROSE, JOHN HOLLAND, Life of Napoleon 1. 2 volumes. London, 1904. Volume 1
cap 15 gives an account of Flinders' voyage and a reproduction of part of
the map of Australia published with Peron's Voyage de Decouvertes.
ROSE, JOHN HOLLAND, Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. Cambridge, 1895.
Reference to Baudin's expedition.
ROSEBERY, EARL OF, Napoleon, the Last Phase. London 1900.
ROSS, C., Correspondence of Cornwallis. 3 Volumes. 1859. Relative to the
Treaty of Amiens.
ROSSEL, E.P.E. DE, Voyage de D'Entrecasteaux, envoye a la recherche de La
Perouse. Paris, 1808.
RUSDEN, G.W., History of Australia. 3 volumes. London, 1883.
RUSDEN, G.W., Discovery, Survey and Settlement of Port Phillip.
Melbourne, 1871.
RUSSELL, EARL, Recollections and Suggestions. London, 1875. See Lord
Russell's allusion to French inquiries regarding British claims to
Australia.
SHILLINGLAW, J.J., Historical Records of Port Phillip. Melbourne, 1879.
STEPHEN, LESLIE and LEE, SIDNEY (Editors) Dictionary of National
Biography. London, 1885 to 1901. Biography of Flinders, by Sir J.K.
Laughton, in Volume 19 is important.
TESSIER, article on "Le General Decaen aux Indes," in Revue Historique,
volume 15. (1881).
TESSIER, articles on "Les papiers du General Decaen," in La Nouvelle
Revue, volumes 11 and 12 (1881).
THIBAUDEAU, A.C., Bonaparte and the Consulate, translated by G.K.
Fortescu. London, 1908.
THIERS, Histoire du Consulat et de L'Empire. 20 volumes. Paris, 1845.
TRAILL, H.D., Life of Sir John Franklin. London, 1896.
TUCKEY, J.H., Account of a Voyage to Establish a Colony at Port Phillip
in the Years 1802, 1803 and 1804. London, 1805.
TURNBULL, JOHN, Voyage round the World in the Years 1800 to 1804, in
which the Author visited Madeira, the Brazils, Cape of Good Hope, Botany
Bay, and Norfolk Island (pages 473 to 490). London, 1813.
TURNER, H.G., History of the Colony of Victoria. 2 volumes. London, 1904.
WALCKENAER, C.A., Le Monde maritime, ou tableau geographique et
historique de l'archipel d'Orient, de la Polynisie, et de l'Australie. 2
volumes. Paris, 1819.
WALKER, JAMES BACKHOUSE, Early Tasmania. Hobart, 1902. Gives an account
of the visit of Baudin's expedition to Tasmanian waters.
WALPOLE, SPENCER, Life of Lord John Russell. 2 volumes. London, 1891. See
the reference to the alleged designs upon Australia of Napoleon III.
WARD, A.W., PROTHERO, E.W., and LEATHES, S. (Editors), Cambridge Modern
History, volume 9, Cambridge, 1906, cap 23, by Professor Egerton; also
chapter in Volume 11, by J.D. Rogers, on the Development of Australia.
WOODS, J.E.T., History of the Discovery and Exploration of Australia. 2
volumes London, 1865.
INDEX.
Abercrombie, General, capture of Mauritius.
Aboriginals:
Tasmanian.
in Western Australia.
Ah Sam.
Amiens, Peace of.
Australasia, name coined by De Brosses.
Australia:
causes of her peaceful progress.
colonisation of.
defence during Napoleonic wars.
Flinders' completion of discovery of.
geographical theories concerning.
name of.
first complete map of.
effect of Napoleonic wars on history of.
effect of suspicion of French designs.
Lord John Russell claims "the whole" for the British.
supposed plan of Napoleon III.
the nursling of sea power.
Banks, Sir Joseph:
friendship for Flinders.
on Baudin's explorations.
influence with Napoleon.
endeavours to secure the liberation of Flinders.
suggests the voyage of the Investigator.
the friend of Australia.
Bass, George:
his whale-boat voyage.
his drawing of Bass Strait.
his boat preserved at Sydney.
Bass Strait:
discovered.
Flinders' chart of.
French charts.
Captain Hamelin in.
Batman.
Baudin des Ardennes, Lt. Charles.
Baudin, Captain Nicolas:
command of Le Geographe.
scurvy on board.
wretched condition of his crew.
interview with Flinders in Encounter Bay.
second interview.
the missing of Port Phillip.
official dissatisfaction with his work.
unjustly blamed.
responsibility for the nomenclature, his discoveries.
at King Island.
equipment of Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste.
Humboldt's dislike of.
early career.
anecdote of.
unpopularity of.
feted before sailing.
sails from Havre.
seamanship.
reaches Australia.
negligent exploration.
at Timor.
the Virginia Incident.
insanitary state of his ships.
his obstinacy, storms encountered by his ships.
enfeebled condition of his crew.
reaches Port Jackson.
blamed Peron.
abandonment of Boullanger.
view of Port Jackson.
his frankness.
hands over his papers and journals to Governor King.
farewell letter.
at King Island.
his annoyance.
denies that French settlement was intended.
views on colonisation.
sails for Kangaroo Island.
singular temper.
harsh conduct.
second visit to Timor.
northern Australian exploration.
return to Mauritius.
death of.
Bernier.
Bligh:
Flinders' training under.
his voyage with Cook.
the Bounty mutiny.
Bougainville, Louis de:
his voyage.
a promoter of Baudin's expedition.
Bougainville, the Baron de, his voyage.
Boullanger:
abandoned by Baudin.
in the gulfs.
Brown, Robert, botanist, on the Investigator.
Canada.
Cape of Good Hope.
Carpentaria:
supposed strait from gulf to Southern Australia.
Napoleon's knowledge of.
Flinders' exploration of.
Casuarina:
purchase of the.
See Freycinet.
Catastrophe, Cape.
Ceylon.
Convict colonisation:
Napoleon's plans at Madagascar.
the British at Port Jackson.
Peron's view of.
Baudin's view.
Institute of France on.
Napoleon's belief in.
Cook, James:
his school of navigators.
his influence.
discovery of Port Jackson.
La Perouse and.
Napoleon and his voyages.
Cumberland H.M.S., see Flinders and Robbins.
Cuvier.
Dampier.
Dance, Commodore, his exploit off Polo Aor.
De Brosses:
advocacy of French South Sea exploration.
coins the word Australasia.
history of Austral navigations.
Decaen, General:
at Pondicherry.
governor of the Isle of France.
imprisonment of Flinders.
early career and character.
reasons for retaining Flinders' papers.
Peron's report to, concerning British designs.
surrender of Isle of France.
British officers refuse to dine with.
return to France.
later career and death.
Decres.
Degerando.
Dentrecasteaux.
Dolphins as food.
Dumont-Durville.
Durham, Lord, report on Canada.
East India Company, fears as to Napoleon's designs on Australia.
Encounter Bay, meeting of Flinders and Baudin at.
Fame, ship.
Fleurieu.
Flinders, Matthew:
in command of the Investigator.
his thoroughness.
methods as an explorer.
training and early achievements.
healthiness of his crew.
their affection for him.
meeting with Baudin in Encounter Bay.
demands Baudin's passport.
the chart of Bass Strait.
second interview.
Baudin's curiosity.
examination, of Port Phillip.
his misfortunes.
his excuses for Peron.
general indignation at his treatment.
the French and his charts.
his third log-book.
refusal to dine with Decaen.
released.
interest in La Perouse.
circumnavigation of Australia.
Forfait.
France:
colonial possessions.
effect of her European policy on colonies.
Franklin, Sir John.
Freycinet, Henri de.
Freycinet, Louis de:
alleged observation of Port Phillip.
his defence of his charts.
his revised atlas.
alleged use of Flinders' charts.
command of the Casuarina.
command of the Uranie and Physicienne.
appropriation of the Dirk Haticks plate.
suppression of Napoleon's name from Peron's text.
expresses regret at the procrastination of his commander.
explores the gulfs.
a precarious situation.
return to Europe.
his charting work.
Geographe, Le, see Baudin.
Giants at Sharks Bay.
Gibbon.
Grant, commander of the Lady Nelson.
Greville, C.F.
Grimes, surveyor of Port Phillip.
Guiana.
Hamelin, Captain:
commander of Le Naturaliste.
report to French Government.
his return to Europe.
protection of the Dirk Haticks plate.
separated from Le Geographe.
in Westernport.
enters Port Jackson.
leaves and returns.
sails for Europe.
captured by British frigate.
arrival at Havre.
Hobart, Lord.
Humboldt, projected voyage with Baudin's expedition.
India, the French in.
Institute of France:
promotion of Baudin's expedition.
committee of.
instructions for voyage.
report on voyage.
Investigator, see Flinders.
Isle of France, see Mauritius.
Java.
Josephine, Empress.
Jussieu.
Kangaroo Island:
Flinders' discovery of.
contrary winds at.
naming of.
French name for.
Frenchman's Rock on.
Freycinet's charting of.
Baudin's second visit.
King Island:
Baudin's missing of.
French ships at.
mistake as to.
Acting Lieutenant Robbins at.
hospitality of sealers at.
King, P.G.:
governor of New South Wales.
assists the French ships at Port Jackson.
his suspicions.
suggests founding a settlement at Port Phillip.
peruses Baudin's papers.
hears disturbing rumours.
sends the Cumberland after Baudin.
letter to Baudin.
his objects.
colonisation of Tasmania.
Lacepede.
Lady Nelson, H.M.S., see Murray and Grant.
La Perouse.
Laplace.
Linois, Admiral:
his squadron in the Indian Ocean.
sails to meet East India Company's fleet.
engagement off Polo Aor.
flight of the French.
Napoleon's comments.
his timidity.
Louisiana, sale of.
Lucas Island.
Madagascar, Napoleon's plan for colonising.
Malta.
Marion-Dufresne.
Maupertuis:
his Petites Lettres.
his influence.
his ghost.
Mauritius:
the French in.
their precarious situation.
Flinders' imprisonment at.
blockaded and captured.
Melbourne.
Mexican enterprise of Napoleon III.
Milius, Captain, takes Le Geographe home.
Minerva, H.M.S.
Mollineux, Emmerie, his map.
Morand, the bank-note forger.
Murray, Lieutenant:
discoverer of Port Phillip.
his qualifications.
Napoleon:
plan for colonising Madagascar.
comments on Linois.
retort to Decres.
direction to "take Port Jackson".
his name applied to coasts discovered by Baudin.
the Flinders case.
promotion of Decaen.
motives in despatching Baudin's expedition.
the proposition of the Institute.
interest in geographical science.
his character during the Consulate.
kindness to Ah Sam.
view of the lower races.
receives Peron.
Napoleon III, supposed designs on Australia.
Naturaliste, Le, see Baudin.
Nelson.
New Caledonia.
New Hebrides.
Norfolk, H.M.S., explorations in.
Norfolk Island, Peron's report on.
Otto, L.G.
Paterson, Lieutenant-Colonel.
Peron, François:
naturalist.
narrative of the meeting in Encounter Bay.
its unreliable character.
historian of Baudin's expedition.
zeal as a scientist.
report on British designs in the Pacific.
early career.
appointed to Le Geographe.
among Tasmanian aboriginals.
account of a great storm.
blames Baudin.
opinion of British navigators.
account of the Port Jackson settlement.
view of savage man.
account of the King Island incident.
view of British polity.
at Port Lincoln.
at Sharks Bay.
adventure with "giants".
distressing experiences.
harsh conduct of Baudin.
chronicles Baudin's death.
received by Napoleon.
death of.
scientific work of.
on phosphorescence.
a pupil of Cuvier.
Port Darwin.
Port Jackson:
population and means of defence during Napoleonic wars.
Admiral Linois's great chance.
Napoleon's direction to "take Port Jackson".
Baudin's entry.
French camp at Neutral Bay.
Peron's account of the settlement.
Baudin's account.
Port Lincoln.
Port Phillip:
discovery.
navigation of.
Freycinet's account of.
Flinders in.
the Rip of.
French chart of.
Grimes's survey.
King suggests settlement at.
Proselite, H.M.S.
Quarterly Review:
article of 1810.
singular error of.
article of.
Quiros.
Robbins, Acting-Lieutenant.
Rose, Dr. J. Holland:
Life of Napoleon.
view of Napoleon's designs.
Russell, Lord John:
claim of "the whole" of Australia for the British.
supposed plans of Napoleon III.
St. Vincent, Earl.
St. Vincent's Gulf:
discovered.
French name for.
Freycinet's exploration of.
San Domingo.
Scurvy on the French exploring ships.
Shakespeare, the "new map" of Twelfth Night.
Sharks Bay.
Snow Harrington, sealing brig.
Spencer, Earl.
Spencer's Gulf:
discovered.
French name for.
Freycinet's exploration of.
Swan River settlement.
Sydney, see Port Jackson.
Taillefer, surgeon on Le Geographe.
Talleyrand Bay.
Tasman.
Tasmania:
circumnavigated.
De Brosses' view of.
Institute of France and.
Baudin at.
supposed French designs on.
colonisation of.
Terre Napoleon:
nature of the country.
nomenclature of.
charts of.
true limits of the territory.
names upon it.
Thibaudeau.
Thistle Island.
Toussaint L'Ouverture.
Trafalgar, battle of.
Vancouver, George.
Van Diemen's Land, see Tasmania.
Virginia, H.M.S.
Voltaire.
Westernport:
and the French Port du Debut.
Le Naturaliste at.
projected settlement at.
West Indies.