domination anglaise_, pp. 66, 67, 185, 188. De Beaucourt, _loc. cit._
p. 362.]
[Footnote 2696: De Beaurepaire, _loc. cit._, p. 17. _Notes sur les
juges et assesseurs du proces de condamnation_, p. 117. _Recherches
sur le proces_, p. 124.]
From 1444, the realm of France, disembarrassed alike of adversaries
and of defenders, was free to labour, to work at various trades, to
engage in commerce and to grow rich. In the intervals between wars and
during truces, King Charles's government, by the interchange of
natural products and of merchandise, also, we may add, by the
abolition of tolls and dues on the Rivers Seine, Oise, and Loire,
effected the actual conquest of Normandy. Thus, when the time for
nominal conquest came, the French had only to take possession of the
province. So easy had this become, that in the rapid campaign of
1449,[2697] even the Constable was not beaten, neither was the Duke of
Alencon. In his royal and peaceful manner Charles VII resumed
possession of his town of Rouen, just as twenty years before he had
taken Troyes and Reims, as the result of an understanding with the
townsfolk and in return for an amnesty and the grant of rights and
privileges to the burghers. He entered the city on Monday, the 10th of
November, 1449.
[Footnote 2697: De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. v, ch.
i.]
The French government felt itself strong enough even to attempt the
reconquest of that essentially English province, Aquitaine. In 1451,
my Lord the Bastard, now Count of Dunois, took possession of the
fortress of Blaye. Bordeaux and Bayonne surrendered in the same year.
In the following manner did the Lord Bishop of Le Mans celebrate these
conquests, worthy of the majesty of the most Christian King.
"Maine, Normandy, Aquitaine, these goodly provinces have returned to
their allegiance to the King. Almost without the shedding of French
blood hath this been accomplished. It hath not been necessary to
overthrow the ramparts of many strongly walled towns, or to demolish
their fortifications or for the inhabitants to suffer either pillage
or murder."[2698]
[Footnote 2698: Lanery d'Arc, _Memoires et consultations en faveur de
Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 249.]
Indeed Normandy and Maine were quite content at being French once
more. The town of Bordeaux was alone in regretting the English, whose
departure spelt its ruin. It revolted in 1452; and then after
considerable difficulty was reconquered once and for all.
King Charles, henceforth rich and victorious, now desired to efface
the stain inflicted on his reputation by the sentence of 1431. He
wanted to prove to the whole world that it was no witch who had
conducted him to his coronation. He was now eager to appeal against
the condemnation of the Maid. But this condemnation had been
pronounced by the church, and the Pope alone could order it to be
cancelled. The King hoped to bring the Pope to do this, although he
knew it would not be easy. In the March of 1450, he proceeded to a
preliminary inquiry;[2699] and matters remained in that position until
the arrival in France of Cardinal d'Estouteville, the legate of the
Holy See. Pope Nicolas had sent him to negotiate with the King of
France a peace with England and a crusade against the Turks. Cardinal
d'Estouteville, who belonged to a Norman family, was just the man to
discover the weak points in Jeanne's trial. In order to curry favour
with Charles, he, as legate, set on foot a new inquiry at Rouen, with
the assistance of Jean Brehal, of the order of preaching friars, the
Inquisitor of the Faith in the kingdom of France. But the Pope did not
approve of the legate's intervention;[2700] and for three years the
revision was not proceeded with. Nicolas V would not allow it to be
thought that the sacred tribunal of the most holy Inquisition was
fallible and had even once pronounced an unjust sentence. And there
existed at Rome a stronger reason for not interfering with the trial
of 1431: the French demanded revision; the English were opposed to it;
and the Pope did not wish to annoy the English, for they were then
just as good and even better Catholics than the French.[2701]
[Footnote 2699: _Trial_, vol. ii, pp. 1, 22.]
[Footnote 2700: _Gallia Christiana_, vol. iii, col. 1129 and vol. xi,
col. 90. De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. v, p. 219. Le
P. Ayroles, _La Pucelle devant l'eglise de son temps_, ch. vi.]
[Footnote 2701: De Beaurepaire, _Les etats de Normandie sous la
domination anglaise_, pp. 185, 188.]
In order to relieve the Pope from embarrassment and set him at his
ease, the government of Charles VII invented an expedient: the King
was not to appear in the suit; his place was to be taken by the family
of the Maid. Jeanne's mother, Isabelle Romee de Vouthon, who lived in
retirement at Orleans,[2702] and her two sons, Pierre and Jean du Lys,
demanded the revision.[2703] By this legal artifice the case was
converted from a political into a private suit. At this juncture
Nicolas V died, on the 24th of March, 1455. His successor, Calixtus
III, a Borgia, an old man of seventy-eight, by a rescript dated the
11th of June, 1455, authorised the institution of proceedings. To this
end he appointed Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, Archbishop of Reims,
Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris, and Richard Olivier, Bishop of
Coutances, who were to act conjointly with the Grand Inquisitor of
France.[2704]
[Footnote 2702: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 276.]
[Footnote 2703: _Ibid._, vol. ii, pp. 108, 112.]
[Footnote 2704: _Ibid._, p. 95. Le P. Ayroles, _La Pucelle devant
l'eglise de son temps_, p. 607. J. Belon and F. Balme, _Jean Brehal,
grand inquisiteur de France et la rehabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc_,
Paris, 1893, in 4to.]
From the first it was agreed that certain of those concerned in the
original trial were not now to be involved, "for they had been
deceived." Notably it was admitted that the Daughter of Kings, the
Mother of Learning, the University of Paris, had been led into error
by a fraudulent indictment consisting of twelve articles. It was
agreed that the whole responsibility should be thrown on to the Bishop
of Beauvais and the Promoter, Guillaume d'Estivet, who were both
deceased. The precaution was necessary. Had it not been taken, certain
doctors very influential with the King and very dear to the Church of
France would have been greatly embarrassed.
On the 7th of November, 1455, Isabelle Romee and her two sons,
followed by a long procession of innumerable ecclesiasties, laymen,
and worthy women, approached the church of Notre Dame in Paris to
demand justice from the prelates and papal commissioners.[2705]
[Footnote 2705: _Trial_, vol. ii, pp. 82, 92.]
Informers and accusers in the trial of the late Jeanne were summoned
to appear at Rouen on the 12th of December. Not one came.[2706] The
heirs of the late Messire Pierre Cauchon declined all liability for
the deeds of their deceased kinsman, and touching the civil
responsibility, they pleaded the amnesty granted by the King on the
reconquest of Normandy.[2707] As had been expected, the proceedings
went forward without any obstacle or even any discussion.
[Footnote 2706: _Ibid._, pp. 92, 112.]
[Footnote 2707: _Ibid._, pp. 193, 196.]
Inquiries were instituted at Domremy, at Orleans, at Paris, at
Rouen.[2708] The friends of Jeannette's childhood, Hauviette,
Mengette, either married or grown old; Jeannette, the wife of
Thevenin; Jeannette, the widow of Estellin; Jean Morel of Greux;
Gerardin of Epinal, the Burgundian, and his wife Isabellette, who had
been godmother to Jacques d'Arc's daughter; Perrin, the bell-ringer;
Jeanne's uncle Lassois; the Leroyer couple and a score of peasants
from Domremy all appeared. Bertrand de Poulengy, then sixty-three and
gentleman of the horse to the King of France, was heard; likewise Jean
de Novelompont, called Jean de Metz, who had been raised to noble rank
and was now living at Vaucouleurs, where he held some military office.
Gentlemen and ecclesiasties of Lorraine and Champagne were
examined.[2709] Burgesses of Orleans were also called, and notably
Jean Luillier, the draper, who in June, 1429, had furnished fine
Brussels cloth of purple for Jeanne's gown and ten years later had
been present at the banquet given by the magistrates of Orleans in
honour of the Maid who, as it was believed, had escaped burning.[2710]
Jean Luillier was the most intelligent of the witnesses; as for the
others, of whom there were about two dozen townsmen and townswomen, of
between fifty and sixty years of age, they did little but repeat his
evidence.[2711] He spoke well; but the fear of the English dazzled him
and he saw many more of them than there had ever been.
[Footnote 2708: _Ibid._, pp. 291, 463; vol. iii, pp. 1, 202.]
[Footnote 2709: _Trial_, vol. ii, pp. 378, 463.]
[Footnote 2710: _Ibid._, vol. v, pp. 112, 113, 331.]
[Footnote 2711: _Ibid._, vol. ii, pp. 23, 35.]
Touching the examination at Poitiers there were called an advocate, a
squire, a man of business, Francois Garivel, who was fifteen at the
time of Jeanne's interrogation.[2712] The only cleric summoned was
Brother Seguin of Limousin.[2713] The clerics of Poitiers were first
as disinclined to risk themselves in this matter as were those of
Rouen; a burnt child dreads the fire. La Hire and Poton of
Saintrailles were dead. The survivors of Orleans and of Patay were
called; the Bastard Jean, now Count of Dunois and Longueville, who
gave his evidence like a clerk;[2714] the old Sire de Gaucourt, who in
his eighty-fifth year made some effort of memory, and for the rest
gave the same evidence as the Count of Dunois;[2715] the Duke of
Alencon, on the point of making an alliance with the English and of
procuring a powder with which to dry up the King,[2716] but who was
none the less talkative and vain-glorious;[2717] Jeanne's steward,
Messire Jean d'Aulon, who had become a knight, a King's Counsellor and
Seneschal of Beaucaire,[2718] and the little page Louis de Coutes, now
a noble of forty-two.[2719] Brother Pasquerel too was called; even in
his old-age he remained superficial and credulous.[2720] And there was
heard also the widow of Maitre Rene de Bouligny, Demoiselle Marguerite
la Toroulde, who delicately and with a good grace related what she
remembered.[2721]
[Footnote 2712: _Ibid._, pp. 1, 19.]
[Footnote 2713: _Ibid._, vol. iii, p. 202.]
[Footnote 2714: _Ibid._, pp. 2 _et seq._]
[Footnote 2715: _Ibid._, p. 16.]
[Footnote 2716: De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. vi, p.
43. P. Dupuy, _Histoire des Templiers_, 1658, in 4to. Cimber and
Danjou, _Archives curieuses de l'histoire de France_, vol. i, pp.
137-157. (See also, Michelet, History of France, translated by G.H.
Smith, vol. ii, p. 206.) Note--Alencon says to his English valet: "If
I could have a powder that I wot of and put it in the vessel in which
the King's sheets are washed, he should sleep sound enough [_dormir
tout sec_]." _Trial of Alencon_ (W.S.).]
[Footnote 2717: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 90.]
[Footnote 2718: _Ibid._, p. 209.]
[Footnote 2719: _Ibid._, p. 65.]
[Footnote 2720: _Ibid._, p. 100.]
[Footnote 2721: _Ibid._, p. 85.]
Care was taken not to summon the Lord Archbishop of Rouen, Messire
Raoul Roussel, as a witness of the actual incidents of the trial,
albeit he had sat in judgment on the Maid, side by side with my Lord
of Beauvais. As for the Vice Inquisitor of Religion, Brother Jean
Lemaistre, he might have been dead, so completely was he ignored.
Nevertheless, certain of the assessors were called: Jean Beaupere,
canon of Paris, of Besancon and of Rouen; Jean de Mailly, Lord Bishop
of Noyon; Jean Lefevre, Bishop of Demetriade; divers canons of Rouen,
sundry ecclesiastics who appeared some unctuous, others stern and
frowning;[2722] and, finally, the most illustrious Thomas de
Courcelles, who, after having been the most laborious and assiduous
collaborator of the Bishop of Beauvais, recalled nothing when he came
before the commissioners for the revision.[2723]
[Footnote 2722: _Ibid._, vol. ii, pp. 20, 21, 161; vol. iii, pp. 43,
53, _passim_.]
[Footnote 2723: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 44, 56. J. Quicherat, _Apercus
nouveaux_, p. 106.]
[Illustration: THE BASTARD OF ORLEANS
_From an old engraving_]
Among those who had been most zealous to procure Jeanne's condemnation
were those who were now most eagerly labouring for her rehabilitation.
The registrars of the Lord Bishop of Beauvais, the Boisguillaumes, the
Manchons, the Taquels, all those ink-pots of the Church who had been
used for her death sentence, worked wonders when that sentence had to
be annulled; all the zeal they had displayed in the institution of the
trial they now displayed in its revision; they were prepared to
discover in it every possible flaw.[2724]
[Footnote 2724: _Ibid._, vol. ii, pp. 161; vol. iii, pp. 41, 42, 195.]
And in what a poor and paltry tone did these benign fabricators of
legal artifices denounce the cruel iniquity which they had themselves
perpetrated in due form! Among them was the Usher, Jean Massieu, a
dissolute priest,[2725] of scandalous morals, but a kindly fellow for
all that, albeit somewhat crafty and the inventor of a thousand
ridiculous stories against Cauchon, as if the old Bishop were not
black enough already.[2726] The revision commissioners produced a
couple of sorry monks, Friar Martin Ladvenu and Friar Isambart de la
Pierre, from the monastery of the preaching friars at Rouen. They wept
in a heart-rending manner as they told of the pious end of that poor
Maid, whom they had declared a heretic, then a relapsed heretic, and
had finally burned alive. There was not one of the clerks charged
with the examination of Jeanne but was touched to the heart at the
memory of so saintly a damsel.[2727]
[Footnote 2725: De Beaurepaire, _Notes sur les juges_.]
[Footnote 2726: _Trial_, vol. ii, pp. 329 _et seq._]
[Footnote 2727: _Trial_, vol. ii, pp. 363 _et seq._, 434 _et seq._]
Huge piles of memoranda drawn up by doctors of high repute, canonists,
theologians and jurists, both French and foreign, were furnished for
the trial. Their chief object was to establish by scholastic reasoning
that Jeanne had submitted her deeds and sayings to the judgment of the
Church and of the Holy Father. These doctors proved that the judges of
1431 had been very subtle and Jeanne very simple. Doubtless, it was
the best way to make out that she had submitted to the Church; but
they over-reached themselves and made her too simple. According to
them she was absolutely ignorant, almost an idiot, understanding
nothing, imagining that the clerics who examined her in themselves
alone constituted the Church Militant. This had been the impression of
the doctors on the French side in 1429. _La Pucelle_, "_une puce_,"
said the Lord Archbishop of Embrun.[2728]
[Footnote 2728: Lanery d'Arc, _Memoires et consultations en faveur de
Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 576.]
But there was another reason for making her appear as weak and
imbecile as possible. Such a representation exalted the power of God,
who through her had restored the King of France to his inheritance.
Declarations confirming this view of the Maid were obtained by the
commissioners from most of the witnesses. She was simple, she was very
simple, she was absolutely simple, they repeated one after the other.
And they all in the same words added: "Yes, she was simple, save in
deeds of war, wherein she was well skilled."[2729] Then the captains
said how clever she was in placing cannon, albeit they knew well to
the contrary. But how could she have failed to be well versed in deeds
of war, since God himself led her against the English? And in this
possession of the art of war by an unskilled girl lay the miracle.
[Footnote 2729: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 32, 87, 100, 116, 119, 120,
126, 128 _et passim_.]
The Grand Inquisitor of France, Jean Brehal, in his reminiscence
enumerates the reasons for believing that Jeanne came from God. One of
the proofs which seems to have struck him most forcibly is that her
coming is foretold in the prophecies of Merlin, the Magician.[2730]
[Footnote 2730: Lanery d'Arc, _Memoires et consultations_, p. 402.]
Believing that he could prove from one of Jeanne's answers that her
first apparitions were in her thirteenth year, Brother Jean Brehal
argues that the fact is all the more credible seeing that this number
13, composed of 3, which indicates the Blessed Trinity, and of 10,
which expresses the perfect observation of the Decalogue, is
marvellously favourable to divine visitations.[2731]
[Footnote 2731: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 398.]
On the 16th of June, 1455, the sentence of 1431 was declared unjust,
unfounded, iniquitous. It was nullified and pronounced invalid.
Thus was honour restored to the messenger of the coronation, thus was
her memory reconciled with the Church. But that abundant source whence
on the appearance of this child there had flowed so many pious legends
and heroic fables was henceforth dried up. The rehabilitation trial
added little to the popular legend. It rendered it possible to connect
with Jeanne's death the usual incidents narrated of the martyrdom of
virgins, such as the dove taking flight from the stake, the name of
Jesus written in letters of flame, the heart intact in the
ashes.[2732] The miserable deaths of the wicked judges were insisted
upon. True it is that Jean d'Estivet, the Promoter, was found dead in
a dove-cot,[2733] that Nicolas Midi was attacked by leprosy, that
Pierre Cauchon died when he was being shaved.[2734] But, among those
who aided and accompanied the Maid, more than one came to a bad end.
Sire Robert de Baudricourt, who had sent Jeanne to the King, died in
prison, excommunicated for having laid waste the lands of the chapter
of Toul.[2735] The Marechal de Rais was sentenced to death.[2736] The
Duke of Alencon, convicted of high treason, was pardoned only to fall
under a new condemnation and to die in captivity.[2737]
[Footnote 2732: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 355.]
[Footnote 2733: _Ibid._, p. 162.]
[Footnote 2734: _Gallia Christiana_, vol. xi, col. 793.]
[Footnote 2735: _Histoire ecclesiastique et politique de la ville et
du diocese de Toul_, 1707, p. 529.]
[Footnote 2736: Abbe Bossard, _Gilles de Rais_, pp. 333 _et seq._]
[Footnote 2737: De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. vi, p.
197.]
Two years after Charles VII had ordered the preliminary inquiry into
the trial of 1431, a woman, following the example of la Dame des
Armoises, passed herself off as the Maid Jeanne.
At this time there lived in the little town of Sarmaize, between the
Marne and the Meuse, two cousins german of the Maid, Poiresson and
Perinet, both sons of the late Jean de Vouthon, Isabelle Romee's
brother, who in his lifetime had been a thatcher by trade. Now, on a
day in 1452, it befell that the cure of Notre Dame de Sarmaize, Simon
Fauchard, being in the market-house of the town, there came to him a
woman dressed as a youth who asked him to play at tennis with her.
He consented, and when they had begun their game the woman said to
him, "Say boldly that you have played tennis with the Maid." And at
these words Simon Fauchard was right joyful.
The woman afterwards went to the house of Perinet, the carpenter, and
said, "I am the Maid; I come to visit my Cousin Henri."
Perinet, Poiresson, and Henri de Vouthon made her good cheer and kept
her in their house, where she ate and drank as she pleased.[2738]
[Footnote 2738: Inquiry of 1476, in G. de Braux and E. de Bouteiller,
_Nouvelles recherches_, p. 10.]
Then, when she had had enough, she went away.
Whence came she? No one knows. Whither did she go? She may probably be
recognised in an adventuress, who not long afterwards, with her hair
cut short and a hood on her head, wearing doublet and hose, wandered
through Anjou, calling herself Jeanne the Maid. While the doctors and
masters, engaged in the revision of the trial, were gathering evidence
of Jeanne's life and death from all parts of the kingdom, this false
Jeanne was finding credence with many folk. But she became involved in
difficulties with a certain Dame of Saumoussay,[2739] and was cast
into the prison of Saumur, where she lay for three months. At the end
of this time, having been banished from the dominions of the good King
Rene, she married one Jean Douillet; and, by a document dated the 3rd
day of February, 1456, she received permission to return to Saumur, on
condition of living there respectably and ceasing to wear man's
apparel.[2740]
[Footnote 2739: Or Chaumussay. Lecoy de la Marche, _Une fausse Jeanne
d'Arc_, Paris, 1871, in 8vo, p. 19.]
[Footnote 2740: Lecoy de la Marche, _Une fausse Jeanne d'Arc_, in
_Revue des questions historiques_, October, 1871, p. 576. _Le roi
Rene_, Paris, 1875, vol. i, pp. 308-327; vol. ii, pp. 281-283.]
About this time there came to Laval in the diocese of Le Mans, a
damsel between eighteen and twenty-two, who was a native of a
neighbouring place called Chasse-les-Usson. Her father's name was Jean
Feron and she was commonly called Jeanne la Ferone.
She was inspired from heaven, and the names Jesus and Mary were for
ever on her lips; yet the devil cruelly tormented her. The Dame de
Laval, mother of the Lords Andre and Guy, being now very aged,
marvelled at the piety and the sufferings of the holy damsel; and she
sent her to Le Mans, to the Bishop.
Since 1449, the see of Le Mans had been held by Messire Martin
Berruyer of Touraine. In his youth he had been professor of philosophy
and rhetoric at the University of Paris. Later he had devoted himself
to theology and had become one of the directors of the College of
Navarre. Although he was infirm with age, his learning was such that
he was consulted by the commissioners for the rehabilitation
trial,[2741] whereupon he drew up a memorandum touching the Maid.
Herein he believes her to have been verily sent of God because she was
abject and very poor and appeared well nigh imbecile in everything
that did not concern her mission. Messire Martin argues that it was by
reason of the King's virtues that God had vouchsafed to him the help
of the Maid.[2742] Such an idea found favour with the theologians of
the French party.
[Footnote 2741: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 314, note 1. _Gallia
Christiana_, vol. ii, fol. 518. Du Boulay, _Hist. Univ. Paris_, vol.
v, p. 905. Le P. Ayroles, _La Pucelle devant l'eglise de son temps_,
pp. 403, 404.]
[Footnote 2742: Lanery d'Arc, _Memoires et consultations_, p. 247.]
The Lord Bishop, Martin Berruyer, heard Jeanne la Ferone in
confession, renewed her baptism, confirmed her in the faith and gave
her the name of Marie, in gratitude for the abounding grace which the
most Holy Virgin, Mother of God, had granted to his servant.
This maid was subject to the violent attacks of evil spirits. Many a
time did my Lord of Mans behold her covered with bleeding wounds,
struggling in the grasp of the enemy, and on several occasions he
delivered her by means of exorcisms. Greatly was he edified by this
holy damsel, who made known unto him marvellous secrets, who abounded
in pious revelations and noble Christian utterances. Wherefore in
praise of La Ferone he wrote many letters[2743] to princes and
communities of the realm.
[Footnote 2743: Du Clercq, _Memoires_, ed. Reiffenberg, Brussels,
1823, vol. iii, pp. 98 _et seq._ Jean de Roye, _Chronique
scandaleuse_, ed. Bernard de Mandrot, 1894, vol. i, pp. 13, 14.
_Chronique de Bourdigne_, ed. Quatrebarbes, vol. ii, p. 212. Dom
Piolin, _Histoire de l'eglise du Mans_, vol. v, p. 163.]
The Queen of France, who was then very old and whose husband had long
ago deserted her, heard tell of the Maid of Le Mans, and wrote to
Messire Martin Berruyer, requesting him to make the damsel known unto
her.
Thus there befel, what we have seen happening over and over again in
this history, that when a devout person, leading a contemplative life
uttered prophecies, those in places of authority grew curious
concerning her and desired to submit her to the judgment of the Church
that they might know whether the goodness that appeared in her were
true or false. Certain officers of the King visited La Ferone at Le
Mans.
As revelations touching the realm of France had been vouchsafed to
her, she spoke to them the following words:
"Commend me very humbly to the King and bid him recognise the grace
which God granteth unto him, and lighten the burdens of his people."
In the December of 1460, she was summoned before the Royal Council,
which was then sitting at Tours, while the King, who was sick of an
ulcer in the leg, was residing in the Chateau of Les Montils.[2744]
The Maid of Le Mans was examined in like manner as the Maid Jeanne had
been, but the result was unfavourable; she was found wanting in
everything. Brought before the ecclesiastical court she was convicted
of imposture. It appeared that she was no maid, but was living in
concubinage with a cleric, that certain persons in the service of my
Lord of Le Mans instructed her in what she was to say, and that such
was the origin of the revelations she made to the Reverend Father in
God, Messire Martin Berruyer, under the seal of the confession.
Convicted of being a hypocrite, an idolatress, an invoker of demons, a
witch, a magician, lascivious, dissolute, an enchantress, a mine of
falsehood, she was condemned to have a fool's cap put on her head and
to be preached at in public, in the towns of Le Mans, Tours and Laval.
On the 2nd of May, 1461, she was exhibited to the folk at Tours,
wearing a paper cap and over her head a scroll on which her deeds were
set forth in lines of Latin and of French. Maitre Guillaume de
Chateaufort, Grand Master of the Royal College of Navarre, preached to
her. Then she was cast into close confinement in a prison, there to
weep over her sins for the space of seven years, eating the bread of
sorrow and drinking the water of affliction;[2745] at the end of which
time she rented a house of ill fame.[2746]
[Footnote 2744: Chastellain, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vol. iii, p.
444.]
[Footnote 2745: Jacques du Clercq, _Memoires_, vol. iii, pp. 107 _et
seq._]
[Footnote 2746: Antoine du Faur, _Livre des femmes celebres_, in
_Trial_, vol. v, p. 336.]
On Wednesday, the 22nd of July, 1461, covered with ulcers internal and
external, believing himself poisoned and perhaps not without reason,
Charles VII died, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, in his Chateau
of Mehun-sur-Yevre.[2747]
[Footnote 2747: De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. vi, pp.
442, 451. _Chronique Martiniane_, ed. P. Champion, p. 110.]
On Thursday, the 6th of August, his body was borne to the Church of
Saint-Denys in France and placed in a chapel hung with velvet; the
nave was draped with black satin, the vault was covered with blue
cloth embroidered with flowers-de-luce.[2748] During the ceremony,
which took place on the following day, a funeral oration was delivered
on Charles VII. The preacher was no less a personage than the most
highly renowned professor at the University of Paris, the doctor, who
according to the Princes of the Roman Church was ever aimable and
modest, he who had been the stoutest defender of the liberties of the
Gallican Church, the ecclesiastic who, having declined a Cardinal's
hat, bore to the threshold of an illustrious old age none other title
than that of Dean of the Canons of Notre Dame de Paris, Maitre Thomas
de Courcelles.[2749] Thus it befell that the assessor of Rouen, who
had been the most bitterly bent on procuring Jeanne's cruel
condemnation, celebrated the memory of the victorious King whom the
Maid had conducted to his solemn coronation.
[Footnote 2748: Mathieu d'Escouchy, vol. ii, p. 422. Jean Chartier,
_Chronique_, vol. iii, pp. 114-121.]
[Footnote 2749: _Gallia Christiana_, vol. vii, col. 151 and 214.
Hardouin, _Acta Conciliorum_, vol. ix, col. 1423. De Beaucourt,
_Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. vi, p. 444.]
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
LETTER FROM DOCTOR G. DUMAS
My Dear Master,--You ask for my medical opinion in the case of Jeanne
d'Arc. Had I been able to examine it at my leisure with the Doctors
Tiphaine and Delachambre, who were summoned before the tribunal at
Rouen, I might have found it difficult to come to any definite
conclusion. And even more difficult do I find it now, when my
diagnosis must necessarily be retrospective and based upon
examinations conducted by persons who never dreamed of attempting to
discover the existence of any nervous disease. However since they
ascribed what we now call disease to the influence of the devil, their
questions are not without significance for us. Therefore with many
reservations I will endeavour to answer your question.
Of Jeanne's inherited constitution we know nothing; and of her
personal antecedents we are almost entirely ignorant. Our only
information concerning such matters comes from Jean d'Aulon, who, on
the evidence of several women, states[2750] that she was never fully
developed, a condition which frequently occurs in neurotic subjects.
[Footnote 2750: _Trial_, vol. iii. p. 219.]
We should, however, be unable to arrive at any conclusion concerning
Jeanne's nervous constitution had not her judges, and in particular
Maitre Jean Beaupere, in the numerous examinations to which they
subjected her, elicited certain significant details on the subject of
her hallucinations.
Maitre Beaupere begins by inquiring very judiciously whether Jeanne
had fasted the day before she first heard her voices. Whence we infer
that the interdependence of inanition and hallucinations was
recognised by this illustrious professor of theology. Before
condemning Jeanne as a witch he wanted to make sure that she was not
merely suffering from weakness. Some time later we find Saint Theresa
suspecting that the visions said to have been seen by a certain nun
were merely the result of long fasting. Saint Theresa insisted on the
nun's partaking of food, and the visions ceased.
Jeanne replies that she had only fasted since the morning, and Maitre
Beaupere proceeds to ask:
_Q._ "In what direction did you hear the voice?"
_A._ "I heard it on the right, towards the church."
_Q._ "Was the voice accompanied by any light?"
_A._ "I seldom heard it without there being a light. This light
appeared in the direction whence the voice came."[2751]
[Footnote 2751: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 52 and _passim_.]
We might wonder whether by the expression "_a droite_" (_a latere
dextro_) Jeanne meant her own right side or the position of the church
in relation to her; and in the latter case, the information would have
no clinical significance; but the context leaves no doubt as to the
veritable meaning of her words.
"How can you," urges Jean Beaupere, "see this light which you say
appears to you, if it is on your right?"
If it had been merely a question of the situation of the church and
not of Jeanne's own right side, she would only have had to turn her
face to see the light in front of her, and Jean Beaupere's objection
would have been pointless.
Consequently at about the age of thirteen, at the period of puberty,
which for her never came, Jeanne would appear to have been subject on
her right side to unilateral hallucinations of sight and hearing. Now
Charcot[2752] considered unilateral hallucinations of sight to be
common in cases of hysteria.[2753] He even thought that in hysterical
subjects they are allied to a hemianaesthesia situated on the same side
of the body, and which in Jeanne would be on the right side. Jeanne's
trial might have proved the existence of this hemianaesthesia, an
extremely significant symptom in the diagnosis of hysteria, if the
judges had applied torture or merely had examined the skin of the
subject in order to discover anaesthesia patches which were called
marks of the devil.[2754] But from the merely oral examination which
took place we can only draw inferences concerning Jeanne's general
physical condition. In case excessive importance should be attached to
such inferences I should add that in the diagnosis of hysteria
contemporary neurologists pay less attention than did Charcot to
unilateral hallucinations of sight.
[Footnote 2752: A famous French alienist (1825-1893).--W.S.]
[Footnote 2753: _Progres medical_, January 19, 1878.]
[Footnote 2754: The existence of patches devoid of feeling was
considered in the Middle Ages to prove that the subject was a witch.
Hence needles were run into the supposed witch. And if she felt them
in every part of her body she was acquitted.--W.S.]
The other characteristics of Jeanne's hallucinations revealed by her
examinations during the trial are no less interesting than these,
although they do not lead to any more certain conclusions.
Those visions and voices, which the subject refers to an external
source and which are so characteristic of hysterical hallucinations,
proceed suddenly from the subconscious self. Jeanne's conscious self
was so far from being prepared for her voices that she declares she
was very much afraid when she first heard them: "I was thirteen when I
heard a voice coming from God telling me to lead a good life. And the
first time I was very much afraid. This voice came to me about noon;
it was in the summer, in my father's garden."[2755]
[Footnote 2755: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 52.]
And then straightway the voice becomes imperative. It demands an
obedience which is not refused: "It said to me: 'Go forth into
France,' and I could no longer stay where I was."[2756]
[Footnote 2756: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 53.]
Her visions all occur in the same manner. They appeal to the senses in
exactly the same way and are received by the Maid with equal
credulity.
Finally, these hallucinations of hearing and of sight are soon
associated with similar hallucinations of smell and touch, which serve
to confirm Jeanne's belief in their reality.
_Q._ "Which part of Saint Catherine did you touch?"
_A._ "You will hear nothing more."
_Q._ "Did you kiss or embrace Saint Catherine or Saint Margaret?"
_A._ "I embraced them both."
_Q._ "In embracing them did you feel heat or anything?"
_A._ "I could not embrace them without feeling and touching
them."[2757]
[Footnote 2757: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 186.]
Because they thus appeal to the senses and seem to possess a certain
material reality, hysterical hallucinations make a profound and
ineffaceable impression on those who experience them. The subjects
speak of them as being actual and very striking facts. When they
become accusers, as so many women do who claim to have been the
victims of imaginary assaults, they support their assertions in the
most energetic fashion.
Not only does Jeanne see, hear, smell and touch her saints, she joins
the procession of angels they bring in their train. With them she
performs actual deeds, as if there were perfect unity between her life
and her hallucinations.
"I was in my lodging, in the house of a good woman, near the _chateau_
of Chinon, when the angel came. And then he and I went together to the
King."
_Q._ "Was this angel alone?"
_A._ "This angel was with a goodly company of other angels.[2758]
They were with him, but not every one saw them.... Some were very much
alike; others were not, or at any rate not as I saw them. Some had
wings. Certain even wore crowns, and in their company were Saint
Catherine and Saint Margaret. With the angel aforesaid and with the
other angels they went right into the King's chamber."
[Footnote 2758: According to the evidence of Maitre Pierre Maurice, at
the condemnation trial (vol. i. p. 480), Jeanne must have seen the
angels "in the form of certain infinitesimal things" (_sub specie
quarumdam rerum minimarum_). This was also the character of the
hallucinations experienced by Saint Rose of Lima ("Vie de Sainte Rose
de Lima," by P. Leonard Hansen, p. 179).]
_Q._ "Tell us how the angel left you."
_A._ "He left me in a little chapel, and at his departure I was very
sorrowful, and I even wept. Willingly would I have gone away with him;
I mean my soul would have gone."[2759]
[Footnote 2759: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 144.]
In all these hallucinations there is the same objective clearness, the
same subjective certitude as in toxic hallucinations; and this
clearness, this certitude, may in Jeanne's case suggest hysteria.
But if in certain respects Jeanne resembles hysterical subjects, in
others she differs from them. She seems early to have acquired an
independence of her visions and an authority over them.
Without ever doubting their reality, she resists them and sometimes
disobeys them, when, for example, in defiance of Saint Catherine, she
leaps from her prison of Beaurevoir: "Well nigh every day Saint
Catherine told me not to leap and that God would come to my aid, and
also would succour those of Compiegne. And I said to Saint Catherine:
'Since God is to help those of Compiegne, I want to be with
them.'"[2760]
[Footnote 2760: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 110.]
On another occasion she assumes such authority over her visions that
she can make the two saints come at her bidding when they do not come
of themselves.
_Q._ "Do you call these saints, or do they come without being called?"
_A._ "They often come without being called, and sometimes when they
did not come I asked God to send them speedily."[2761]
[Footnote 2761: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 279 and _passim_.]
All this is not in the accepted manner of the hysterical, who are
usually somewhat passive with regard to their nervous fits and
hallucinations. But Jeanne's dominance over her visions is a
characteristic I have noted in many of the higher mystics and in those
who have attained notoriety. This kind of subject, after having at
first passively submitted to his hysteria, afterwards uses it rather
than submits to it, and finally by means of it attains in his ecstasy
to that divine union after which he strives.
If Jeanne were hysterical, such a characteristic would help us to
determine the part played by the neurotic side of her nature in the
development of her character and in her life.
If there were any hysterical strain in her nature, then it was by
means of this hysterical strain that the most secret sentiments of her
heart took shape in the form of visions and celestial voices. Her
hysteria became the open door by which the divine--or what Jeanne
deemed the divine--entered into her life. It strengthened her faith
and consecrated her mission; but in her intellect and in her will
Jeanne remains healthy and normal. Nervous pathology can therefore
cast but a feeble light on Jeanne's nature. It can reveal only one
part of that spirit which your book resuscitates in its entirety. With
the expression of my respectful admiration, believe me, my dear
master,
DOCTOR G. DUMAS.
APPENDIX II
THE FARRIER OF SALON
Towards the end of the seventeenth century, there lived at
Salon-en-Crau, near Aix, a farrier, one Francois Michel. He came of a
respectable family. He himself had served in the cavalry regiment of
the Chevalier de Grignan. He was held to be a sensible man, honest and
devout. He was close on forty when, in February, 1697, he had a
vision.
Returning to his home one evening, he beheld a spectre, holding a
torch in its hand. This spectre said to him:
"Fear nothing. Go to Paris and speak to the King. If thou dost not
obey this command thou shalt die. When thou shalt approach to within a
league of Versailles, I will not fail to make known unto thee what
things thou shalt say to his Majesty. Go to the Governor of thy
province, who will order all that is necessary for thy journey."
The figure which thus addressed him was in the form of a woman. She
wore a royal crown and a mantle embroidered with flowers-de-luce of
gold, like the late Queen, Marie-Therese, who had died a holy death
full fourteen years before.
The poor farrier was greatly afraid. He fell down at the foot of a
tree, knowing not whether he dreamed or was awake. Then he went back
to his house, and told no man of what he had seen.
Two days afterwards he passed the same spot. There again he beheld
the same spectre, who repeated the same orders and the same threats.
The farrier could no longer doubt the reality of what he saw; but as
yet he could not make up his mind what to do.
A third apparition, more imperious and more importunate than the
first, reduced him to obedience. He went to Aix, to the Governor of
the province; he saw him and told him how he had been given a mission
to speak to the King. The Governor at first paid no great heed to him.
But the visionary's patient persistence could not fail to impress him.
Moreover, since the King was personally concerned in the matter, it
ought not to be entirely neglected. These considerations led the
Governor to inquire from the magistrates of Salon touching the
farrier's family and manner of life. The result of these inquiries was
very favourable. Accordingly the Governor deemed it fitting to proceed
forthwith to action. In those days no one was quite sure whether
advice, very useful to the most Christian of Kings, might not be sent
by some member of the Church Triumphant through the medium of a common
artisan. Still less were they sure that some plot in which the welfare
of the State was concerned might not be hatched under colour of an
apparition. In both contingencies, the second of which was quite
probable, it would be advisable to send Francois Michel to Versailles.
And this was the decision arrived at by the Governor.
For the transport of Francois Michel he adopted measures at once sure
and inexpensive. He confided him to an officer who was taking recruits
in that direction. After having received the communion in the church
of the Franciscans, who were edified by his pious bearing, the farrier
set out on February 25 with his Majesty's young soldiers, with whom he
travelled as far as La Ferte-sous-Jouarre. On his arrival at
Versailles, he asked to see the King or at least one of his Ministers
of State. He was directed to M. de Barbezieux, who, when he was still
very young, had succeeded his father, M. de Louvois, and in that
position had displayed some talent. But the good farrier declined to
tell him anything, because he was not a Minister of State.
And it was true that Barbezieux, although a Minister, was not a
Minister of State. But that a farrier from Provence should be capable
of drawing such a distinction occasioned considerable surprise.
M. de Barbezieux doubtless did not evince such scorn for this
compatriot of Nostradamus as would have been shown in his place by a
man of broader mind. For he, like his father, was addicted to the
practice of astrology, and he was always inquiring concerning his
horoscope of a certain Franciscan friar who had predicted the hour of
his death.
We do not know whether he gave the King a favourable report of the
farrier, or whether the latter was admitted to the presence of M. de
Pomponne, who was then at the head of the administration of Provence.
But we do know that Louis XIV consented to see the man. He had him
brought up the steps leading to the marble courtyard, and then granted
him a lengthy audience in his private apartments.
On the morrow, as the King was coming down his private staircase on
his way out hunting, he met Marshal de Duras, who was Captain of the
King's bodyguard for the day. With his usual freedom of speech the
Marshal spoke to the King of the farrier, using a common saying:
"Either the man is mad, or the King is not noble."
At these words the King, contrary to his usual habit, paused and
turned to the Marshal de Duras:
"Then I am not noble," he said, "for I talked to him for a long time,
and he spoke very sensibly; I assure you he is far from being mad."
The last words he uttered with so solemn a gravity that those who were
present were astonished.
Persons who claim to be inspired are expected to show some sign of
their mission. In a second interview, Francois Michel showed the King
a sign in fulfilment of a promise he had given. He reminded him of an
extraordinary circumstance which the son of Anne of Austria believed
known to himself alone. Louis XIV himself admitted it, but for the
rest preserved a profound silence touching this interview.
Saint Simon, always eager to collect every court rumour, believed it
was a question of some phantom, which more than twenty years before
had appeared to Louis XIV in the Forest of Saint-Germain.
For the third and last time the King received the farrier of Salon.
The courtiers displayed so much curiosity in this visionary that he
had to be shut up in the monastery of Des Recollets. There the little
Princess of Savoy, who was shortly to marry the Duke of Burgundy, came
to see him with several lords and ladies of the court.
He appeared slow to speak, good, simple, and humble. The King ordered
him to be furnished with a fine horse, clothes, and money; then he
sent him back to Provence.
Public opinion was divided on the subject of the apparition which had
appeared to the farrier and the mission he had received from it. Most
people believed that he had seen the spirit of Marie-Therese; but some
said it was Nostradamus.[2762]
[Footnote 2762: Michel de Nostre-Dame, called Nostradamus (1503-1566),
a Provencal astrologer, whose prophecies were published under the
title of "Centuries." He was invited to the French court by Catherine
de' Medici, and became the doctor of Charles IX.--W.S.]
It was only at Salon, where he slept in the church of the Franciscans,
that this astrologer was absolutely believed in. His "Centuries,"
which appeared at Paris and at Lyon in no less than ten editions in
the course of one century, entertained the credulous throughout the
kingdom. In 1693, there had just been published a book of the
prophecies of Nostradamus showing how they had been fulfilled in
history from the reign of Henry II down to that of Louis the Great.
It came to be believed that in the following mysterious quatrain the
farrier's coming had been prophesied:
"Le penultiesme du surnom du Prophete,
Prendra Diane pour son iour et repos:
Loing vaguera par frenetique teste,
En delivrant un grand peuple d'impos."[2763]
[Footnote 2763: The last syllable but one of the surname of the
Prophet will Diane take for her day and her rest. Far shall wander
that inspired one delivering a great nation from the burden of taxes.]
An attempt was made to apply these obscure lines to the poor prophet
of Salon. In the first line he is said to figure as one of the twelve
minor prophets, Micah, which name is closely allied to Michel. In the
second line Diane was said to be the mother of the farrier, who was
certainly called by that name. But if the line means anything at all,
it is more likely to refer to the day of the moon, Monday. It was
carefully pointed out that in the third line _frenetique_ means not
_mad_ but _inspired_. The fourth and only intelligible line would
suggest that the spectre bade Michel ask the King to lessen the taxes
and dues which then weighed so heavily on the good folk of town and
country:
_En delivrant un grand peuple d'impos._ This was enough to make the
farrier popular and to cause those unhappy sufferers to centre in this
poor windbag their hopes for a better future. His portrait was
engraved in copper-plate, and below it was written the quatrain of
Nostradamus. M. d'Argenson,[2764] who was at the head of the police
department, had these portraits seized. They were suppressed, so says
the _Gazette d'Amsterdam_, on account of the last line of the quatrain
written beneath the portrait, the line which runs: _En delivrant un
grand peuple d'impos_. Such an expression was hardly likely to please
the court.
[Footnote 2764: Marc Rene Marquis d'Argenson (1652-1721), after being
Lieutenant General de la Police at Paris, became, from 1718-1720,
President du Conseil des Finances and Garde des Sceaux.--W.S.]
No one ever knew exactly what was the mission the farrier received
from his spectre. Subtle folk suspected one of Madame de Maintenon's
intrigues. She had a friend at Marseille, a Madame Arnoul, who was as
ugly as sin, it was said, and yet who managed to make men fall in love
with her. They thought that this Madame Arnoul had shown Marie-Therese
to the good man of Salon in order to induce the King to live
honourably with widow Scarron. But in 1697 widow Scarron had been
married to Louis for twelve years at least; and one cannot see why
ghostly aid should have been necessary to attach the old King to her.
On his return to his native town, Francois Michel shoed horses as
before.
He died at Lancon, near Salon, on December 10, 1726.[2765]
[Footnote 2765: _Gazette d'Amsterdam_, March-May, 1697; _Annales de la
cour et de Paris_ (vol. ii. pp. 204, 219); _Theatrum Europaeum_ (vol.
xv. pp. 359-360); _Memoires de Sourches_ (vol. v. pp. 260, 263);
_Lettres de Madame Dunoyer_ (Letter xxvi); _Saint Simon, Memoires_,
ed. Regnier (_Collection des Grands Ecrivains de la France_), vol. vi.
pp. 222, 228, 231; Appendix X, p. 545; _Memoires du duc de Luynes_,
vol. x. pp. 410, 412--Abbe Proyart, _Vie du duc de Bourgogne_ (ed.
1782), vol. i. pp. 978, 981.]
APPENDIX III
MARTIN DE GALLARDON
Ignace Thomas Martin was by calling a husbandman. A native of
Gallardon in Eure-et-Loir, he dwelt there with his wife and four
children in the beginning of the nineteenth century. Those who knew
him tell us that he was of average height, with brown straight hair, a
calm glance, a thin countenance and an air of quiet and assurance. A
pencil portrait, which his son, M. le Docteur Martin, has kindly sent
me, gives a more exact idea of the visionary. The portrait, which is
in profile, presents a forehead curiously high and straight, a long
narrow head, round eyes, broad nostrils, a compressed mouth, a
protruding chin, hollow cheeks and an air of austerity. He is dressed
as a _bourgeois_, with a collar and white cravat.
According to the evidence of his brother, a man both physically and
mentally sound, his was the gentlest of natures; he never sought to
attract attention; in his regular piety there was nothing ecstatic.
Both the mayor and the priest of Gallardon confirmed this description.
They agreed in representing him to have been a good simple creature,
with an intellect well-balanced although not very active.
In 1816 he was thirty-three. On January 15 in this year he was alone
in his field, over which he was spreading manure, when in his ear he
heard a voice which had not been preceded by footsteps. Then he
turned his head in the direction of the voice and saw a figure which
alarmed him. In comparison with human size it was but slight; its
countenance, which was very thin, dazzled by its unnatural whiteness.
It was wearing a high hat and a frock-coat of a light colour, with
laced shoes.
It said in a kindly tone: "You must go to the King; you must warn him
that his person is in danger, that wicked people are seeking to
overthrow his Government."
It added further recommendations to Louis XVIII touching the
necessity of having an efficient police, of keeping holy the Sabbath,
of ordering public prayers and of suppressing the disorders of the
Carnival. If such measures be neglected, it said, "France will fall
into yet greater misfortunes." All this was doubtless nothing more or
less than what M. La Perruque, Priest of Gallardon, had a hundred
times repeated from the pulpit on Sunday.
Martin replied:
"Since you know so much about it, why don't you perform your errand
yourself? Why do you appeal to a poor man like me who knows not how to
express himself?"
Then the unknown replied to Martin:
"It is not I who will go, but you; do as I command you."
As soon as he had uttered these words, his feet rose from the ground,
his body bent, and with this double movement he vanished.
From this time onwards, Martin was haunted by the mysterious being.
One day, having gone down into his cellar, he found him there. On
another occasion, during vespers, he saw him in church, near the holy
water stoup, in a devout attitude. When the service was over, the
unknown accompanied Martin on his way home and again commanded him to
go and see the King. The farmer told his relatives who were with him,
but neither of them had seen or heard anything.
Tormented by these apparitions, Martin communicated them to his
priest, M. La Perruque. He, being certain of the good faith of his
parishioner and deeming that the case ought to be submitted to the
diocesan authority, sent the visionary to the Bishop of Versailles.
The Bishop was then M. Louis Charrier de la Roche, a priest who in the
days of the Revolution had taken the oath to the Republic. He resolved
to subject Martin to a thorough examination; and from the first he
told him to ask the unknown what was his name, and who it was who sent
him.
But when the messenger in the light-coloured frock-coat appeared
again, he declared that his name must remain unknown.
"I come," he added, "from him who has sent me, and he who has sent me
is above me."
He may have wished to conceal his name; but at least he did not
conceal his views; the vexation he displayed on the escape of La
Valette[2766] proved that in politics he was an ultra Royalist of the
most violent type.
[Footnote 2766: Antoine Marie Chamans, Comte de La Valette
(1769-1830), was a French general during the first empire. Having been
arrested in 1815 and condemned to death, he was saved by his
wife.--W.S.]
Meanwhile the Comte de Breteuil, Prefect of Eure-et-Loir, had been
told of the visionary at the same time as the Bishop. He also
questioned Martin. He expected to find him a nervous, agitated person;
but when he found him tranquil, speaking simply, but with logical
sequence and precision, he was very astonished.
Like M. l'Abbe La Perruque he deemed the matter sufficiently important
to bring before the higher authorities. Accordingly he sent Martin,
under the escort of a lieutenant of _gendarmerie_, to the Ministre de
la Police Generale.
Having reached Paris on March 8, Martin lodged with the _gendarme_ at
the Hotel de Calais, in the Rue Montmartre. They occupied a
double-bedded room. One morning, when Martin was in bed, he beheld an
apparition and told Lieutenant Andre, who could see nothing, although
it was broad daylight. Indeed, Martin's visitations became so
frequent that they ceased to cause him either surprise or concern. It
was only to the abrupt disappearance of the unknown that he could
never grow accustomed. The voice continued to give the same command.
One day it told him that if it were not obeyed France would not know
peace until 1840.
In 1816 the Ministre de la Police Generale was the Comte Decazes who
was afterwards created a duke. He was in the King's confidence. But he
knew that the extreme Royalists were hatching plots against his royal
master. Decazes wished to see the good man from Gallardon, suspecting
doubtless, that he was but a tool in the hands of the Extremists.
Martin was brought to the Minister, who questioned him and at once
perceived that the poor creature was in no way dangerous. He spoke to
him as he would to a madman, endeavouring to regard the subject of his
mania as if it were real, and so he said:
"Don't be agitated; the man who has been troubling you is arrested;
you will have nothing more to fear from him."
But these words did not produce the desired effect. Three or four
hours after this interview, Martin again beheld the unknown, who,
after speaking to him in his usual manner, said: "When you were told
that I had been arrested, you were told a lie; he who said so has no
power over me."
On Sunday, March 10, the unknown returned; and on that day he
disclosed the matter concerning which the Bishop of Versailles had
inquired, and which he had said at first he would never reveal.
"I am," he declared, "the Archangel Raphael, an angel of great renown
in the presence of God, and I have received power to afflict France
with all manner of suffering."
Three days later, Martin was shut up in Charenton on the certificate
of Doctor Pinel, who stated him to be suffering from intermittent
mania with alienation of mind.
He was treated in the kindest manner and was even permitted to enjoy
some appearance of liberty. Pinel himself originated the humane
treatment of the insane. Martin in the asylum was not forsaken by the
blessed Raphael. On Friday, the 15th, as the peasant was tying his
shoe laces, the Archangel in his frock-coat of a light colour, spoke
to him these words:
"Have faith in God. If France persists in her incredulity, the
misfortunes I have predicted will happen. Moreover, if they doubt the
truth of your visions, they have but to cause you to be examined by
doctors in theology."
These words Martin repeated to M. Legros; Director of the Royal
Institution of Charenton, and asked him what a doctor in theology was.
He did not know the meaning of the term. In the same manner, when he
was at Gallardon he had asked the priest, M. La Perruque, the meaning
of certain expressions the voice had used. For example, he did not
understand the wild frenzy of France [_le delvie de la France_] nor
the evils to which she would fall a victim [_elle serait en proie_].
But there is nothing that need puzzle us in such ignorance, if it
really existed. Martin may well have remembered the words he did not
understand and which he afterwards attributed to his Archangel still
without understanding them.
The visions recurred at brief intervals. On Sunday, March 31, the
Archangel appeared to him in the garden, took his hand, which he
pressed affectionately, opened his coat and displayed a bosom of so
dazzling a whiteness that Martin could not bear to gaze on it. Then he
took off his hat.
"Behold my forehead," he said, "and give heed that it beareth not the
mark of the beast whereby the fallen angels were sealed."
Louis XVIII expressed a desire to see Martin and to question him. The
King, like his favourite Minister, believed the visionary to be a tool
in the hands of the extreme party.
On Tuesday, April 2, Martin was taken to the Tuileries and brought
into the King's closet, where was also M. Decazes. As soon as the King
saw the farmer, he said to him: "Martin, I salute you."
Then he signed to his Minister to withdraw. Thereupon Martin,
according to his own telling, repeated to the King all that the
Archangel had revealed to him, and disclosed to Louis XVIII sundry
secret matters concerning the years he had spent in exile; finally he
made known to him certain plots which had been formed against his
person. Then the King, profoundly agitated and in tears, raised his
hands and his eyes to heaven and said to Martin:
"Martin, these are things which must never be known save to you and to
me."
The visionary promised him absolute secrecy.
Such was the interview of April 2, according to the account given of
it by Martin, who then, under the influence of M. La Perruque's
sermons, was an infatuated Royalist. It would be interesting to know
more of this priest whose inspiration is obvious throughout the whole
story. Louis XVIII agreed with M. Decazes that the man was quite
harmless; and he was sent back to his plough.
Later, the agents of one of those false dauphins so numerous under the
Restoration, got hold of Martin and made use of him in their own
interest. After Louis XVIII's death, under the influence of these
adventurers, the poor man, reconstituting the story of his interview
with the late King, introduced into it other revelations he claimed to
have received and completely changed the whole character of the
incident. In this second version the passionate Royalist of 1816 was
transformed into an accusing prophet, who came to the King's own
palace to denounce him as a usurper and a regicide, forbidding him in
God's name to be crowned at Reims.
Such ramblings I cannot relate at length. They are to be found fully
detailed in the book of M. Paul Marin. The author of this work would
have done well to indicate that these follies were suggested to the
unhappy man by the partisans of Naundorf, who was passing himself off
as the Duke of Normandy, who had escaped from the Temple.
Thomas Ignace Martin died at Chartres in 1834. It is alleged, but it
has never been proved, that he was poisoned.[2767]
[Footnote 2767: _Rapport adresse a S. Ex. le Ministre de la Police
Generale sur l'etat du nomme Martin, envoye par son ordre a la maison
royale de Charenton, le 13 Mars, 1816, par MM. Pinel, medecin en chef
de l'hopital de la Salpetriere, et Royer-Collard, medecin en chef de
la maison royale de Charenton, et l'un et l'autre professeurs a la
faculte de medecine de Paris._ Inscribed at the end with the
date--Paris, 6 May, 1816--39 pages in 4'o MS. in the library of the
author. Le Capitaine Paul Marin, _Thomas Martin de Gallardon Les
Medecins et les thaumaturges du XIX'e siecle_, Paris, s.d. in
18'o. _Memoires de la Comtesse de Boignes_, edited by Charles
Nicoullaud, Paris, 1907, vol. iii. pp. 355 and _passim_.]
APPENDIX IV
ICONOGRAPHICAL NOTE
There is no authentic picture of Jeanne. From her we know that at
Arras she saw in the hands of a Scotsman a picture in which she was
represented on her knees presenting a letter to her King. From her we
know also that she never caused to be made either image or painting of
herself, and that she was not aware of the existence of any such image
or painting. The portrait painted by the Scotsman, which was doubtless
very small, is unfortunately lost and no copy of it is known.[2768]
The slight pen-and-ink figure, drawn on a register of May 10, 1429, by
a clerk of the Parlement of Paris, who had never seen the Maid, must
be regarded as the mere scribbling of a scribe who was incapable of
even designing a good initial letter.[2769] I shall not attempt to
reconstruct the iconography of the Maid.[2770] The bronze equestrian
statue in the Cluny Museum produces a grotesque effect that one is
tempted to believe deliberate, if one may ascribe such an intention to
an old sculptor. It dates from the reign of Charles VIII. It is a
Saint George or a Saint Maurice, which, at a time doubtless quite
recent, was taken to represent the Maid. Between the legs of the
miserable jade, on which the figure is mounted, was engraved the
inscription: _La pucelle dorlians_, a description which would not
have been employed in the fifteenth century.[2771] About 1875, the
Cluny Museum exhibited another statuette, slightly larger, in painted
wood, which was also believed to be fifteenth century, and to
represent Jeanne d'Arc. It was relegated to the store-room, when it
turned out to be a bad seventeenth-century Saint Maurice from a church
at Montargis.[2772] Any saint in armour is frequently described as a
Jeanne d'Arc. This is what happened to a small fifteenth-century head
wearing a helmet, found buried in the ground at Orleans, broken off
from a statue and still bearing traces of painting: a work in good
style and with a charming expression.[2773] I have not patience to
relate how many initial letters of antiphonaries and sixteenth-,
seventeenth- and even eighteenth-century miniatures have been touched
up or repainted and passed off as true and ancient representations of
Jeanne. Many of them I have had the opportunity of seeing.[2774] On
the other hand, if they were not so well known, it would give me
pleasure to recall certain manuscripts of the fifteenth century,
which, like _Le Champion des Dames_ and _Les Vigiles de Charles VII_,
contain miniatures in which the Maid is portrayed according to the
fancy of the illuminator. Such pictures are interesting because they
reveal her as she was imagined by those who lived during her lifetime
or shortly afterwards. It is not their merit that appeals to us; they
possess none; and in no way do they suggest Jean Foucquet.[2775]
[Footnote 2768: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 100, 292.]
[Footnote 2769: There is a wood engraving of this figure in Wallon,
_Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 95.]
[Footnote 2770: E. de Bouteiller and G. de Braux, _Notes
iconographiques sur Jeanne d'Arc_, Paris and Orleans, 1879, in 18'o
royal paper.]
[Footnote 2771: Reproduced in many works, notably opposite p. 17 in
the book of E. de Bouteiller and G. de Braux, referred to above.]
[Footnote 2772: _Ibid._, see woodcut opposite p. 8.]
[Footnote 2773: In the Orleans Museum. A copper-plate engraving by M.
Georges Lavalley, in the _Jeanne d'Arc_, of M. Raoul Bergot, Tours,
s.d. large 8'o.]
[Footnote 2774: Of this class of so-called portrait, I will merely
mention the miniature which serves as frontispiece to vol. iv. of _La
Vrai Jeanne d'Arc_, of P. Ayroles, Paris, 1898, in large 8'o, and
the miniature of the Spetz Collection, reproduced in the _Jeanne
d'Arc_ of Canon Henri Debout, vol. ii. p. 103 (also in _The Maid of
France_ by Andrew Lang, 1908. W.S.).]
[Footnote 2775: _Le champion des dames_, MS. of the fifteenth century;
_Bibl. nat._, fonds francais, No. 841; Martial d'Auvergne, MS. of the
end of the fifteenth century, fonds francais, No. 5054. An initial of
a fifteenth-century Latin MS., _Bibl. nat._, No. 14665.]
While the Maid lived, and especially while she was in captivity, the
French hung her picture in churches.[2776] In the Museum of Versailles
there is a little painting on wood which is said to be one of those
votive pictures. It represents the Virgin with the Child Jesus, having
Saint Michael on her right and Jeanne d'Arc on her left.[2777] It is
of Italian workmanship and very roughly executed. Jeanne's head, which
has disappeared beneath the blows of some hard-pointed instrument,
must have been execrably drawn, if we may judge from the others
remaining on this panel. All four figures are represented with a
scrolled and beaded nimbus, which would have certainly been condemned
by the clerics of Paris and Rouen. And indeed others less strict might
accuse the painter of idolatry when he exalted to the left hand of the
Virgin, to be equal with the Prince of Heavenly Hosts, a mere creature
of the Church Militant.
[Footnote 2776: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 100. N. Valois, _Un nouveau
temoignage sur Jeanne d'Arc_, pp. 8, 13.]
[Footnote 2777: Reproduced in chromo in Wallon's _Jeanne d'Arc_.]
Standing, her head, neck, and shoulders covered with a kind of furred
hood and tippet fringed with black, her gauntlets and shoes of mail,
girt above her red tunic with a belt of gold, Jeanne may be recognised
by her name inscribed over her head, and also by the white banner,
embroidered with _fleurs-de-lis_, which she raises in her right hand,
and by her silver shield, embossed in the German style; on the shield
is a sword bearing on its point a crown. A three-lined inscription in
French is on the steps of the throne, whereon sits the Virgin Mary.
Although the inscription is three parts effaced and almost
unintelligible, with the aid of my learned friend, M. Pierre de
Nolhac, Director of the Museum of Versailles, I have succeeded in
deciphering a few words. These would convey the idea that the
inscription consisted of prayers and wishes for the salvation of
Jeanne, who had fallen into the hands of the enemy. It would appear
therefore that we have here one of those _ex voto_ hung in the
churches of France during the captivity of the Maid. In such a case
the nimbus round the head of a living person and the isolated
position of Jeanne would be easily explained; it is possible that
certain excellent Frenchmen, thinking no evil, adapted to their own
use some picture which originally represented the Virgin between two
personages of the Church Triumphant. By a few touches they transformed
one of these personages into the Maid of God. In so small a panel they
could find no place more suitable to her mortal state, none like those
generally occupied at the feet of the Virgin and saints by the
kneeling donors of pictures. This too might explain perhaps why Saint
Michael, the Virgin and the Maid have their names inscribed above
them. Over the head of the Maid we read _ane darc_. This form _Darc_
may have been used in 1430.[2778] In the inscription on the steps of
the throne I discern _Jehane dArc_, with a small _d_ and a capital _A_
for _dArc_, which is very curious. This causes me to doubt the
genuineness of the inscription.
[Footnote 2778: The form _Darc_ occurs in the condemnation trial
(_Trial_, vol. i, p. 191, vol. ii, p. 82). But side by side we find
also _Dars_ (document dated March 31, 1427), _Day_ (patent of
nobility), _Daiz_ (communicated to me by M. Pierre Champion) and
_Daix_ (_Chronique de la Pucelle_).]
The _bestion_ tapestry[2779] in the Orleans Museum,[2780] which
represents Jeanne's arrival before the King at Chinon, is of German
fifteenth-century workmanship. Coarse of tissue, barbarous in design,
and monotonous in colour, it evinces a certain taste for sumptuous
adornment but also an absolute disregard for literal truth.
[Footnote 2779: Tapestry representing small animals.--W.S.]
[Footnote 2780: Reproduced in chromo in Wallon's _Jeanne d'Arc_, _cf._
J. Quicherat, _Histoire du costume en France depuis les temps les plus
recules, jusqu' la fin du XVIII'e siecle_, Paris, 1875, large
octavo, p. 271.]
Another German work was exhibited at Ratisbonne in 1429. It
represented the Maid fighting in France. But this painting is
lost.[2781]
[Footnote 2781: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 270.]
INDEX
AARON, i. 207
Arras, Bishop of, ii. 51
Abbeville, ii. 99, 197
Absalom, i. 138
Achilles, ii. 28
AEnius Sylvius, ii. 378
Aetius, i. 119
Ahasuerus, i. 339
Ahaz, i. 213
Aimery, Guillaume, examines Jeanne, i. 189, 193, 194
Aisne, The, i. 460; ii. 1, 142
Aix, ii. 407
Alain du Bey, i. 235
Alain, Jacques, i. 88, 89
Albi, Consuls of, i. 240, 398
Albigenses, The, ii. 157
Albret, Charles, Sire d', i. 137, 447; ii. 22, 63, 78, 164
Jeanne in charge of ii. 84, 94, 96
Alencon, Bailie of, i. 124
Dame of, i. 185
Duchy of, i. 106
Duke of, i. ix, xii, 255, 389; ii. 78
and Jeanne, i. 183, 186, 190, 195; ii. 92
at Beaugency, i. 363-367
at Blois, i. 243
at Reims, i. 446, 447, 450
career of, i. 183
commands the army, i. 347-355, 362; ii. 8, 36, 44, 49, 53, 63
consults Jeanne before Patay, i. 370, 378
evidence of, i. xxviii, xxix, xliv, xlix; ii. 382, 387, 392
heads attack on Paris, ii. 63, 70, 73
skirmishes round Paris, ii. 49, 53, 61
uses Jeanne as a mascotte, ii. 83
imprisoned, ii. 197
Alespee, Jean, ii. 208, 340
Alexander the Great, i. 181, 226, 475
Alexandria, i. 36, 40, 198, 239
Alison du Mai, i. 93, 94
Allee, Pierre d', ii. 71, 130
Alphonso of Aragon, ii. 39, 40
Amazons, The, i. 191, 329
Ambleny, plain of, ii. 2
Ambleville, i. 252, 276
detained by English, i. 295
Amboise, i. 363
Amedee of Savoie, Prince, i. 381; ii. 155, 361
Amiens, ii. 197
_Amiete_, ii. 74
Amos, ii. 166
Ampulla, the Sacred, i. liv, 390, 391, 393, 445-448, 459
Amydas, King, ii. 133
Ananias, a hermit, i. 36
Andelot, i. 16; ii. 210
Andouillette, Lord Guillaume, i. 428
Andre, Lieutenant, ii. 415
Andrieu, Robert, ii. 92
Angers, i. 63, 108, 132, 240; ii. 139, 184
Angerville, i. 138
Anis, i. 219
Anjou, i. 149, 150, 218, 389
Duchess of, i. 147
Anne of Austria, ii. 410
Annunciation, The, i. 219
Antichrist, coming of, i. 412
Antoine de Lorraine, Lord of Joinville, i. 96
Antonio de Rho, i. 384
Apollodorus, i. 322
Appleby, William, i. 124
Apples, cause of war, i. 92
Apremont, Lord of, ii. 365
Aquitaine, ii. 383
Aragon, i. 121
_Arbre-des-Dames_, or _Arbre-des-Fees_, romance of, i. 12
Arc, Catherine d', i. 4, 9, 35, 60
family ennobled, i. xvii; ii. 102, 212
Isabelle d', i. 68, 218, 358; ii. 353
origin of mother of Jeanne, i. 3
at Puy, i. 218, 220, 252
demands rehabilitation, ii. 385
Jacques d', i. xvii, 3, 9
home of, i. 6
freeman or serf, i. 17
rents fortress of Domremy, i. 19
his duties as village elder, i. 25
visits Vaucouleurs, i. 57
his anxiety about Jeanne, i. 68
simplicity of, i. 95
at Reims, i. 451
Jacques or Jacquemin d', brother of Jeanne, i. 4, 20
Jean d', i. 4; ii. 353
joins Jeanne, i. 252
enters Orleans, i. 267, 269, 272
believes Jeanne to be alive, ii. 353-376
demands rehabilitation, ii. 385
M. Lanery d', i. vii, xxii
Nicolas d', i. 5
Pierre d', i. 7, 451; ii. 353, 375, 376
joins Jeanne, i. 252
enters Orleans, i. 267, 269, 272
taken prisoner, ii. 152
demands rehabilitation, ii. 385
Archambaud of Villars, i. 121, 144, 169
Arcis, i. 435
Areopagite, The, ii. 48
Arezzo, i. 384
Argenson, M. d', ii. 411
Aristotle, i. 181, 322, 383
Arles, i. 119; ii. 360
Arlon, ii. 359, 365
Armagnac Conspiracy to enter Paris, ii. 128-130
Count of, _see_ Jean IV
Armagnacs and Burgundians, war between, i. 21 _et passim_
Armoises, Robert des, Lord of Tichemont, ii. 365, 374
Arnaud of Corraze, Raimond, i. 121
Arnolin, Messire, i. 65
Arnoul, Madame, ii. 412
Arnoult of Aulnoy, i. 98
Aronde, The, ii. 145
Arras, i. 458
Jeanne at, ii. 191-196, 420
Franquet d', ii. 275
Artaxerxes, i. 409
Arthur of Brittany, _see_ Count of Richemont
Artois, Bailie of, i. 458
Arundel, Earl of, ii. 348
Ascension Day, i. 291-294; ii. 65
Astarac, ii. 38
Astrologers, i. 166, 473; ii. 409
foretell the death of Salisbury, i. 127
_see_ Nostradamus
Attila, i. 119, 208, 238
Aube, The, i. 100, 435
Aubriot, Hugues, ii. 54
Aubrit, Jannet, i. 5
Jeanne, i. 5, 13
Augsburg, i. 221
Augustinians, i. 109, 220
Aulnoy, i. 98
Aulon, Jean d', Squire to Jeanne, i. xiv, xxix, xxx, xxxiv, 252, 259,
269, 277, 283, 284, 364; ii. 119, 160, 366, 388, 401
at St.-Loup, i. 285, 287
at Les Tourelles, i. 297, 299, 308
questions Jeanne as to her Council, i. 341
at St. Pierre-le-Moustier, ii. 84, 85
taken prisoner, ii. 152
Aunoy, Jean d', i. 61
Marguerite d', i. 61
Autun, i. 113; ii. 106
Auvergne, i. 137, 139, 149, 240
Aurelian, the Emperor, i. 109
Auxerre, i. 100, 410, 465, 472
Bishop of, i. 404
Charles VII at, i. 403-407
Avignon, i. 161, 464; ii. 178
Avioth, hill of, ii. 136
Avranches, ii. 49
Bishop of, i. 30; ii. 209
Ayroles, Le Pere, i. xxxvii
Azincourt, i. 145, 154, 229, 358; ii. 178
BABYLON, i. 260, 414
Baignart, Robert, i. 355
Bailiet, i. lvii
Balaam's Ass, i. 175
Bale, Council of, ii. 176, 252, 364, 378
Bar, i. 13, 389
ravaged by La Hire, i. 24
Cardinal, Duke of, i. 92; ii. 1, 8, 53, 73, 178
Bar-sur-Aube, i. 100
Bar-sur-Seine, i. 100
Baratin, Pierre, ii. 360
Barbazan, ii. 196, 199
Barbezieux, M. de, ii. 408
Barbier, Canon, ii. 210
Barbin, Guillaume, i. 167
Barcelona, i. 40
Baretta, Bartolomeo, ii. 118, 124, 147, 148, 155, 193
Barrere, Jean, i. xlvi, ii. 41
Barrey, Edite, i. 5
Jean, godfather of Jeanne, i. 5
Barrois, i. 81
Barron, ii. 20
Basque, The, upholds the standard, i. 308-310
Bassigny, i. 24, 26
Bastard of Granville, i. 279
of Orleans, i. xiii, lvi, 105, 190, 251, 258, 333, 347, 349, 389;
ii. 10, 15, 22
evidence of, i. xxv, xxix, xxxii
becomes Count of Dunois, i. xvi; ii. 383, 387
obtains supplies, i. 117
parentage of, i. 128
enters Orleans, i. 129, 264-269
achievements of, i. 129
lends musicians to the English, i. 133
leaves Orleans, i. 137
attacks Fastolf's convoy, i. 139
sends to inquire of Jeanne, i. 144
regards Jeanne's mission as religious, i. 264, 266, 284
advises Jeanne to hold aloof, i. 272
meets the army from Blois, i. 277, 282
speaks with Jeanne of Falstolf, i. 283
pacifies Jeanne, i. 294
demands Jeanne's heralds, i. 295
at Les Tourelles, i. 298, 304
attacks Jargeau, i. 332, 351-355
marvels at Jeanne, i. 335
at Patay, i. 370, 372
policy of, ii. 53
of Poitiers, _see_ Guillaume
of Vauru, ii. 12-14
of Vergy, ii. 353
of Wandomme, ii. 152, 154
Bastardy, i. 128
Battle of the Herrings, i. 138-140, 213, 230, 236, 256, 281, 370, 473;
ii. 57
Baudot de Noyelles, ii. 146, 149
Baudricourt, Lord of, _see_ Robert de Baudricourt
Baudrin, Jean, ii. 130
Bavon, Lady Anna, ii. 216
Bayeux, ii. 205
Bayonne, ii. 383
Bazoches, Thomas de, i. 440
Beans sown at Troyes, i. 413, 426
Bearn, i. 121
Beaucaire, ii. 388
Beaugency, i. xli, 255, 256, 439; ii. 23, 95
English at, i. 318, 332
French take, i. 362-368
Beaulieu, Castle of, Jeanne at, ii. 159, 178, 276
Beaumont, Andrieu de, i. 379
Beaumont-sur-Oise, i. 103; ii. 78
Beaune, i. 450
Beaupere, Jean, ii. 208, 294, 307, 315, 380, 388
questions Jeanne, ii. 228-234, 237-240, 242, 401-406
Beaurepaire, M. Robillard de, i. vii, xxxii
Beaurevoir, i. xix; ii. 51, 140, 195
Jeanne at, ii. 178-191, 261, 273, 318, 405
Beauvais, i. 70; ii. 11, 119, 211, 309
archdeacon of, i. 153
bishop of, _see_ Cauchon
surrenders to Charles VII, ii. 35
English march on, ii. 348
Bec, Abbot of, ii. 208, 309
Bec-d'Allier, ii. 84
Bede, the Venerable, prophecies of, i. 178; ii. 27, 30, 230
Bedford, Duchess of, ii. 216, 217, 321
Duke of, i. 69, 359; ii. 60, 348
seizes Alencon, i. 106
returns to England, i. 107
addressed by Jeanne, i. 245, 247
policy towards Burgundy, i. 401
robs the bishops, i. 409
challenges Charles, ii. 16-19
believes Jeanne a witch, ii. 18, 217
cedes Paris to Philip, ii. 57, 58
keeps the crusaders in France, ii. 110
canon of Rouen, ii. 204
death of, ii. 352
Begot, Jean, ii. 210
_Beguines_, ii. 119
Behemoth, ii. 296
Belial, ii. 296
Belleme, Chateau de, i. 103
Belles, Dames, i. 125
Bellier, Guillaume, i. 174; ii. 370
Bellona, i. lxxii
Bells and St. Catherine, i. 341
Benedicite, _see_ Estivet
Benedict XIII, pope, i. 40, 161; ii. 37, 40, 41, 363
Benedict XIV, pope, ii. 37, 41, 42
Bennade, Bishop, i. 50
Bernard le Breton, ii. 127
Bernardino of Siena, i. 249, 412
Berne, i. lxxi
Berruyer, Martin, ii. 394, 396
Berry, Duc de, Jean, ii. 83
duchy of, i. xiv, 101, 108, 389; ii. 211
Berthe, Queen, i. 12, 395
Bertrand de Poulengy, i. xxix, xxx, 65, 82, 87, 220, 269
accompanies Jeanne, i. 96-105
at Blois, i. 252
Berwoist, John, ii. 225
Besancon, ii. 388
Bethlehem, i. 454
Bethsaida, i. 414
Bethulia, i. 191; ii. 366
Bethune, Jeanne de, ii. 178
Biget, Jean, i. 19
Billoray, Martin, Grand Inquisitor, ii. 157
Blackfriars, i. 109
Black Prince, i. 164
Blaise, i. 24
Blanche of Castile, Queen, i. 395
Blasphemy forbidden, i. 253
Blaye, ii. 383
Blesois, i. 101, 108
Bloch, M. Camille, i. lxxiv
Blois, i. 92, 111, 114, 134, 137, 239, 240
Jeanne at, i. xiii, 243, 319
St. Sauveur, i. 253
army returns to, i. 265, 272, 277, 282
English at, i. 360
Boian, Captain, ii. 95
Boilet, Colette, ii. 92, 93
Boilleve, Jean, i. 348, 366
Bois-Chenu, i. 2, 10, 175; ii. 239
Boisguillaume, _see_ Colles
Bolingbroke, i. 359
Bona of Milan, ii. 41
Bonne de Savoie, i. 381
Bonnet, M. Raoul, i. lxxiv
Simon, i. 189
Bonval, Jean de, ii. 12
Bordeaux, ii. 383
Borenglise, Castle of, ii. 138
Bosquier, Pierre, ii. 343
Bossuet, i. lvi
Boucher, Charlotte, i. xxiv, 271
Jacques, i. 110, 283, 302, 314; ii. 36
Jeanne lodges with, i. xxiv, 270; ii. 259
Bouchet, i. 265
Boudant, Helie, ii. 97
Boulainvilliers, Percevalde, i. 376, 399
Bouligny, Rene de, ii. 388
Boullay, Aubert, ii. 356
Boulogne, ii. 153
Boulogne-la-Petite, i. 415
Bouray, Jean de, ii. 96
Bourbon, Duke of, i. xii, lxiv; ii. 8, 63
Bourbonnais, i. 117, 129, 137
Bourgeois, Jean, i. 356
Bourges, i. 240, 395, 396; ii. 4
chapter of, i. 152; ii. 379
Jeanne at, ii. 78
defray costs of war, ii. 95
Bourget, Jean, ii. 183
Bourgogne, ii. 140
Bourlemont, Chateau of, i. 2, 16
Pierre de, i. 14, 16
Bournel, Guichard, ii. 70, 143, 261
Boussac, Marshal de, i. 141, 147, 267, 281
in command, i. 129, 133, 136, 137, 140, 272, 282, 315, 346, 347, 445;
ii. 34, 63, 76, 96, 194, 347, 348
at Blois, i. 244
enters Orleans with Jeanne, i. 269
goes to meet Talbot, i. 288
at Les Tourelles, i. 298, 304
at Patay, i. 372
leads army towards Reims, i. 403
Bouteiller, Sire le, ii. 339
Bouvier, Gilles le, i. x
Brabant, ii. 49
Bray-sur-Seine, ii. 8, 78
Brehal, Jean, i. 167; ii. 384, 391
Breteuil, Comte de, ii. 415
Bretigny, Treaty of, i. lxiv
Bretons, The, i. 287
Briare, ii. 106
Brie, i. 187; ii. 9, 17, 110
Brimeu, David de, _see_ Lord of Ligny
Brinion-l'Archeveque, i. 421, 426, 435, 439
Brittany, i. 154, 387
restored by Duke John, i. 380
Brook of the Three Springs, i. 17
Brousson, M. Jean, i. lxxiv
Bruges, ii. 99
Buchon, i. vii
Bueil, Jean de, i. 129, 218, 232; ii. 22, 50, 147
Builhon, Jean de, i. 127, 166
Burey-en-Vaux, i. 2, 59, 67, 75
Burey-la-Cote, i. 2
Burgundy, i. 154
Duke of, _see_ Philip
Butchers of Paris, i. 154; ii. 129
Butterflies, significance of, ii. 260
CABASSE, Raymond, i. 210
Cabochiens, The, i. xxi, 154, 358; ii. 170, 352
Caffa, ii. 140
Cagny, Perceval de, i. ix, x
Cailly, Guy de, i. xxxii, 267, 269, 342
Calais, Jean de, ii. 128, 130
_Calendrier des Vieillards_, i. 211
Calixtus III, ii. 385
Calot, Lawrence, ii. 318
Cambrai, ii. 178
Camilla, i. 191, 222, 329
Cana, ii. 48
Cany, Dame de, i. 128
_Capitouls_ of Toulouse, i. 337; ii. 41
Carlier, Bietremieu, ii. 188
Carmelites, The, i. 109, 189; ii. 71, 120, 164
plots of, ii. 128-131
Cartesianism, i. lviii
Cassandra, i. 204; ii. 30
Castille, Etienne, ii. 199
Castillon, Jean de, ii. 291
Castres, Bishop of, ii. 379
Cathari, The, i. 209, 210; ii. 111, 157, 282
Catherine de la Rochelle, ii. 85-88, 101, 119, 167
and Jeanne, ii. 88-90, 184
employed by Friar Richard, ii. 183-185, 261, 345, 367
Cato, i. 327
Catherine, Queen, i. 60, 250, 275, 423
Cauchon, Pierre, Bishop of Beauvais, i. xxvii, li, lii, 440; ii. 35,
46, 299
consults the University of Paris, i. 274
claims Jeanne, ii. 170-178, 181, 195, 197, 203, 204
conducts her trial, ii. 205-284
reads the sentence on Jeanne, ii. 314, 320, 337
hears her retract, ii. 324-328
claims Guillaume the shepherd, ii. 349
at Bale, ii. 382
responsibility thrown on, deceased, ii. 385
death of, ii. 392
Cayeux, Hugues de, ii. 51
Cazin du Boys, i. 103
Ceffonds, i. 3
Cerquenceaux, Abbot of, i. 121
Chabannes, Jacques de, i. 129; ii. 145
Chabot, Jean, i. 139
Chailly, Denis de, i. 136
Lord de, i. 304
Chalons, i. xxxii, 389, 394, 405, 417, 424; ii. 4, 71
Count of, i. 447
surrenders to Charles VII, i. 435-437
Chambley, Alarde de, i. 61
_Chambre des Comptes_, ii. 208
Champagne, i. lxix, 3, 187
war in, i. 385, 388
route through, i. 393
Champigny, ii. 56
Champion, M. Pierre, i. xix, lxxiv
Chandos, standard of, i. 310, 448
_Chanson de Roland_, ii. 278
Chapelain, i. lv, lxv
Chapelle, Jean de la, ii. 128-130
Chapelle-St.-Denys, ii. 130
Chapon, Perrot, i. 103
Charavay, M. Noel, i. lxxiv
Charcot, Dr., ii. 403
Charenton, ii. 416
Charlemagne, crown and sword of, i. 444, 476
Charles II, Duke of Lorraine, _see_ Lorraine
Sire d'Albret, _see_ Albret
Charles V, i. 148, 224, 359; ii. 64
piety of, i. 160
Charles VI, i. 22, 146, 161, 183, 423, 429; ii. 54, 208, 228
believer in prophecy, i. 196
death of, i. 198
Charles VII, i. lxxi, 24, 82, 137, 209; ii. 361
attacked through Jeanne, i. xii; ii. 177, 209, 233, 244, 310, 376
escutcheons of, i. 31; ii. 26
Jeanne's prophecies concerning, i. 64, 67, 77, 81
prisoner of the English, i. 75
sends for Jeanne, i. 89
character of, i. 145-149, 160, 166
resources of, i. 149-155, 331, 396
_Le Bien Servi_, i. 153
examines reports of Jeanne, i. 160, 162, 168, 323, 328
interviews Jeanne, i. 168-173, 183
personal appearance of, i. 170
legitimacy of, i. 172
warned against Jeanne, i. 181
seeks a sign, i. 213, 214
has Jeanne armed and mounted, i. 221-223
announces the relief of Orleans, i. 319
urged by Jeanne to Reims, i. 333, 385
Voices not heard by, i. 342
receives Jeanne after Patay, i. 377
coronation of; moral value of, i. 391
innocent of death of Duke John, i. 401
starts for Reims, i. 403
at Troyes, i. 421-434
at Chalons, i. 436
summons Reims to surrender, i. 439
crowned at Reims, i. 443-449
progress to Compiegne, ii. 1-24, 34, 51
challenged by Bedford, ii. 16-19
makes truce with Burgundy, ii. 51-53
hated in Paris, ii. 58, 59
orders army back from Paris, ii. 73
leaves St. Denys, ii. 76
disbands the army, ii. 78
peaceful policy of, ii. 120
schemes to win Paris, ii. 128
maintains the Pragmatic Sanction, ii. 381
enters Rouen, ii. 383
urges trial for rehabilitation, ii. 383-385
death of, ii. 397
Charles VIII, i. lxxi
Charles, Duke of Orleans, i. 91, 142, 243; ii. 1, 269
bribes the English, i. 106
raises supplies, i. 117
ballad by, i. 235
to be rescued by Jeanne, i. 333, 357
piety of, i. 342, 358
colours of, i. 356
captivity of, i. 359
Charles Martel, i. 102, 223, 226, 475
Simon, i. 169
Charles the Wise, ii. 14
Charny, Lord of, ii. 51
Charpaigne, i. 155
Charpentier, P., i. xiii
Chartier, Alain, i. xlv, lxiii, 251
Jean, i. xi-xiii, xx, xxxii, xlv
Chartiers, Guillaume, ii. 385
Chartres, i. 410; ii. 213, 353, 419
Chasse-les-Usson, ii. 394
Chastel, Jean du, i. 104
Chastellain, Georges, i. xxi
Chastillon, Sire de, commander of Reims, i. 438-442
Chateaubriand, i. lix
Chateaubrun, Lord of, i. 139, 141
Chateaudun, i. 114, 240, 318
Governor of, i. 174, 241
Chateaufort, Guillaume de, ii. 396
Chateauneuf, i. 377
Chateau-of-Sully, i. 377
Chateaurenard, i. 282; ii. 78
Chateau-Thierry, i. 440; ii. 3, 4, 7, 10, 260
Jeanne at, ii. 75
Chateauvillain, Sire de, i. 411
Chatterton, Thomas, i. lxix
Chaumont, i. 16, 61, 121, 129
occupied by the English, i. 23
Lord of, i. 129, 210
Checy, i. 112, 113, 258, 341
army reaches, i. 264
Jeanne at, i. 267
Cheminon, Abbey of, i. 47, 252
Chenier, Marie-Joseph, i. xlvi, lxv
Cher, The, i. 338
Chinon, i. xxxviii, 87, 89, 99, 117, 143, 144, 151, 217, 238, 466, 476;
ii. 300, 370
Jeanne at, i. xiii, xxv, 145, 156-185, 468; ii. 232, 404
castles of, i. 158
Grand Carroy, i. 167
La Vieille Porte, i. 168
Castle of Coudray, i. 173
Charles VII at, i. 319
Choisy-au-Bac, ii. 142
Choisy-sur-Aisne, ii. 142
Chorazin, i. 414
Christine de Pisan, i. 179; ii. 56
poems of, ii. 24-30
Chroniclers of the period, i. ix
_Chronique d'Antonio Morosini_, i. xxi
_Chronique de la Pucelle_, _La_, i. xiv
_Chronique de l'Etablissement de la fete_, _Le_, i. xviii
_Chronique des Cordeliers_, _Le_, i. xix, xx
Chrysippus, i. 322
Chursates, i. 40
Cilinia, i. 50
_City of God_, _The_, i. 205
Clain, The, i. 147
Clairoix, ii. 145, 147, 164
Claude de Metz, ii. 353
Clefmont, Barthelemy de, i. 28
Clement VIII, pope, ii. 37, 40, 42, 250, 363
Clement of Alexandria, i. 205
Clermont, i. 240; ii. 92
bishop of, i. 155
Count of, i. 137, 147, 169, 281, 342, 446, 450; ii. 45, 53, 73, 76
cowardice of, i. 138, 140, 370
Climat-du-Camp, i. 373, 375
Clopinel, i. 143
Clorinda, i. lxxii
Clotaire, King, ii. 46
Clotilde, Queen, i. 51-53
Clovis, King, i. 49-53, 55, 182, 392, 445, 447; ii. 178
Coarraze, Lord de, i. 304
Coeur-de-Lis, i. 118; ii. 361
Coinage, the Maid an authority on, i. 337
Colard de Mailly, i. 442
Colet de Vienne, i. 88, 96, 100, 157, 160
Colette of Corbie, i. xxxv, lxxii, 72, 453, 472; ii. 135, 184
Colin, Jean, i. 48, 97
Colles, Guillaume, ii. 206, 218
Cologne, i. 383; ii. 362, 364, 365, 370
Colonna, Otto, ii. 39
Comberel, Hugues de, i. 150
Combleux, i. 113
Comment-Qu'il-Soit, i. 381
Commercy, i. 436
Damoiseau de, _see_ Robert de Saarbruck
Compiegne, i. xx, xxxi, 198; ii. 2, 71, 107, 138, 160, 168, 180, 261, 353
surrenders to Charles VII, ii. 34, 51
Jeanne at, ii. 36, 142, 405
siege of, ii. 140, 151, 155, 193-196
St. Corneille, ii. 208
Conches, Governor of, i. 124
Confessor, The King's, i. 189
Constable of France, i. 400, 447; ii. 44, 382
feared by the King, i. 377
plots to seize Jeanne, i. 379
succeeds as favourite, ii. 351, 352
Constable of Scotland, i. 135, 137, 139
Constance, Bishop of, ii. 200
Council of, i. 325; ii. 37, 39, 42, 208
Constantinople, i. 249
Coppequesne, Nicolas, ii. 210, 218
Corbeil, i. 101; ii. 3, 123, 185
Corbie, Jean de, i. 404, 472
Cordeliers, the, i. xix, 113
Cormeilles, ii. 208
Corneille, Abbot of, ii. 309
Corny, ii. 357
Coronation, moral value of, i. 391
at Orleans, i. 392
at Reims, i. 392
of queens, i. 395
Corraze, i. 121
Corsini, Giovanni, i. 384
Costus, King, i. 35
Coudray, i. 158
Coudun, ii. 146, 150, 164
Coulommiers, ii. 3, 9
Council, Jeanne's, _see_ Voices, &c.
of Charles VII, makes use of the Maid as a mascotte, i. 378; ii. 101
plans of, regarding the coronation, i. 386-394
ceases to employ Jeanne, ii. 120
Courcelles, Thomas de, during the trial, ii. 208, 214, 246, 252, 286,
293, 329, 332, 389
at Bale, ii. 379
delivers the funeral oration on Charles VII, ii. 397
Courtenay, ii. 78
Cousinot, Guillaume, Chronicle of, i. xiv, 270, 292
Coussey, i. 2, 67
Coutances, ii. 209
bishop of, ii. 385
Coutes, Jean de, i. 174
Jeanne de, i. 174
Louis de, i. 174, 252, 448; ii. 388
Couvreur, Jean le, ii. 219
Crecy-en-Brie, i. xlvii, 229; ii. 3
Cremona, i. 384
Crepy-en-Valois, ii. 10, 12, 16, 19, 23, 34, 145
Crequy, Sire de, ii. 149, 150
Croissy, ii. 56
Crotoy, ii. 196
Crusades, The, i. 250, 419, 457; ii. 15, 29, 110
Cuissart, C., i. xiii
Culant, Admiral de, i. 134, 141, 243, 304; ii. 76
Currency of the period, i. 19
Cusquel, Pierre, ii. 201
Cyrus, i. 429
DAGOBERT, King, ii. 46
Daix, Jehannin, ii. 99
Dammartin, ii. 19
Daniel, i. 207
Dante Alighieri, i. lxviii
Darnley, i. 137
Daron, Pierre, ii. 201
Dauphin, The, _see_ Charles VII
Jeanne's use of title explained, i. 198
Dauphine, i. 149
David, King, i. 204, 237, 384, 414, 447, 454
Deborah, i. 165, 191, 328, 382; ii. 27
Decazes, Comte, ii. 415, 418
Delachambre, Guillaume, ii. 240, 401
Demetriade, ii. 388
Denmark, i. 177
Desch, Geoffroy, ii. 358
Jean, ii. 358
Deschamps, Eustache, i. 395
Gilles, ii. 208
Devils, entrance of, i. 85
Didier of Saint Die, i. 18, 20
Dieppe, i. 140; ii. 198
_Dies Irae_, i. 204; ii. 340
Dijon, i. 402, 458
Diminutives, origin of, i. 6
Dinteville, Jean de, i. 407
Diocletian, ii. 56
_Directorium_, ii. 285
Dive, The, i. 388
Dominicans, The, ii. 157
Dommartin-la-Cour, i. 27
Dommartin-le-Franc, i. 27, 28
Domremy, i. xxiii, xxxi, 58, 73, 212
situation of, i. 2, 16, 17
inhabitants of suspected of witchcraft, i. 15
feudal overlordship of, i. 16
fortress of the island let, i. 19
precautions against pillage, i. 26
pillaged by Henri of Savoy, i. 27
pillaged by Antoine de Vergy, i. 70, 74
inquiries at, ii. 386
freed from _tailles_, i. 452
Douillet, Jean, ii. 393
Doulevant, i. 27
Drapier, Perrin le, i. 43
Drugy, Chateau of, ii. 196
Ducoudray, Jean, i. 103
Duisy, Guillaume, i. 132, 311
Dumas, Dr. Georges, i. xxxiv; ii. 401-406
Dun, Saubelet de, ii. 366
Dunand, Canon, i. lxii
Dunois, Count of, _see_ Bastard of Orleans
Durance, The, i. 180
Durand de Brie, ii. 127
of Saint-Die, i. 18, 20
Durandal, ii. 75
Duras, Marshal de, ii. 409
Dutaillis, M. Petit, i. lxxiii
EDWARD III, i. 460
Elijah, i. 191, 414, 419
Elincourt, ii. 138
Elisha, i. 342
Embrun, archbishop of, _see_ Jacques Gelu
Emilius, i. 50
Engelide, ii. 31
English, hatred of the, i. 21, 22
occupation of France, i. 21, 23
army driven from France, i. xlvii-xlix
hesitates between Angers and Orleans, i. 63
lays siege to Orleans, i. 75
position in France, i. 106
composition of, i. 123, 124
deserters from, i. 124
disorganised by Salisbury's death, i. 130
celebrates Noel, i. 133
plight of, outside Orleans, i. 135
appears in Le Portereau, i. 123, 124
occupies St.-Loup, i. 231
erects worthless bastions, i. 232, 281
privations of, i. 232, 233, 241
summoned by Jeanne to surrender, i. 245, 278, 295, 351
receives Jeanne's letter, i. 273-277
regards Jeanne as a witch, i. 274-277, 310; ii. 121
defends Les Tourelles, i. 296-313
defends Les Augustins, i. 297
leaves Orleans, i. 316
in Jargeau, i. 348, 351, 353
at the battle of Patay, i. 369-376
at Bray-sur-Seine, ii. 8
skirmishes with French, ii. 23
at Jeanne's capture, ii. 152
buys Jeanne, ii. 175, 196
gives her up to the Bishop of Beauvais, ii. 204
tumult at the recantation, ii. 315, 318
Enoch, i. 414
Epictetus, i. lxvii
Epinal, Gerardin d', i. 48, 67, 436; ii. 386
Isabellette d', i. 48, 436
Nicholas d', i. 48, 437
Erard, Guillaume, ii. 208, 257, 294, 329
preaches against Jeanne, ii. 309-314
reads the abjuration, ii. 316
Eratosthenes, i. 322
Erault, Jean, i. 189
examines Jeanne, i. 194
writes at her dictation, i. 196
Escouchy, Mathieu d', i. xx
Estellin, Beatrix, i. 5, 12
Jeannette, ii. 386
Esther, i. xxvi, 339, 382; ii. 27
Estivet, Jean d', ii. 205, 213, 216, 240, 385, 392
Estouteville, Cardinal d', ii. 384
Etampes, i. 137, 368
Count of, i. 381
Eugenius IV, pope, ii. 250, 355, 374, 380
Eure, The, i. 388
Euripides, i. 322
Eve, i. 206
Evreux, i. 124, 139, 366; ii. 23
Bailie of, i. 123
Eymerie, Nicolas, ii. 285
Ezekiel, ii. 230
FABRE, M. Joseph, i. lxii
Failly, Collard, ii. 366
Fair of le Lendit, ii. 49
Fairy lore of Domremy, i. 11
Falconbridge, Baron, i. 123, 375
Fastolf, Sir John, i. 332
convoys victuals, i. 137
at Janville, i. 283
approaches Jargeau, i. 349, 351, 367
plans of, i. 368, 349
at Patay, i. 375
uncertainty of fate of, i. 397, 399
Fauchard, Simon, ii. 392
Fauveau, ii. 95
Fecamp, abbot of, ii. 208, 209, 218, 309, 329
Fecard, Jean, ii. 261
Felix, pope, ii. 381
Feron, Jean, ii. 394
Ferone, Jeanne la, ii. 394, 396
Ferrier, Vincent, i. 412
Fesenzac, i. 38
Feuillet, Gerard, ii. 261
Fiefve, Thomas, ii. 208
Fierbois, i. 102, 475; ii. 139
St. Catherine's Chapel, i. 223-226
Fitz Walter, i. 375
Flamenc, Pierre, i. 337
Flavy, Guillaume de, ii. 34, 132, 141, 147, 193
Louis de, ii. 193
Fleury, i. 114, 288
Jean, ii. 127
Florence, i. 130; ii. 374
Flyeng Hart, The, ii. 26
Foix, Count of, ii. 38
_Fontaine-auz-Bonnes-Fees-Notre-Seigneur_, romance of, i. 10, 13, 14
Fontaine, Jean de la, ii. 205, 218, 261, 264, 268, 278
Forest of Guise, ii. 145
Forestel, Wavrin du, i. xx
Fort St. George, i. 159
Fosse, Guion du, i. 142
Foucault, Jean, ii. 123
Lord of, ii. 76
Foucquet, Jean, ii. 421
Foug, Geoffrey de, i. 60
Fouquerel, Jean, ii. 45
Fournier, Jean, i. 80, 418
exorcises Jeanne, i. 84-86
France, kingdom of, distressful state of, i. 20, 151
Franciscans, The, i. 220
Franquet d'Arras, prisoner of Jeanne, ii. 124
French army, ii. 21
famine in, i. 425; ii. 3
Fresnay-le-Gelmert, Lord of, i. 174
Fresnoy, Abbe Longlet du, i. lviii
Freycinet, M. de, i. xl
Friar Richard, Jeanne's chaplain, i. 249, 448; ii. 18, 44, 82, 97, 101,
119, 189, 260, 345-347
history of, i. 412
preaches in Paris, i. 413-417; ii. 59
suspects Jeanne of witchcraft, i. 412, 418
at Troyes, i. 422, 424, 430, 434, 435
designs of, ii. 86
at Orleans, ii. 182
Fribourg, i. 70
Friesland, Lady of, i. 401
Froissart, i. xx
Frontey, Guillaume, Vicar of Domremy, i. 47, 48
Furtivolus, i. 471
GABRIEL, Archangel appears to Jeanne, ii. 291
Gaillard, Chateau, ii. 199
Galeliere, la, lord of, i. 174
Gallardon, i. xxxvi; ii. 413