THE CONVENTION OF AUXERRE--FRIAR RICHARD--THE SURRENDER OF TROYES
On the 27th of June,[1368] the vanguard, commanded by Marshal de
Boussac, the Sire de Rais, the Captains La Hire and Poton, set out
from Gien in the direction of Montargis with the design of pressing on
to Sens, which, so they had been wrongly informed, was deemed likely
to open its gates to the Dauphin. But, at the news that the town had
hoisted the flag of St. Andrew, as a sign of fidelity to the English
and Burgundians, the army changed its route, so little did it desire
to take towns by force. The march was now directed towards Auxerre,
where a more favourable reception was expected.[1369] The Maid in her
impatience had not waited for the King. She rode with the company
which had started first. Had she been its leader she would not have
turned from a town when its cannon were directed against her.
[Footnote 1368: According to Perceval de Cagny, p. 157; the 28th of
June, according to Chartier, p. 90.]
[Footnote 1369: _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 286.]
The King set forth two days later, with the Princes of the Blood, many
knights, the main battle, as it was called, and the Sire de la
Tremouille, who commanded the expedition.[1370] All these troops
arrived before Auxerre on the 1st of July.[1371] There on the
hill-slope, encircled with vineyards and cornfields, rose the
ramparts, towers, roofs, and belfries of the blessed Bishop Germain's
city. That town towards which in the summer sunshine, in the company
of gallant knighthood, she was now riding, fully armed like a handsome
Saint Maurice, Jeanne had seen only three months before, under a dark
and cloudy sky; then, clad like a stable-boy, in the company of two or
three poor soldiers of fortune, she was travelling over a bad road, on
her way to the Dauphin Charles.[1372]
[Footnote 1370: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90. _Chronique
de la Pucelle_, pp. 309, 310. Perceval de Cagny, p. 157. Morosini,
vol. iii, pp. 142, 143.]
[Footnote 1371: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 314. _Journal du siege_,
pp. 108, 109. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 330. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_,
vol. i, p. 92. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 142, note 2.]
[Footnote 1372: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 54, 222.]
Since 1424 the County of Auxerre had belonged to the Duke of Burgundy,
upon whom it had been bestowed by the Regent. The Duke governed it
through a bailie and a captain.[1373]
[Footnote 1373: Abbe Lebeuf, _Histoire ecclesiastique et civile
d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 251; vol. iii, pp. 302, 506.]
The lord Bishop, Messire Jean de Corbie, formerly Bishop of Mende, was
thought to be on the Dauphin's side.[1374] The Chapter of the
Cathedral on the other hand held to Burgundy.[1375] Twelve jurors,
elected by the burgesses and other townsfolk, administered the affairs
of the city. One can easily imagine that fear must have been the
dominant sentiment in their hearts when they saw the royal army
approaching. Men-at-arms, no matter whether they wore the white cross
or the red, inspired all town dwellers with a well-grounded terror.
And, in order to turn from their gates these violent and murderous
thieves, the townsfolk were capable of resorting to the strongest
measures, even to that of putting their hands in their purses.
[Footnote 1374: Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, Auxerre,
1834 (2 vols. in 8vo), vol. ii, p. 258.]
[Footnote 1375: Dom Plancher, _Histoire de Bourgogne_, vol. iv, p. 76.
Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, pp. 257 _et seq._
Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. i, p. 383.]
The royal heralds summoned the people of Auxerre to receive the King
as their natural and lawful lord. Such a summons, backed by lances,
placed them in a very embarrassing position. Alike by refusing and by
consenting these good folk ran great risk. To transfer their
allegiance was no light matter; their lives and their goods were
involved. Foreseeing this danger, and conscious of their weakness,
they had entered into a league with the cities of Champagne. The
object of the league was to relieve its members from the burden of
receiving men-at-arms and the peril of having two hostile masters.
Certain of the townsfolk therefore presented themselves before King
Charles and promised him such submission as should be accorded by the
towns of Troyes, Chalons, and Reims.[1376]
[Footnote 1376: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90. _Journal du
siege_, p. 108. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 313. Monstrelet, vol.
iv, p. 436. Abbe Lebeuf, _Histoire ecclesiastique d'Auxerre_, vol. ii,
p. 51. Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 259.]
This was not obedience, neither was it rebellion. Negotiations were
begun; ambassadors went from the town to the camp and from the camp to
the town. Finally the confederates, who were not lacking in
intelligence, proposed an acceptable compromise,--one that princes
were constantly concluding with each other, to wit, a truce.
They said to the King: "We entreat and request you to pass on, and we
ask you to agree to refrain from fighting." And, in order to secure
their request being granted, they gave two thousand crowns to the
Sire de la Tremouille, who, it is said, kept them without a blush.
Further, the townsfolk undertook to revictual the army in return for
money down; and that was worth considering, for there was famine in
the camp.[1377] This truce by no means pleased the men-at-arms, who
thereby lost a fine opportunity for robbery and pillage. Murmurs
arose; many lords and captains said that it would not be difficult to
take the town, and that its capture should have been attempted. The
Maid, who was always receiving promises of victory from her Voices,
never ceased calling the soldiers to arms.[1378] Unaffected by any of
these things, the King concluded the proposed truce; for he cared not
by force of arms to obtain more than could be compassed by peaceful
methods. Had he attacked the town he might have taken it and held it
in his mercy; but it would have meant certain pillage, murder,
burning, and ravishing. On his heels would have come the Burgundians,
and there would have been plundering, burning, ravishing, massacring
over again. How many examples had there not been already of unhappy
towns captured and then lost almost immediately, devastated by the
French, devastated by the English and the Burgundians, when each
citizen kept in his coffer a red cap and a white cap, which he wore in
turns! Was there to be no end to these massacres and abominations,
resentment against which caused the Armagnacs to be cursed throughout
l'Ile de France, and which made it so hard for the lawful King to
recover his town of Paris. The royal Council thought the time had come
to put an end to these things. It was of opinion that Charles of
Valois would the more easily reconquer his inheritance if, while
manifesting his power, he showed himself lenient and exercised royal
clemency, as in arms and yet pursuing peace, he continued his march to
Reims.[1379]
[Footnote 1377: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90. _Chronique
de la Pucelle_, p. 313. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 149. Monstrelet, vol.
iv, p. 336. Gilles de Roye, in _Collection des chroniques belges_, pp.
206, 207. Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 260.]
[Footnote 1378: "_De laquelle chose furent bien mal coutans aucuns
seigneurs et cappitaines d'icellui ost et en parloient bien fort._"
Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]
[Footnote 1379: In the following manner this march is described by a
contemporary: "On the said day (29th of June, 1429), after much
discussion, the King set out and took his way for to go straight to
the city of Troye in Champaigne, and, as he passed, all the fortresses
on the one hand and the other, rendered him allegiance." Perceval de
Cagny, p. 157.]
After having spent three days under the walls of the town, the army
being refreshed, crossed the Yonne and came to the town of
Saint-Florentin, which straightway submitted to the King.[1380] On the
4th of July, they reached the village of Saint-Phal, four hours'
journey from Troyes.[1381]
[Footnote 1380: Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]
[Footnote 1381: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 287. Monstrelet,
vol. iv, p. 336. _Journal du siege_, p. 109. _Chronique de la
Pucelle_, p. 314. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 91. _Trial_,
vol. v, pp. 264-265.]
In this strong town there was a garrison of between five and six
hundred men at the most.[1382] A bailie, Messire Jean de Dinteville,
two captains, the Sires de Rochefort and de Plancy, commanded in the
town for King Henry and for the Duke of Burgundy.[1383] Troyes was a
manufacturing town; the source of its wealth was the cloth
manufacture. True, this industry had long been declining through
competition and the removal of markets; its ruin was being
precipitated by the general poverty and the insecurity of the roads.
Nevertheless the cloth workers' guild maintained its importance and
sent a number of magistrates to the Council.[1384]
[Footnote 1382: Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]
[Footnote 1383: Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes et de la
Champagne meridionale_, Paris, 1872 (5 vols. in 8vo), vol. ii, p. 482.
For the members of this Council see the most ancient register of its
deliberations by A. Roserot, in _Collection des documents inedits
relatifs a la ville de Troyes_ (1886).]
[Footnote 1384: F. Bourquelot, _Les foires de Champagne_, Paris, 1865,
vol. i, p. 65. Louis Batiffol, _Jean Jouvenel, prevot des marchands_,
Paris, 1894, in 8vo.]
In 1420, these merchants had sworn to the treaty which promised the
French crown to the House of Lancaster; they were then at the mercy of
English and Burgundians. For the holding of those great fairs, to
which they took their cloth, they must needs live at peace with their
Burgundian neighbours, and if the _Godons_ had closed the ports of the
Seine against their bales, they would have died of hunger. Wherefore
the notables of the town had turned English, which did not mean that
they would always remain English. Within the last few weeks great
changes had taken place in the kingdom; and the Gilles Laiguises, the
Hennequins, the Jouvenels did not pride themselves on remaining
unchanged amidst vicissitudes of fortune which were transferring the
power from one side to the other. The French victories gave them food
for reflection. Along the banks of the streams, which wound through
the city, there were weavers, dyers, curriers who were Burgundian at
heart.[1385] As for the Churchmen, if they were thrilled by no love
for the Armagnacs, they felt none the less that King Charles was sent
to them by a special dispensation of divine providence.
[Footnote 1385: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 292.]
The Bishop of Troyes was my lord Jean Laiguise, son of Master Huet
Laiguise, one of the first to swear to the treaty of 1420.[1386] The
Chapter had elected him without waiting for the permission of the
Regent, who declared against the election, not that he disliked the
new pontiff; Messire Jean Laiguise had sucked hatred of the Armagnacs
and respect for the Rose of Lancaster from his _alma mater_ of Paris.
But my Lord of Bedford could not forgive any slighting of his
sovereign rights.
[Footnote 1386: _Gallia Christiana_, vol. xiii, cols. 514-516.
Courtalon-Delaistre, _Topographie historique du diocese de Troyes_
(Troyes, 1783, 3 vols. in 8vo), vol. i, p. 384. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire
de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, pp. 477, 478. De Pange, _Le pays de
Jeanne d'Arc, le fief et l'arriere-fief_, Paris, 1902, in 8vo, p. 33.]
Shortly afterwards he incurred the censure of the whole Church of
France and was judged by the bishops worse than the cruellest tyrants
of Scripture--Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Artaxerxes[1387]--who, when
they chastised Israel had spared the Levites. More wicked than they
and more sacrilegious, my Lord of Bedford threatened the privileges of
the Gallican Church, when, on behalf of the Holy See, he robbed the
bishops of their patronage, levied a double tithe on the French
clergy, and commanded churchmen to surrender to him the contributions
they had been receiving for forty years. That he was acting with the
Pope's consent made his conduct none the less execrable in the eyes of
the French bishops. The episcopal lords resolved to appeal from a Pope
ill informed to one with wider knowledge; for they held the authority
of the Bishop of Rome to be insignificant in comparison with the
authority of the Council. They groaned: the abomination of desolation
was laying waste Christian Gaul. In order to pacify the Church of
France thus roused against him, my lord of Bedford convoked at Paris
the bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Sens, which included the
dioceses of Paris, Troyes, Auxerre, Nevers, Meaux, Chartres, and
Orleans.[1388]
[Footnote 1387: Simeon Luce, _Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy_, p. ccxxii,
according to Labbe and Cossart, _Sacro-Sancta-Consilia_, vol. xii,
col. 390.]
[Footnote 1388: S. Luce, _Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy_, p. ccxx and proofs
and illustrations, ccix, pp. 238-239. Robillard de Beaurepaire, _Les
etats de Normandie sous la domination anglaise_, Evreux, 1859, in
8vo.]
Messire Jean Laiguise attended this Convocation. The Synod was held at
Paris, in the Priory of Saint-Eloi, under the presidency of the
Archbishop, from the 1st of March till the 23rd of April, 1429.[1389]
The assembled bishops represented to my Lord the Regent the sorry
plight of the ecclesiastical lords: the peasants, pillaged by
soldiers, no longer paid their dues; the lands of the Church were
lying waste; divine service had ceased to be held because there was no
money with which to support public worship. Unanimously they refused
to pay the Pope and the Regent the double tithe; and they threatened
to appeal from the Pope to the Council. As for despoiling the clergy
of all the contributions they had received during the last forty
years, that, they declared, would be impious; and with great charity
they reminded my Lord of Bedford of the fate reserved by God's
judgment for the impious even in this world. "The Prince," they said,
"should beware of the miseries and sorrows already fallen upon a
multitude of princes, who with such demands had oppressed the Church
which God redeemed with his own precious blood: some had perished by
the sword, some had been driven into exile, others had been despoiled
of their illustrious sovereignties. Wherefore such as set themselves
to enslave the Church, the Bride of God, may not hope to deserve the
grace of his divine Majesty."[1390]
[Footnote 1389: Labbe and Cossart, _Sacro-Sancta-Consilia_, vol. xii,
col. 392.]
[Footnote 1390: Labbe and Cossart, _Sacro-Sancta-Consilia_, vol. xii,
col. 390, 399.]
Jean Laiguise's sentiments towards the English Regent were those of
the Synod. It would be wrong, however, to conclude that the Bishop of
Troyes desired the death of the sinner, or even that he was hostile to
the English.[1391] The Church is usually capable of temporising with
the powers of this world. Wide is her mercy, and great her
longsuffering. She threatens oft before striking and receives the
repentance of the sinner at the first sign of contrition. But we may
believe that if Charles of Valois were to win the power and show the
will to protect the Church of France, the Lord Bishop and the Chapter
of Troyes would fear lest if they resisted him they might be resisting
God himself, since all power comes from God who _deposuit potentes_.
[Footnote 1391: De Pange, _Le pays de Jeanne d'Arc, le fief et
l'arriere-fief_, p. 33.]
King Charles had not ventured to enter Champagne without taking
measures for his safety; he knew on what he could rely in the town of
Troyes. He had received information and promises; he maintained secret
relations with several burgesses of the city, and those none of the
least.[1392] During the first fortnight of May, a royal notary, ten
clerks and leading merchants, on their way to the king, were arrested
just outside the walls, on the Paris road, by the Sire de
Chateauvillain,[1393] a captain in the English service. This mission
was probably fulfilled by others more fortunate. It is easy to divine
what questions were discussed at these audiences. The merchants would
ask whether Charles, if he became their Lord, would guarantee absolute
freedom to their trade; the clerks would ask his promise to respect
the goods of the Church. And the King doubtless was not sparing of his
pledges.
[Footnote 1392: J. Rogier in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 285.]
[Footnote 1393: Th. Boutiot in _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol.
ii, pp. 316 _et seq._]
The Maid, with one division of the army, halted before the stronghold
of Saint-Phal, belonging to Philibert de Vaudrey, commander of the
town of Tonnerre, in the service of the Duke of Burgundy.[1394] In
that place of Saint-Phal, Jeanne beheld approaching her a Franciscan
friar, who was crossing himself and sprinkling holy water, for he
feared lest she were the devil, and dared not draw near without having
first exorcised the evil spirit. It was Friar Richard who was coming
from Troyes.[1395] It will be interesting to see who this monk was as
far as we can tell.
[Footnote 1394: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 288. Th. Boutiot,
_Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, p. 490. A. Assier, _Une
cite champenoise au xv'e siecle_, Troyes, 1875, in 12mo.]
[Footnote 1395: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 99, 100. _Relation du Greffier de
La Rochelle_, p. 338. _Journal du siege_, pp. 109-110. _Chronique de
la Pucelle_, p. 315.]
The place of his birth is unknown.[1396] A disciple of Brother Vincent
Ferrier and of Brother Bernardino of Sienna, like them, he taught the
imminent coming of Antichrist and the salvation of the faithful by the
adoration of the holy name of Jesus.[1397] After having been on a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he returned to France, and preached at
Troyes, during the Advent of 1428. Advent, sometimes called Saint
Martin's Lent, begins on the Sunday which falls between the 27th of
November and the 3rd of December. It lasts four weeks, which
Christians spend in making themselves ready to celebrate the mystery
of the Nativity.
[Footnote 1396: Ed. Richer says his name was Roch Richard and that he
was licentiate in theology. _Histoire manuscrite de la Pucelle_ (Bibl.
Nat. fr. 10448), book 1, folios 50 _et seq._ Simeon Luce, _Jeanne
d'Arc a Domremy_ (chap. x, Jeanne d'Arc et frere Richard).]
[Footnote 1397: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 235. Th. Basin,
_Histoire de Charles VII et de Louis XI_, vol. i, p. 104. Vallet de
Viriville, _Proces de condamnation de Jeanne d'Arc_, 1867.
Introduction, _Notes sur deux medailles de plomb relatives a Jeanne
d'Arc_, Paris, 1861, p. 22. S. Luce, _Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy_, p.
ccxxxix.]
"Sow, sow your seed, my good folk," he said. "Sow beans ready for the
harvest, for He who is to come will come quickly."[1398]
[Footnote 1398: _Journal du siege_, p. 110. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 315.]
By beans he meant the good works to be performed before Our Lord
should come in the clouds to judge the quick and the dead. Now it was
important to sow those good works quickly, for the harvest-tide was
drawing nigh. The coming of Antichrist was but shortly to precede the
end of the world and the consummation of the ages. In the month of
April, 1429, Friar Richard went to Paris; the Synod of the Province of
Sens was then holding its final session. It is possible that the good
Friar was summoned to the great city by the Bishop of Troyes who was
present at the Synod; but at any rate it would appear that it was not
the rights of the Gallican Church the wandering monk went there to
defend.[1399]
[Footnote 1399: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 233. Labbe,
Boutiot.]
On the 16th of April, he preached his first sermon at
Sainte-Genevieve; on the next and the following days, until Sunday,
the 24th, he preached every morning, from five until ten or eleven
o'clock, in the open air, on a platform, erected against the
charnel-house of the Innocents, on the spot whereon was celebrated the
dance of death. Around the platform, about nine feet high, there
crowded five or six thousand persons, to whom he announced the speedy
coming of Antichrist and the end of the world.[1400] "In Syria," he
said, "I met bands of Jews; I asked them whither they were going, and
they replied: 'We are wending in a multitude towards Babylon, for of a
truth the Messiah is born among men, and he will restore unto us our
inheritance, and he will bring us again to the land of promise.' Thus
spake those Syrian Jews. Now Scripture teaches us that He, whom they
call the Messiah, is in truth that Antichrist, of whom it is said he
shall be born in Babylon, capital of the kingdom of Persia, he shall
be brought up at Bethsaida and in his youth he shall dwell at
Chorazin. Wherefore our Lord said: 'Woe unto thee, Chorazin! woe unto
thee, Bethsaida.' The year 1430," added Friar Richard, "shall witness
greater marvels than have ever been seen before.[1401] The time
draweth nigh. He is born, the man of sin, the child of perdition, the
wicked one, the beast vomited forth from the abyss, the abomination of
desolation; he came out of the tribe of Dan, of whom it is written:
'Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path.' Soon shall
return to the earth the prophets Elijah and Enoch, Moses, Jeremiah and
Saint John the Evangelist; and soon shall dawn that day of wrath which
shall grind the age in a mill and beat it in a mortar, according to
the testimony of David and the Sibyl."[1402] Then the good Brother
concluded by calling upon them to repent, to do penance and to
renounce empty riches. In short, in the opinion of the clerks, he was
a man of worship and an orator. His sermons produced more devoutness
among the people, it was thought, than those of all the sermonizers
who for the last century had been preaching in the town. And it was
time that he came, for in those days the folk of Paris were greatly
addicted to games of chance; yea, even priests unblushingly indulged
in them, and seven years before, a canon of Saint-Merry, a great lover
of dice was known to have gamed in his own house.[1403] Despite war
and famine, the women of Paris loaded themselves with ornaments. They
troubled more about their beauty than about the salvation of their
souls.
[Footnote 1400: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 234.]
[Footnote 1401: _Ibid._, p. 235.]
[Footnote 1402: Th. Basin, _Histoire des regnes de Charles VII et de
Louis XI_, vol. iv, pp. 103, 104.]
[Footnote 1403: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 236.]
Friar Richard thundered most loudly against the draught boards of the
men and the ornaments of the women. One day notably, when he was
preaching at Boulogne-la-Petite, he cried down dice and
_hennins_,[1404] and spoke with such power that the hearts of those
who listened were changed. On returning to their homes, the citizens
threw into the streets gaming-tables, draught-boards, cards, billiard
cues and balls, dice and dice-boxes, and made great fires before their
doors. More than one hundred of these fires continued burning in the
streets for three or four hours. Women followed the good example set
by the men that day, and the next they burnt in public their
head-dresses, pads, ornaments, and the pieces of leather or whalebone
on which they mounted the fronts of their hoods. Young misses threw
off their horns[1405] and their tails,[1406] ashamed to clothe
themselves in the devil's garb.[1407]
[Footnote 1404: A very high head-dress, fashionable in the fifteenth
century (W.S.).]
[Footnote 1405: _Cornes_, the high-horned head-dress (W.S.).]
[Footnote 1406: _Queues_, trains (W.S.).]
[Footnote 1407: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 234, 235.]
The good Brother likewise caused to be burnt the mandrake roots which
many folk kept in their houses.[1408] Those roots are sometimes in
the form of an ugly little man, of a curious and devilish aspect. On
that account possibly, singular virtues are attributed to them. These
mannikins were dressed in fine linen and silk and were kept in the
belief that they would bring good luck and procure wealth. Witches
made much of them; and those who believed that the Maid was a witch
accused her of carrying a mandrake on her person. Friar Richard hated
these magic roots all the more strongly because he believed in their
power of attracting wealth, the root of all evil. Once again his word
was obeyed; and many a Parisian threw away his mandrake in horror,
albeit he had bought it dear from some old wife who knew more than was
good for her.[1409] Friar Richard caused the Parisians to replace
these evil treasures by objects of greater edification,--pewter
medals, on which was stamped the name of Jesus, to the worship of whom
he was especially devoted.[1410]
[Footnote 1408: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 236.]
[Footnote 1409: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 89, 213. _Journal d'un bourgeois
de Paris_, p. 236.]
[Footnote 1410: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 242, 243.
Vallet de Viriville, _Notes sur deux medailles de plomb relatives a
Jeanne d'Arc_, in _Revue archeologique_, 1861, pp. 429, 433.]
Having preached ten times in the town and once in the village of
Boulogne, the good Brother announced his return to Burgundy and took
his leave of the Parisians.
"I will pray for you," he said; "pray for me. Amen."
Whereupon all the folk, high and lowly, wept bitterly and copiously,
as if each one were bearing to the grave his dearest friend. He wept
with them and consented to delay his departure for a little.[1411]
[Footnote 1411: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 236.]
On Sunday, the 1st of May, he was to preach to the devout Parisians
for the last time. Montmartre, the very spot where Saint Denis had
suffered martyrdom, was the place chosen for the meeting of the
faithful. In those unhappy days the hill was well-nigh uninhabited.
But on the evening before that day more than six thousand people
flocked to the mount to be certain of having good places; and there
they passed the night, some in deserted hovels, but the majority in
the open, under the stars. When the morning came no Friar Richard
appeared, and in vain they waited for him. Disappointed and sad, at
length they learnt that the Friar had been forbidden to preach.[1412]
He had said nothing in his sermons to offend the English. The
Parisians who had heard him believed him to be a good friend to the
Regent and to the Duke of Burgundy. Perhaps he had taken flight owing
to a report that the theologians of the University intended to proceed
against him. His views concerning the end of the world were indeed
both singular and dangerous.[1413]
[Footnote 1412: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 237.]
[Footnote 1413: It is yet to be explained how the author of the diary
called _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_ avoided being scandalised by
them, orthodox university professor as he was; on the contrary he
seems to have found the views of the good father edifying. Th. Basin,
_Histoire des regnes de Charles VII et de Louis XI_, vol. iv, p. 104.]
Friar Richard had gone off to Auxerre. Thence he went preaching
through Burgundy and Champagne. If he was on the King's side he did
not let it appear. For in the month of June the folk of Champagne, and
the inhabitants of Chalons especially, deemed him a worthy man and
attached to the Duke of Burgundy.[1414] And we have seen that on the
4th of July he suspected the Maid of being either the devil or
possessed by a devil.[1415]
[Footnote 1414: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 290.]
[Footnote 1415: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 100, see _ante_, p. 412.]
She understood. When she saw the good Brother crossing himself and
sprinkling holy water she knew that he took her for something
evil,--for a phantom fashioned by the spirit of wickedness, or at
least for a witch.[1416] However, she was by no means offended as she
had been by the suspicions of Messire Jean Fournier. The priest, to
whom she had confessed, could not be forgiven for having doubted
whether she were a good Christian.[1417] But Friar Richard did not
know her, had never seen her. Besides, she was growing accustomed to
such treatment. The Constable, Brother Yves Milbeau, and many others
who came to her asked whether she were from God or the devil.[1418] It
was without a trace of anger, although in a slightly ironical tone,
that she said to the preacher: "Approach boldly, I shall not fly
away."[1419]
[Footnote 1416: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 100.]
[Footnote 1417: _Ibid._, vol. ii, p. 446.]
[Footnote 1418: Gruel, _Chronique de Richemont_, p. 71. Eberhard
Windecke, pp. 178, 179.]
[Footnote 1419: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 100.]
Meanwhile Friar Richard, by the ordeal of holy water and by the sign
of the cross, had proved that the damsel was not a devil and that
there was no devil in her. And when she said she had come from God he
believed her with all his heart and esteemed her an angel of the
Lord.[1420]
[Footnote 1420: _Ibid._, pp. 99, 100.]
He confided to her the reason for his coming.[1421] The inhabitants of
Troyes doubted whether she were of God; to resolve their doubts he had
come to Saint-Phal. Now he knew she was of God, and he was not
amazed; for he knew that the year 1430 would witness greater marvels
than had ever been seen before, and one day or other he was expecting
to behold the Prophet Elias walking and conversing with men.[1422]
From that moment he threw in his lot with the party of the Maid and
the Dauphin. It was not the Maid's prophecies concerning the realm of
France that attracted him to her. The world was too near its end for
him to take any interest in the re-establishment of the madman's son
in his inheritance. But he expected that once the kingdom of Jesus
Christ had been established in the Land of the Lilies, Jeanne, the
prophetess, and Charles, the temporal vicar of Jesus Christ, would
lead the people of Christendom to deliver the Holy Sepulchre. That
would be a meritorious work and one which must be accomplished before
the consummation of the ages.
[Footnote 1421: _Relation du greffier de La Rochelle_, p. 342.]
[Footnote 1422: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 235.]
To the burgesses and inhabitants of the town of Troyes Jeanne dictated
a letter. Herein, calling herself the servant of the King of Heaven
and speaking in the name of God Himself, in terms gentle yet urgent,
she called upon them to render obedience to King Charles of France,
and warned them that whether they would or no she with the King would
enter into all the towns of the holy kingdom and bring them peace.
Here is the letter:[1423]
[Footnote 1423: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 287-288.]
JHESUS [cross symbol] MARIA
Good friends and beloved, an it please you, ye lords,
burgesses and inhabitants of the town of Troies, Jehanne the
Maid doth call upon and make known unto you on behalf of the
King of Heaven, her sovereign and liege Lord, in whose
service royal she is every day, that ye render true
obedience and fealty to the Fair King of France. Whosoever
may come against him, he shall shortly be in Reins
[Transcriber's Note: so in original] and in Paris, and in
his good towns of his holy kingdom, with the aid of King
Jhesus. Ye loyal Frenchmen, come forth to King Charles and
fail him not. And if ye come have no fear for your bodies
nor for your goods. An if ye come not, I promise you and on
your lives I maintain it, that with God's help we shall
enter into all the towns of the holy kingdom and shall there
establish peace, whosoever may oppose us. To God I commend
you. God keep you if it be his will. Answer speedily. Before
the city of Troyes, written at Saint-Fale, Tuesday the
fourth day of July.[1424]
[Footnote 1424: It should be Monday, 4th July.]
On the back:
"To the lords and burgesses of the city of Troyes."
The Maid gave this letter to Friar Richard, who undertook to carry it
to the townsfolk.[1425]
[Footnote 1425: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 290.]
From Saint-Phal the army advanced towards Troyes along the Roman
road.[1426] When they heard of the army's approach, the Council of the
town assembled on Tuesday, the 5th, early in the morning, and sent the
people of Reims a missive of which the following is the purport:
[Footnote 1426: Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol.
ii, p. 493.]
"This day do we expect the enemies of King Henry and the
Duke of Burgundy who come to besiege us. In view of the
design of these our foes and having considered the just
cause we support and the aid of our princes promised unto
us, we have resolved in council, no matter what may be the
strength of our enemies, to continue in our obedience waxing
ever greater to King Henry and to the Duke of Burgundy,
even until death. And this have we sworn on the precious
body of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Wherefore we pray the
citizens of Reims to take thought for us as brethren and
loyal friends, and to send to my Lord the Regent and the
Duke of Burgundy to beseech and entreat them to take pity on
their poor subjects and come to their succour."[1427]
[Footnote 1427: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 288, 289.]
On that same day, in the morning, from his lodging at
Brinion-l'Archeveque, King Charles despatched his heralds bearing
closed letters, signed by his hand, sealed with his seal, addressed to
the members of the Council of the town of Troyes. Therein he made
known unto them that by the advice of his Council, he had undertaken
to go to Reims, there to receive his anointing, that his intention was
to enter the city of Troyes on the morrow, wherefore he summoned and
commanded them to render the obedience they owed him and prepare to
receive him. He wisely made a point of reassuring them as to his
intentions, which were not to avenge the past. Such was not his will,
he said, but let them comport themselves towards their sovereign as
they ought, and he would forget all and maintain them in his
favour.[1428]
[Footnote 1428: _Ibid._, p. 287. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de
Troyes_, vol. ii, p. 494.]
The Council refused to admit King Charles' heralds within the town;
but they received his letters, read them, deliberated over them, and
made known to the heralds the result of their deliberations which was
the following:
"The lords, knights and squires who are in the town, on
behalf of King Henry and the Duke of Burgundy, have sworn
with us, inhabitants of the city, that we will not receive
into the town any who are stronger than we, without the
express command of the Duke of Burgundy. Having regard to
their oath, those who are in the town would not dare to
admit King Charles."
And the councillors added for their excuse:
"Whatever we the citizens may wish we must consider the men
of war in the city who are stronger than we."[1429]
[Footnote 1429: _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 289.]
The councillors had King Charles' letter posted up and below it their
reply.
In council they read the letter the Maid had dictated at Saint-Phal
and entrusted to Friar Richard. The monk had not prepared them to give
it a favourable reception, for they laughed at it heartily. "There is
no rhyme or reason in it," they said. "'Tis but a jest."[1430] They
threw it in the fire without sending a reply. Jeanne was a
braggart,[1431] they said. And they added: "We certify her to be mad
and possessed of the devil."[1432]
[Footnote 1430: _Ibid._, p. 290.]
[Footnote 1431: In the _Mystery of the siege of Orleans_, the
Englishman Falconbridge likewise treats Jeanne as a boaster, lines
12689-90:
_'Y nous fault prandre la coquarde,
Qui veult les Francois gouverner._
"We must capture that braggart who desires to govern the French."]
[Footnote 1432: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 289.]
That same day, at nine o'clock in the morning, the army began to march
by the walls and take up its position round the town.[1433]
[Footnote 1433: _Ibid._ Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_,
vol. ii, p. 492.]
Those who encamped to the south west could thence admire the long
walls, the strong gates, the high towers and the belfry of the city
rising in the midst of a vast plain. On their right they would see
above the roofs the church of Saint-Pierre, the huge structure of
which was devoid of tower and steeple.[1434] It was there that eight
years before had been celebrated the betrothal of King Henry V of
England to the Lady Catherine of France. For in that town of Troyes,
Queen Ysabeau and Duke Jean had made King Charles VI, bereft of sense
and memory, sign away the Kingdom of the Lilies to the King of England
and put his name to the ruin of Charles of Valois. At her daughter's
betrothal, Madame Ysabeau was present wearing a robe of blue silk
damask and a coat of black velvet lined with the skins of fifteen
hundred minevers.[1435] After the ceremony she caused to be brought
for her entertainment her singing birds, goldfinches, chaffinches,
siskins and linnets.[1436]
[Footnote 1434: L. Pigeotte, _Etude sur les travaux d'achevement de la
cathedrale de Troyes_, p. 9. A. Babeau, _Les vues d'ensemble de
Troyes_, Troyes, 1892, in 8vo, p. 13. A. Assier, _Une cite champenoise
au XV'e siecle_, Paris, 1875, in 8vo.]
[Footnote 1435: Ermine (W.S.).]
[Footnote 1436: _Comptes de l'argenterie de la reine_, in Jean
Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. iii, pp. 236, 237. De Barante, _Histoire
des ducs de Bourgogne_, vol. iii, pp. 122, 125. Vallet de Viriville,
_Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. i, p. 216. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de
la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, pp. 418, 419.]
When the French arrived, most of the townsfolk were on the ramparts
looking more curious than hostile and apparently fearing nothing. They
desired above all things to see the King.[1437]
[Footnote 1437: It is impossible to take seriously those protestations
of loyalty to the English, addressed to the people of Reims by the
townsfolk of Troyes, when the latter were on the point of surrendering
to the French King, and especially after the reply they had just sent
to King Charles's letters. See J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 289.
"Which reply having been made each of them had gone up on to the
walls, and assumed his guard with the intent and in the firm
resolution that if any attack were made on them, they would resist to
the death."]
The town was strongly defended. The Duke of Burgundy had long been
keeping up the fortifications. In 1417 and 1419 the people of Troyes,
like those of Orleans in 1428, had pulled down their suburbs and
destroyed all the houses outside the town for two or three hundred
paces from the ramparts. The arsenal was well furnished; the stores
overflowed with victuals; but the Anglo-Burgundian garrison amounted
only to between five and six hundred men.[1438]
[Footnote 1438: J. Chartier, vol. i, p. 92. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de
la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, pp. 391, 418, 419. A. Assier, _Une cite
champenoise au XV'e siecle_, p. 8.]
On that day also, at five o'clock in the afternoon, the Councillors of
the town of Troyes sent to inform the people of Reims of the arrival
of the Armagnacs, and despatched to them copies of the letter from
Charles of Valois, of their reply to it and of the Maid's letter,
which they cannot therefore have burned immediately. They likewise
communicated to them their resolution to resist to the death in case
they should receive succour. In like manner they wrote to the people
of Chalons to tell them of the Dauphin's coming; and to them they made
known that the letter of Jeanne the Maid had been brought to Troyes by
Friar Richard the preacher.[1439]
[Footnote 1439: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 289, 290.]
These writings amounted to saying: like all citizens in such
circumstances, we are in danger of being hanged either by the
Burgundians or by the Armagnacs, which would be very grievous. To
avoid this calamity as far as in us lies, we give King Charles of
Valois to understand that we do not open our gates to him because the
garrison prevents us and that we are the weaker, which is true. And
we make known to our Lords, the Regent and the Duke of Burgundy, that
the garrison being too weak to defend us, which is true, we ask for
succour, which is loyal; and we trust that the succour will not be
sent, for if it were we should have to endure a siege, and risk being
taken by assault which for us merchants would be grievous. But, having
asked for succour and not receiving it, we may then surrender without
reproach. The important point is to cause the garrison, fortunately a
small one, to make off. Five hundred men are too few for defence, but
too many for surrender. As for enjoining the citizens of Reims to
demand succour for themselves and for us, that is merely to prove our
good-will to the Duke of Burgundy; and we risk nothing by it, for we
know that our trusty comrades of Reims will take care that when they
ask for succour they do not receive it, and that they will await a
favourable opportunity for opening their gates to King Charles, who
comes with a strong army. And now to conclude, we will resist to the
death if we are succoured, which God forbid!
Such were the crafty thoughts of those dwellers in Champagne. The
citizens fired a few stone bullets on to the French. The garrison
skirmished awhile and returned into the town.[1440]
[Footnote 1440: _Journal du siege_, p. 109. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
pp. 314, 315. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 91. Th. Boutiot,
_Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, p. 497.]
Meanwhile King Charles' army was stricken with famine.[1441] The
Archbishop of Embrun's counsel to provide the army with victuals by
means of human wisdom was easier to give than to follow. There were
between six and seven thousand men in camp who had not broken bread
for a week. The men-at-arms were reduced to feeding on pounded ears of
corn still green and on the new beans they found in abundance. Then
they called to mind how during Saint Martin's Lent Friar Richard had
said to the folk of Troyes: "Sow beans broadcast: He who is to come
shall come shortly." What the good brother had said of the spiritual
seed-time was interpreted literally: by a curious misunderstanding,
what had been uttered concerning the coming of the Messiah was applied
to the coming of King Charles. Friar Richard was held to be the
prophet of the Armagnacs and the men-at-arms really believed that this
evangelical preacher had caused the beans they gathered to grow; thus
had he provided for their nourishment by his excellence, his wisdom
and his penetration into the counsels of God, who gave manna unto the
people of Israel in the desert.[1442]
[Footnote 1441: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 92.]
[Footnote 1442: _Journal du siege_, pp. 109, 110. _Chronique de la
Pucelle_, p. 315.]
The King, who had been lodging at Brinion since the 4th of July,
arrived before Troyes in the afternoon of Friday the 8th.[1443] That
very day he held council of war with the commanders and princes of the
blood to decide whether they should remain before the town until by
dint of promises[1444] or threats they obtained its submission, or
whether they should pass on, leaving it to itself, as they had done at
Auxerre.[1445]
[Footnote 1443: Perceval de Cagny, p. 157. Nevertheless see also
Morosini, vol. iii, p. 143, note.]
[Footnote 1444: "And always desiring and discussing the submission of
this city." Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]
[Footnote 1445: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 13. Evidence of Dunois. Jean
Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 92. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p.
315. Chartier and the _Chronique de la Pucelle_ put words into the
mouths of Regnault de Chartres and Robert le Macon which are very
improbable.]
The discussion had lasted long when the Maid arrived and prophesied:
"Fair Dauphin," said she, "command your men to attack the town of
Troyes and delay no further in councils too prolonged, for, in God's
name, before three days, I will cause you to enter the town, which
shall be yours by love or by force and courage. And false Burgundy
shall look right foolish."[1446]
[Footnote 1446: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 13. Evidence of Dunois.
_Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 317. _Journal du siege_, p. 110. Jean
Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 94.]
Wherefore had they contrary to their custom summoned her to the
Council? It was merely a question of firing a few cannon balls and
pretending to scale the walls, in short, of making a false attack.
Such a feigned assault was due to the people of Troyes, who could not
decently surrender save to some display of force; and besides the
lower orders must be frightened, for they remained at heart
Burgundian. Probably my Lord of Treves[1447] or another judged that
the little Saint by appearing beneath the ramparts of Troyes would
strike a religious terror into the weavers of the city.
[Footnote 1447: Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 95.]
They had only to leave her to go her own way. The Council over, she
mounted her horse, and lance in hand hurried to the moat, followed by
a crowd of knights, squires, and craftsmen.[1448] The point of attack
was to be the north west wall, between the Madeleine and the Comporte
Gates.[1449] Jeanne, who firmly believed that the town would be taken
by her, spent the night inciting her people to bring faggots and put
the artillery in position. "To the assault," she cried, and signed to
them to throw hurdles into the trenches.[1450]
[Footnote 1448: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 13, 14, 117. Jean Chartier,
_Chronique_, vol. i, p. 96. _Journal du siege_, p. 111. _Chronique de
la Pucelle_, p. 78. De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii,
p. 225.]
[Footnote 1449: Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol.
ii, p. 497, note. A. Assier, _Une cite champenoise au XV'e siecle_,
Paris, 1875, in 8vo, p. 26.]
[Footnote 1450: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 117. (De Gaucourt's evidence.)]
This threat had the desired effect. The lower orders, imagining the
town already taken, and expecting the French to come to pillage,
massacre and ravish, as was the custom, took refuge in the churches.
As for the clerics and notables, this was just what they wanted.[1451]
[Footnote 1451: _Ibid._, p. 117. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i,
p. 96. J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 296.]
Being assured by Charles of Valois that they might come to him in
safety, the Lord Bishop Jean Laiguise, my Lord Guillaume Andouillette,
Master of the Hospital, the Dean of the Chapter, the clergy and the
notables went to the King.[1452]
[Footnote 1452: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 295. _Trial_, pp.
13, 14, 17. Chartier, _Journal du siege_, _Chronique de la Pucelle_.
Camusat, _Mel. hist._, part ii, fol. 214.]
Jean Laiguise was the spokesman. He came to do homage to the King and
to offer excuse for the townsfolk.
It is not their fault, he said, if the King enter not according to his
good pleasure. The Bailie and those of the garrison, some three or
four hundred, guard the gates, and forbid their being opened. Let it
please the King to have patience until I have spoken to those of the
town. I trust that as soon as I have spoken to them, they will open
the gates and render the King such obedience as he shall be pleased
withal.[1453]
[Footnote 1453: _Relation du greffier de La Rochelle_, in _Revue
historique_, vol. iv, p. 342. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, _Journal du
siege_, Chartier, _loc. cit._ Gilles de Roye in Chartier, vol. iii, p.
205.]
In replying to the Bishop, the King set forth the reasons for the
expedition and the rights he held over the town of Troyes.
Without exception, he said, I will forgive all the deeds of past
times, and, according to the example of Saint Louis,[1454] I will
maintain the people of Troyes in peace and liberty.
[Footnote 1454: J. Rogier in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 296.]
Jean Laiguise demanded that such revenues and patronage as had been
bestowed on churchmen by the late King, Charles VI, should be retained
by them, and that those who had received the same from King Henry of
England should be given charters by King Charles authorizing them to
keep their benefices, even in cases where the King had bestowed them
on others.
The King consented and the Lord Bishop beheld in him a new Cyrus. This
conference he reported to the Council of the Town. Thereupon it
deliberated and resolved to render allegiance to the King, in
consideration of his legal right and provided he would grant an
amnesty for all offences, would leave no garrison in the city and
would abolish all aids, save the _gabelle_.[1455] Whereupon the
Council sent letters to the citizens of Reims making known to them
this resolution and exhorting them to take a similar one:
[Footnote 1455: _Gabelle_, word of German origin (_gabe_), originally
applied to all taxes, came to signify only the tax on salt. This tax
was first rendered oppressive by Philippe de Valois (1328-1350) who
created a monopoly of salt in favour of the crown. He obliged each
family to pay a tax on a certain quantity whether they consumed it or
not. The _Gabelle_, which led to several rebellions, was not abolished
until the Revolution (1790). (W.S.) _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 296.
_Ordonnances des rois de France_, vol. xiii, p. 142. Th. Boutiot,
_Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, p. 500. A. Roserot, _Le
plus ancien registre des deliberations du conseil de la ville de
Troyes_ in _Coll. de Doc. inedits sur la ville de Troyes_, vol. iii,
p. 175.]
"Thus," they said, "we shall have the same lord over us. You will keep
your lives and your goods, as we have done. For otherwise we should
all be lost. We do not regret our submission. Our only grief is that
we delayed so long. You will be right glad to follow our example; for
King Charles is a prince of greater discretion, understanding and
valour than any who for many a long year have arisen in the noble
house of France."[1456]
[Footnote 1456: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 295, 296.]
Friar Richard went to find the Maid. As soon as he saw her, and when
he was still afar off, he knelt before her. When she saw him, she
likewise knelt before him, and they bowed low to each other. When he
returned to the town, the good Friar preached to the folks at length
and exhorted them to obey King Charles. "God is preparing his way," he
said. "To accompany him and to lead him to his anointing God hath sent
him a holy Maid, who, as I firmly believe, is as able to penetrate the
mysteries of God as any saint in Paradise, save Saint John the
Evangelist."[1457] The good Brother found himself obliged to recognise
as superior to Jeanne at least one saint,--one who was the first of
saints, the apostle who had lain with his head on Jesus' breast, the
prophet who was ere long to return to earth, when the ages should have
been consummated.
[Footnote 1457: _Relation du greffier de La Rochelle_, in _Revue
historique_, vol. iv, p. 342.]
"If she wished," continued Friar Richard, "she could bring in all the
King's men-at-arms, over the walls or in any other manner that pleased
her. And many other things can she do."
The townsfolk had great faith and confidence in this good Brother who
spoke so eloquently. What he said of the Maid appeared to them
admirable, and won their obedience to a king so powerfully
accompanied. With one voice they all cried aloud, "Long live King
Charles of France!"[1458]
[Footnote 1458: _Relation du greffier de La Rochelle_, in _Revue
historique_, vol. iv, p. 342.]
But now it was necessary to treat with the Bailie. He was not
unapproachable, seeing that he had suffered this going and coming from
the town to the camp and the camp to the town; and with him must be
devised some honest means of getting rid of the garrison. With this
object the commonalty, preceded by the Lord Bishop, went in great
numbers to the Bailie and the Captains, and called upon them to
provide for the safety of the town.[1459] This demand they were
incapable of granting, for to safeguard a city against its will and to
drive out thirty thousand French was beyond their power.
[Footnote 1459: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 296, 297.]
As the townsfolk had anticipated, the Bailie was greatly embarrassed.
Beholding his perplexity, the Councillors of the town said to him, "If
you will not keep the treaty you have made for the public weal, then
will we bring the King's men into the city, whether you will or no."
The Bailie and the Captains refused to betray their English and
Burgundian masters, but they consented to go. That was all that was
required of them.[1460]
[Footnote 1460: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 13, 117; vol. iv, pp. 296, 297.
Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. iii, p. 205. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire
de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, pp. 499, 500. M. Poinsignon,
_Histoire generale de la Champagne et de la Brie_, Chalons, 1885, vol.
i, pp. 352 _et seq._ A. Assier, _Une cite champenoise au XV'e
siecle_, Paris, 1875, in 12mo, pp. 16, 17.]
The town opened its gates to Charles. On Sunday, the 10th of July,
very early in the morning, the Maid entered first into Troyes and
with her the common folk whom she so dearly loved. Friar Richard
accompanied her. She posted archers along the streets which the
procession was to follow, so that the King of France should pass
through the town between a double row of those foot soldiers of his
army who had so nobly aided him.[1461]
[Footnote 1461: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 102. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p.
319.]
While Charles of Valois was entering by one gate, the Burgundian
garrison was going out by the other.[1462] As had been agreed, the men
of King Henry and Duke Philip bore away their arms and other
possessions. Now, in their possessions they included such French
prisoners as they were holding to ransom. And, according to the use
and custom of war, it would seem that they were not altogether wrong;
but pitiful it was to see King Charles's men led away captive just as
their lord was arriving. The Maid heard of it, and her kind heart was
touched. She hurried to the gate of the town, where with arms and
baggage the fighting men were assembled. She found there the lords of
Rochefort and Philibert de Moslant. She challenged them and called to
them to leave the Dauphin's men. But the Captains thought otherwise.
[Footnote 1462: Chartier, _Journal du siege_. _Chronique de la
Pucelle_, p. 319.]
"Thus to proceed against the treaty is fraudulent and wicked," they
said to her.
Meanwhile the prisoners on their knees were entreating the Saint to
keep them.
"In God's name," she cried, "they shall not go."[1463]
[Footnote 1463: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, pp. 95, 96.
_Journal du siege_, p. 112. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 319.]
During this altercation there was standing apart a certain Burgundian
squire, and through his mind were passing concerning the Maid of the
Armagnacs certain reflections to which he was to give utterance
later. "By my faith," he was thinking, "it is the simplest creature
that ever I saw. There is neither rhyme nor reason in her, no more
than in the greatest stupid. To so valiant a woman as Madame d'Or, I
will not compare her, and the Burgundians do but jest when they appear
afraid of her."[1464]
[Footnote 1464: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 296, 297.]
To taste the full flavour of this joke it must be explained that
Madame d'Or, about as high as one's boot, held the office of fool to
my Lord Philip.[1465]
[Footnote 1465: Lefevre de Saint-Remy, vol. ii, p. 168. S. Luce,
_Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy_, pp. clxxiii, clxxiv. P. Champion, _Notes sur
Jeanne d'Arc_, I. _Madame d'Or et Jeanne d'Arc_ in _Le moyen age_,
July to August, 1907, pp. 193-199.]
The Maid failed to come to an understanding with the Lords de
Rochefort and de Moslant concerning the prisoners. They had right on
their side. She had only the promptings of her kind heart. This
discussion afforded great entertainment to the men-at-arms of both
parties. When King Charles was informed of it, he smiled and said that
to settle the dispute he would pay the prisoners' ransom, which was
fixed at one silver mark per head. On receiving this sum the
Burgundians extolled the generosity of the King of France.[1466]
[Footnote 1466: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 319. Jean Chartier,
_Chronique_, vol. i, p. 96. _Journal du siege_, p. 112. _Un prince de
facon_, Martial d'Auvergne, _Vigiles_, vol. i, pp. 106, 107.]
On that same Sunday, about nine o'clock in the morning, King Charles
entered the city. He had put on his festive robes, gleaming with
velvet, with gold, and with precious stones. The Duke of Alencon and
the Maid, holding her banner in her hand, rode at his side. He was
followed by all the knighthood. The townsfolk lit bonfires and danced
in rings. The little children cried, "Noel!" Friar Richard
preached.[1467]
[Footnote 1467: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 102. Letter from three noblemen of
Anjou, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 130. _Relation du greffier de La
Rochelle_, p. 342. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 319. Morosini, vol.
iii, p. 176. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii,
pp. 504 _et seq._]
The Maid prayed in the churches. In one church she held a babe over
the baptismal font. Like a princess or a holy woman, she was
frequently asked to be godmother to children she did not know and was
never to see again. She generally named the children Charles in honour
of the King, and to the girls she gave her own name of Jeanne.
Sometimes she called the children by names chosen by their
mothers.[1468]
[Footnote 1468: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 103.]
On the morrow, the 11th of July, the army, which had remained outside
the walls, under the command of Messire Ambroise de Lore, passed
through the town. The entrance of men-at-arms was a scourge, of which
the citizens were as much afraid as of the Black Death.[1469] King
Charles, being careful to spare the citizens, took measures to control
this scourge. By his command the heralds cried that under pain of
hanging no soldier must enter the houses or take anything against the
will of the townsfolk.[1470]
[Footnote 1469: T. Babeau, _Le guet et la milice bourgeoise a Troyes_,
pp. 4 _et seq._]
[Footnote 1470: _Relation du greffier de La Rochelle_, p. 342.
_Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 319. _Journal du siege_, p. 112. Th.
Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, p. 505. A.
Roserot, _Le plus ancien registre des deliberations du conseil de
Troyes_ in _Coll. des documents inedits de la ville de Troyes_, vol.
iii, pp. 175 _et seq._]