CHAPTER IX

BYWAYS OF CUSTOM

Among those who had made speeches to us after the dancing was the

headman of Hakupu village, whose features had been destroyed by the

ravages of lupus. The roof of his mouth being also involved, his

speech was hardly intelligible even to Mr. Lawes. "I am afflicted, as

you see," he said, "yet could I not bear to let this day pass without

bidding you welcome to Niué-Fekai." I questioned Mr. Head about the

diseases of the natives. He said that yaws (Frambæsia, so called from

the strawberry-like appearance of the eruption), and phthisis, coughs

and colds were quite unknown before the arrival of the Samoan teachers.

The people, when he first arrived on the island, generally died of old

age. The diseases of that time were _makulokuli_, an urinary trouble,

lupus and scrofula. Since intercourse with ships has become common,

there has been ample justification for the policy that earned for the

Niuéans from Cook the title of Savage Islanders. Nowadays every child

has yaws as a matter of course, though, being a contagious disease,

it might easily be stamped out by isolation. Whooping-cough has never

left the island since its introduction. Measles, brought in two years

ago by a labourer returning from abroad, occasioned about one hundred

deaths, but though it lasted twelve months, so efficient was the native

quarantine of infected villages that Tuapa escaped it altogether. The

worst form of contagious disease, unknown thirty-four years ago, is

said now to be common in the tertiary stage, especially among infants.

As its name, _tona Tahiti_ (Tahitian yaws), implies, it was introduced

from Tahiti during the sixties. There is not much ophthalmia, and

deformities are rare. There are a few cases of insanity--our friend,

the Admiral's sister, is fast qualifying to rank among them--and the

people do not treat them kindly.

Serious illness is still regarded as possession by the spirit of

some dead person, and a necessary part of the treatment is to evict

the spirit in possession. I have already told how a mother destroyed

her daughter's grave by fire in order to burn the spirit that was

afflicting her. Nearly all the old women are medical practitioners.

The number of herbal decoctions that they administer to a sick

person is incredible. If one fails in working a cure before their eyes,

they administer another, and if the patient persists in dying after

drinking them all, as is not uncommon, they lay the blame upon the

spirit, and their practice suffers no injury. The best known of these

native doctors exact heavy fees in kind for their services, but their

faith in their own nostrums must be rather slender, for they

themselves, when taken ill, resort to the Mission dispensary. Mr.

Lawes and Mr. Head, who both dispense medicines for the natives,

are agreed in finding that the natives are more susceptible to the

action of drugs than Europeans, and require smaller doses.

[Illustration: A GRAVE IN TONGA

Made of coral, white sand, and polished black pebbles. The garlands

worn by friends are suspended above as a mark of affection

_From a photograph by J. Martin, Auckland._

To face page 134

]

Families are large. Five or six children are quite common, and there is

more than one woman now alive who has given birth to sixteen children.

There used to be no barren women, though now childless women are not

unknown. These generally adopt children, whom they treat with the same

affection as if they had borne them. The marriage of first cousins

is not popular as in Fiji, though there is a trace of the sentiment

that has produced the curious custom of concubitancy practised by the

Fijians. The offspring of two sisters are absolutely forbidden to

marry, but the children of two brothers, or of a brother and sister,

may do so without shocking the sentiments of the community. In the

case of the offspring of two sisters the prohibition dates from a time

when a man who married one member of a family had a right to marry all

her sisters, and it was never certain that the children of sisters had

not the same father. The population of 4,576, as will be seen in the

returns in the appendix, is now stationary.

Relationships are traced back for four or five generations. The people

seem to be in a transition state between Patriarchy and Matriarchy. A

grown-up son inherits his father's house and land, but the daughters

seem to have claims upon their mother's brother, and though these

claims are universally recognised, there is nothing approaching the

extraordinary rights of the Fijian _vasu_.

The land is the common property of the septs, represented by their

heads. The present boundaries are not of old standing, for in fighting

times the braves (_toa_) ignored all rights, and seized upon any land

they thought themselves strong enough to hold, and some of this spirit

still survives. But there is land enough for all and to spare, and

the junior members of a sept come to their laird whenever they are in

need of land to plant on. There is individual ownership in a sense,

because a title can be acquired by cultivation, and the sons inherit

their father's land; but no landowner can demise his holding to anyone

outside the limits of his sept, and, in default of heirs, the land

reverts to the head of the sept for assignment to other members of it.

The headman receives a sort of rent in the form of labour and produce,

and the firstfruits, formerly offered to the gods, are sometimes

presented to him. Last year the Pacific Islands Company applied for a

lease of two hundred acres in the interior for a plantation, and as

there were no native plantations on the land, they considered that

the refusal of their application was due to mere obstruction. As King

Tongia had laid great emphasis upon one of his laws which prohibited

the sale of land to foreigners, I thought it possible that he did

not understand the difference between a lease and a sale, and I was

at some pains to explain that the company was not asking him to do

anything contrary to the spirit of the law. But he replied that the

refusal rested upon other grounds. The persons who had expressed their

willingness to lease were in fact not the exclusive owners. Every

member of several different septs would claim a voice in granting the

lease, and the boundaries of this unoccupied land were so ill-defined

that the division of the rent would lead to endless bickering and

dispute. Moreover it might well happen that the poorer members of some

of the septs would be left landless, on the excuse that the lease of so

large an area had eaten up the land for which they might have applied.

He satisfied me that the boundaries would have to be settled by some

sort of commission before it would be prudent to grant leases for

plantations.

Like all the Polynesians, the Niuéans are possessed by an earth-hunger

that nothing will satisfy. Most of the jealousy between villages has

its root in land disputes, and the land question is daily becoming

more complicated through the system that allows titles to be acquired

by cultivation, because the entanglements can no longer be cut

periodically by the sword, or rather by the paddle-shaped club. The

planting of plantains or of yams by leave of the owner confers no

title, but the planting of cocoanuts and other fruit trees does so. In

Fiji it is not uncommon for one man to own the land and another the

trees growing upon it, but in Niué the trees carry the land with them.

Thus, there being no boundary marks, encroachment by tree-planting

is a continual source of friction. It presses particularly hard upon

widows and orphans, whose protests against tree-planting are unheeded,

and who are frequently robbed of land inherited from their dead

husbands and fathers in this way. The excuse usually given for this

injustice is that widows and orphans are in wrongful possession, for

their connection with the dead man's sept ceases with his death, and

they should go back to their own kin for land to plant on; but that

this argument is regarded as sophistry is shown by the fact that the

majority of natives condemn the practice.

I have purposely refrained from touching on the flora and fauna of Niué

because they are subjects that are better left by the passing traveller

to the specialist, who is certain sooner or later to visit so promising

a field as a solitary island originally destitute of domestic animals.

Unlike human customs, which change with the old order, the fauna of

an island is not affected by the fictions of human statecraft; the

birds and the lizards and the land-shells will continue to breed their

kind under the Union Jack as they did when the Pulangi Tau swayed the

destinies of Niué-Fekai. But I must make an exception in favour of the

_Musca Domestica_, the common house-fly. All the later visitors agree

in describing the swarms of flies as an Egyptian plague. The bodies

of the men who came off the ships were black with them, and I knew

of them by reputation long before we arrived at the island. We were

prepared for the worst when our royal pilot boarded us, and we were

astonished to find that he came on board unattended. One of our first

questions was, "Where are your flies?" and we found that the Europeans

on shore shared our surprise. At Christmas, 1899, they had been as bad

as ever: then came February and March, unusually wet months, and the

flies entirely disappeared. During our stay not a fly was seen. Those

are the facts: entomologists must explain them. The house-fly, as most

people know, takes something under fourteen days from the laying of the

egg to the hatching of the pupa. The voracious larvæ are supposed to

earn their living by scavenging, but the Niuéans have dispensed with

their services for some months without being one penny the worse. Their

satisfaction will be short-lived: a new breed will be introduced by the

steamers, and Niué will be fly-blown again.

Savage Island: An Account of a Sojourn in Niué and Tonga · 第 9 / 15 章