THE TAKING OF JARGEAU--THE BRIDGE OF MEUNG--BEAUGENCY
On Monday, the 6th of June, the King lodged at Saint-Aignan near
Selles-en-Berry.[1179] Among the gentlemen of his company were two
sons of that Dame de Laval who, in her widowhood, had made the mistake
of loving a landless cadet. Andre, the younger, at the age of twenty,
had just passed under the cloud of a disgrace common to nearly all
nobles in those days; his grandmother's second husband, Sire Bertrand
Du Guesclin, had experienced it several times. Taken prisoner in the
chateau of Laval by Sir John Talbot, he had incurred a heavy debt in
order to furnish the sixteen thousand golden crowns of his
ransom.[1180]
[Footnote 1179: Letter from Gui and Andre de Laval to the Ladies de
Laval, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 106. L. Jeny and Lanery d'Arc, _Jeanne
D'Arc en Berry_, Paris, 1892, in 8vo, p. 54.]
[Footnote 1180: Bertrand de Broussillon, _La maison de Laval_, vol.
iii, p. 21.]
Being in great need of money, the two young nobles offered their
services to the King, who received them very well, gave them not a
crown, but said he would show them the Maid. And as he was going with
them from Saint-Aignan to Selles, he summoned the Saint,[1181] who
straightway, armed at all points save her head, and lance in hand,
rode out to meet the King. She greeted the two young nobles heartily
and returned with them to Selles. The eldest, Lord Guy, she received
in the house where she was lodging, opposite the church, and called
for wine. Such was the custom among princes. Cups of wine were
brought, into which the guests dipped slices of bread called
sops.[1182] When offering him the wine cup, the Maid said to Lord Guy:
"I will shortly give you to drink at Paris."
[Footnote 1181: Letter from Gui and Andre de Laval, in _Trial_, vol.
v, pp. 106 _et seq._]
[Footnote 1182: N. Villiaume, _Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 88.]
She told him that, three days before, she had sent a gold ring to Dame
Jeanne de Laval.
"It was a small matter," she added graciously. "I should like to have
sent her something of greater value, considering her reputation."[1183]
[Footnote 1183: _Recommandation_ in French. The esteem in which she
was held. Compare Froissart cited by La Curne, Glossary, _ad v. "Six
bourgeois de la ville de Calais et de plus grande recommandation."_
("Six citizens of Calais and of the highest reputation.")]
That same day, at the hour of vespers, she set out from Selles for
Romorantin with a numerous company of men-at-arms and train-bands,
commanded by Marshal de Boussac. She was surrounded by mendicant
friars and one of her brothers went with her. She wore white armour
and a hood. Her horse was brought to her at the door of her house. It
was a great black charger which resolutely refused to let her mount
him. She had him led to the Cross by the roadside, opposite the
church, and there she leapt into the saddle. Whereupon Lord Guy
marvelled; for he saw that the charger was as still as if he had been
bound. She turned her horse's head towards the church porch, and in
her clear woman's voice cried: "Ye priests and churchmen, walk in
processions and pray to God."
Then, gaining the highroad: "Go forward, go forward," she said.
In her hand she carried a little axe. Her page bore her standard
furled.[1184]
[Footnote 1184: Letter from Gui and Andre de Laval, in _Trial_, vol.
v, pp. 106, 107.]
The meeting-place was Orleans. On Thursday, the 9th of June, in the
evening, Jeanne passed over the bridge she had crossed on the 8th of
May. Saturday, the 11th, the army set out for Jargeau.[1185] It
consisted of horse brought by the Duke of Alencon, the Count of
Vendome, the Bastard, the Marshal de Boussac, Captain La Hire, Messire
Florent d'Illiers, Messire Jamet du Tillay, Messire Thudal de
Kermoisan of Brittany, as well as of contingents furnished by the
communes, in all, perhaps eight thousand combatants, many of whom were
armed with pikes, axes, cross-bows and leaden mallets.[1186] The young
Duke of Alencon was placed in command. He was not remarkable for his
intelligence.[1187] But he knew how to ride, and in those days that
was the only knowledge indispensable to a general. Again the people of
Orleans defrayed the cost of the expedition. For the payment of the
fighting men they contributed three thousand livres, for their
feeding, seven hogsheads of corn. At their own request, the King
imposed on them a new _taille_ of three thousand livres.[1188] At
their own expense they despatched workmen of all trades,--masons,
carpenters, smiths. They lent their artillery. They sent culverins,
cannons, La Bergere, and the large mortar to which four horses were
harnessed, with the gunners Megret and Jean Boilleve.[1189] They
furnished ammunition, engines, arrows, ladders, pickaxes, spades,
mattocks; and all were marked, for they were a methodical folk.
Everything for the siege was sent to the Maid. For in this undertaking
she was the one commander they recognised, not the Duke of Alencon,
not even the Bastard their own lord's noble brother. For the
inhabitants of Orleans, Jeanne was the leader of the siege; and to
Jeanne, before the besieged town, they despatched two of their
citizens,--Jean Leclerc and Francois Joachim.[1190] After the citizens
of Orleans, the Sire de Rais contributed most to the expenses of the
siege of Jargeau.[1191] This unfortunate noble spent thoughtlessly
right and left, while rich burgesses made great profits by lending to
him at a high rate of interest. The sorry state of his affairs was
shortly to bring him to attempt their readjustment by vowing his soul
to the devil.
[Footnote 1185: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 94; vol. iv, p. 12.]
[Footnote 1186: _Mistere du siege_, line 15,761. _Journal du siege_,
p. 95. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 299. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_,
vol. i, p. 81. Monstrelet, vol. iii, p. 338.]
[Footnote 1187: See _ante_, p. 211. A. Duveau, _Le jugement du duc
d'Alencon_, in _Bull. soc. archeol. du Vendomois_ (1874), vol. xiii,
pp. 132 _et seq._]
[Footnote 1188: Loiseleur, _Compte des depenses faites par Charles VII
pour secourir Orleans_, p. 158.]
[Footnote 1189: _Journal du siege_, p. 97.]
[Footnote 1190: Taken from the Book of Accounts, in _Trial_, vol. v,
pp. 262, 263. A. de Villaret, _Campagnes de Jeanne d'Arc sur la
Loire_, pp. 77-80. Loiseleur, _Compte des depenses_, p. 149.]
[Footnote 1191: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 261.]
The town of Jargeau, which was shortly to be taken after a severe
siege, had surrendered to the English without resistance on the 5th of
October in the previous year.[1192] The bridge leading to the town
from the Beauce bank was furnished with two castlets.[1193] The town
itself, surrounded by walls and towers, was not strongly fortified;
but its means of defence had been improved by the English. Warned
that the army of the French King was coming to besiege it, the Earl of
Suffolk and his two brothers threw themselves into the town, with five
hundred knights, squires, and other fighting men, as well as two
hundred picked bowmen.[1194] The Duke of Alencon with six hundred
horse was at the head of the force, and with him, the Maid. The first
night they slept in the woods.[1195] On the morrow, at daybreak, my
Lord the Bastard, my Lord Florent d'Illiers, and several other
captains joined them. They were in a great hurry to reach Jargeau.
Suddenly they hear that Sir John Fastolf is at hand, coming from Paris
with two thousand combatants, bringing supplies and artillery to
Jargeau.[1196]
[Footnote 1192: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 258.]
[Footnote 1193: Berry, in the _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 45.]
[Footnote 1194: _Journal du siege_, p. 96. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 299. _Chronique de la fete_, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 295. Jean
Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 82. Berry, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p.
44. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 325.]
[Footnote 1195: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 94. Perceval de Cagny, pp. 150,
151.]
[Footnote 1196: _Journal du siege_, _Chronique de la Pucelle_, Berry,
Jean Chartier, _loc. cit._ Wavrin du Forestel, _Anciennes chroniques_,
vol. i, p. 284. Falconbridge, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 452.]
This was the army which had been the cause of Jeanne's anxiety on the
4th of May, because her saints had not told her where Fastolf was. The
captains held a council of war. Many thought the siege ought to be
abandoned and that the army should go to meet Fastolf. Some actually
went off at once. Jeanne exhorted the men-at-arms to continue their
march on Jargeau. Where Sir John Fastolf's army was, she knew no more
than the others; her reasons were not of this world.
"Be not afraid of any armed host whatsoever," she said, "and make no
difficulty of attacking the English, for Messire leads you."
And again she said: "Were I not assured that Messire leads, I would
rather be keeping sheep than running so great a danger."
She gained a better hearing from the Duke of Alencon than from any of
the Orleans leaders.[1197] Those who had gone were recalled and the
march on Jargeau was continued.[1198]
[Footnote 1197: Perceval de Cagny, p. 148, _passim_. _Chronique de la
Pucelle_, p. 300.]
[Footnote 1198: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 95.]
The suburbs of the town appeared undefended; but, when the French
King's men approached, they found the English posted in front of the
outbuildings, wherefore they were compelled to retreat. When the Maid
beheld this, she seized her standard and threw herself upon the enemy,
calling on the fighting men to take courage. That night, the French
King's men were able to encamp in the suburbs.[1199] They kept no
watch, and yet from the Duke of Alencon's own avowal they would have
been in great danger if the English had made a sally.[1200] The Maid's
judgment was even more fully justified than she expected. Everything
in her army depended upon the grace of God.
[Footnote 1199: The night of Friday, the 10th to 11th of June.]
[Footnote 1200: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 95.]
The very next day, in the morning the besiegers brought their siege
train and their mortars up to the walls. The Orleans cannon fired upon
the town and did great damage. Three of La Bergere's volleys wrecked
the greatest tower on the fortifications.[1201]
[Footnote 1201: _Ibid._ _Journal du siege_, p. 97.]
The train-bands reached Jargeau on Saturday, the 11th. Straightway,
without staying to take counsel, they hastened to the trenches and
began the assault. They were too zealous; consequently, they went
badly to work, received no aid from the men-at-arms and were driven
back in disorder.[1202]
[Footnote 1202: Perceval de Cagny, p. 150.]
On Saturday night, the Maid, who was accustomed to summon the enemy
before fighting, approached the entrenchments, and cried out to the
English: "Surrender the town to the King of Heaven and to King
Charles, and depart, or it will be the worse for you."[1203]
[Footnote 1203: _Ibid._]
To this summons the English paid no heed, albeit they had a great
desire to come to some understanding. The Earl of Suffolk came to my
Lord the Bastard, and told him that if he would refrain from the
attack, the town should be surrendered to him. The English asked for a
fortnight's respite, after which time, they would undertake to
withdraw immediately, they and their horses, provided, doubtless, that
by that time they had not been relieved.[1204] On both sides such
conditional surrenders were common. The Sire de Baudricourt had signed
one at Vaucouleurs just before Jeanne's arrival there.[1205] In this
case it was mere trickery to ask the French to enter into such an
agreement just when Sir John Fastolf was coming with artillery and
supplies.[1206] It has been asserted that the Bastard was taken in
this snare; but such a thing is incredible; he was far too wily for
that. Nevertheless, on the morrow, which was Sunday and the 12th of
the month, the Duke of Alencon and the nobles, who were holding a
council concerning the measures for the capture of the town, were told
that Captain La Hire was conferring with the Earl of Suffolk. They
were highly displeased.[1207] Captain La Hire, who was not a general,
could not treat in his own name, and had doubtless received powers
from my Lord the Bastard. The latter commanded for the Duke, a
prisoner in the hands of the English, while the Duke of Alencon
commanded for the King; and hence the disagreement.
[Footnote 1204: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 79, 95.]
[Footnote 1205: S. Luce, _Jeanne d'Arc a Domremy_, p. clxviii.]
[Footnote 1206: _Journal du siege, Chronique de la Pucelle_, J.
Chartier, Monstrelet, _loc. cit._]
[Footnote 1207: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 95.]
The Maid, who was always ready to show mercy to prisoners when they
surrendered and at the same time always ready to fight, said: "If they
will, let them in their jackets of mail depart from Jargeau with their
lives! If they will not, the town shall be stormed."[1208]
[Footnote 1208: _Ibid._, vol. i, pp. 79-80, 234.]
The Duke of Alencon, without even inquiring the terms of the
capitulation, had Captain La Hire recalled.
He came, and straightway the ladders were brought. The heralds sounded
the trumpets and cried: "To the assault."
The Maid unfurled her standard, and fully armed, wearing on her head
one of those light helmets known as _chapelines_,[1209] she went down
into the trenches with the King's men and the train-bands, well within
reach of arrows and cannon-balls. She kept by the Duke of Alencon's
side, saying: "Forward! fair duke, to the assault."
[Footnote 1209: _Ibid._, vol. iii, p. 97. Perceval de Cagny, pp.
150-151.]
The Duke, who was not so courageous as she, thought that she went
rather hastily to work; and this he gave her to understand.
Then she encouraged him: "Fear not. God's time is the right time. When
He wills it you must open the attack. Go forward, He will prepare the
way."
And seeing him lack confidence, she reminded him of the promise she had
recently made concerning him in the Abbey of Saint-Florent-les-Saumur.
"Oh! Fair Duke, can you be afraid? Do you not remember that I promised
your wife to bring you back safe and sound?"[1210]
[Footnote 1210: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 95-96.]
In the thick of the attack, she noticed on the wall one of those long
thin mortars, which, from the manner of its charging, was called a
breechloader. Seeing it hurl stones on the very spot where the King's
fair cousin was standing, she realised the danger, but not for
herself. "Move away," she said quickly. "That cannon will kill you."
The Duke had not moved more than a few yards, when a nobleman of
Anjou, the Sire Du Lude, having taken the place he had quitted, was
killed by a ball from that same cannon.[1211] The Duke of Alencon
marvelled at her prophetic gift. Doubtless the Maid had been sent to
save him, but she had not been sent to save the Sire Du Lude. The
angels of the Lord are sent for the salvation of some, for the
destruction of others. When the French King's men reached the wall,
the Earl of Suffolk cried out for a parley with the Duke of Alencon.
No heed was paid to him and the assault continued.[1212]
[Footnote 1211: _Ibid._, pp. 96, 97. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p.
301. _Journal du siege_, p. 97.]
[Footnote 1212: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 97.]
The attack had lasted four hours,[1213] when Jeanne, standard in hand,
climbed up a ladder leaning against the rampart. A stone fired from a
cannon struck her helmet and knocked it with its escutcheon, bearing
her arms, off her head. They thought she was crushed, but she rose
quickly and cried to the fighting men: "Up, friends, up! Messire has
doomed the English. They are ours at this moment. Be of good
cheer."[1214]
[Footnote 1213: _Journal du siege_, p. 100.]
[Footnote 1214: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 97. _Journal du siege_, p. 98.
_Chronique de la Pucelle_, pp. 301-302. Perceval de Cagny, pp.
150-151.]
The wall was scaled and the French King's men penetrated into the
town. The English fled into La Beauce and the French rushed in pursuit
of them. Guillaume Regnault, a squire of Auvergne, came up with the
Earl of Suffolk on the bridge and took him prisoner.
"Are you a gentleman?" asked Suffolk.
"Yes."
"Are you a knight?"
"No."
The Earl of Suffolk dubbed him a knight and surrendered to him.[1215]
[Footnote 1215: _Journal du siege_, p. 99. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 302. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 82. Berry, in _Trial_,
vol. iv, p. 65.]
Very soon the rumour ran that the Earl of Suffolk had surrendered on
his knees to the Maid.[1216] It was even stated that he had asked to
surrender to her as to the bravest lady in the world.[1217] But it is
more likely that he would have surrendered to the lowest menial of the
army rather than to a woman whom he held to be a witch possessed of
the devil.
[Footnote 1216: Fragment of a letter concerning the wonders which
happened in Poitou, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 122.]
[Footnote 1217: _Relation du greffier de La Rochelle_, p. 340.
Morosini, vol. iii, p. 70. _Trial_, vol. v, pp. 121-122.]
John Pole, Suffolk's brother, was likewise taken on the bridge. The
Duke's third brother, Alexander Pole, was slain in the same place or
drowned in the Loire.[1218]
[Footnote 1218: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 72. Perceval de Cagny, p. 151.
_Journal du siege_, p. 99. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 328. Morosini, vol.
iii, pp. 128, 129.]
The garrison surrendered at discretion. Now, as always, no great harm
was done during the battle, but afterwards the conquerors made up for
it. Five hundred English were massacred; the nobles alone were held to
ransom. And over them, the French fell to quarrelling. The French
nobles kept them all for themselves; the train-bands claimed their
share, and, not getting it, began to destroy everything. What the
nobles could save was carried off during the night, by water, to
Orleans. The town was completely sacked; the old church, which had
served the _Godons_ as a magazine, was pillaged.[1219]
[Footnote 1219: _Journal du siege_, p. 99.]
Including killed and wounded, the French had not lost twenty
men.[1220]
[Footnote 1220: Perceval de Cagny, p. 151. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 302. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, pp. 82, 83. Berry, in
_Trial_, vol. iv, p. 65.]
Without disarming, the Maid and the knights returned to Orleans. To
celebrate the taking of Jargeau, the magistrates organised a public
procession. An eloquent sermon was preached by a Jacobin monk, Brother
Robert Baignart.[1221]
[Footnote 1221: Accounts of the town of Orleans at the end of _Le
Journal du siege_, ed. Charpentier and Cuissard, p. 229. Le R.P.
Chapotin, _La guerre de cent ans, Jeanne d'Arc et les Dominicains_,
Paris, 1889, 8vo, p. 82.]
The inhabitants of Orleans presented the Duke of Alencon with six
casks of wine, the Maid with four, the Count of Vendome with
two.[1222]
[Footnote 1222: A. de Villaret, _Campagne des Anglais_, proofs and
illustrations, p. 51.]
As an acknowledgment of the good and acceptable services rendered by
the holy maiden, the councillors of the captive Duke Charles of
Orleans, gave her a green cloak and a robe of crimson Flemish cloth
or fine Brussels purple. Jean Luillier, who furnished the stuff,
asked eight crowns for two ells of fine Brussels at four crowns the
ell; two crowns for the lining of the robe; two crowns for an ell of
yellowish green cloth, making in all twelve golden crowns.[1223] Jean
Luillier was a young woollen draper who adored the Maid and regarded
her as an angel of God. He had a good heart; but fear of the English
dazzled him, and where they were concerned caused him to see
double.[1224] One of his kinsfolk was a member of the council elected
in 1429. He himself was to be appointed magistrate a little
later.[1225]
[Footnote 1223: _Trial_, vol. v, pp. 112-113.]
[Footnote 1224: _Ibid._, vol. iii, p. 23.]
[Footnote 1225: _Ibid._, vol. v, p. 306.]
Jean Bourgeois, tailor, asked one golden crown for the making of the
robe and the cloak, as well as for furnishing white satin, taffeta,
and other stuffs.[1226]
[Footnote 1226: _Ibid._, pp. 112, 114.]
The town had previously given the Maid half an ell of cloth of two
shades of green worth thirty-five _sous_ of Paris to make "nettles"
for her gown.[1227] Nettles were the Duke of Orleans' device, green or
purple or crimson his colours.[1228] This green was no longer the
bright colour of earlier days, it had gradually been growing darker as
the fortunes of the house declined. It had first been a vivid green,
then a brownish shade, and, finally, the tint of the faded leaf with a
suggestion of black in it which signified sorrow and mourning. The
Maid's colour was _feuillemort_. She, like the officers of the duchy
and the men of the train-bands, wore the Orleans livery; and thus
they made of her a kind of herald-at-arms or heraldic angel.
[Footnote 1227: _Accounts of the Fortress_, in _Trial_, vol. v, p.
259.]
[Footnote 1228: _Trial_, vol. v, pp. 106, 259. _Catalogue des Arch. de
Joursanvault_, vol. i, p. 129, nos. 603, 607, 619, 645, 772.
Dambreville, _Abrege de l'histoire des ordres de chevalerie_, p. 167.
P. Mantellier, _Histoire du siege_, p. 92.]
The cloak of yellowish green and the robe embroidered with nettles,
she must have been glad to wear for love of Duke Charles, whom the
English had treated with such sore despite. Having come to defend the
heritage of the captive prince, she said that in Jesus' name, the good
Duke of Orleans was on her mind and she was confident that she would
deliver him.[1229] Her design was first to summon the English to give
him up; then, if they refused, to cross the sea and with an army to
seek him in England.[1230] In case such means failed her, she had
thought of another course which she would adopt, with the permission
of her saints. She would ask the King if he would let her take
prisoners, believing that she could take enough to exchange for Duke
Charles.[1231] Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret had promised her
that thus his deliverance would take her less than three years and
longer than one.[1232] Such were the pious dreams of a child lulled to
sleep by the sound of her village bells! Deeming it just that she
should labour and suffer to rescue her princes from trouble and
weariness, she used to say, like a good servant: "I know that in
matters of bodily ease God loves my King and the Duke of Orleans
better than me; and I know it because it hath been revealed unto
me."[1233]
[Footnote 1229: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 55, 258.]
[Footnote 1230: _Ibid._, p. 254.]
[Footnote 1231: _Ibid._, p. 133.]
[Footnote 1232: _Ibid._, pp. 133, 254.]
[Footnote 1233: _Ibid._, p. 258.]
Then, speaking of the captive duke she would say: "My Voices have
revealed much to me concerning him. Duke Charles hath oftener been the
subject of my revelations than any man living except my King."[1234]
[Footnote 1234: _Ibid._, p. 55.]
In reality, all that Saint Catherine and Saint Margaret had done was
to tell her of the well-known misfortunes of the Prince. Valentine of
Milan's son and Isabelle Romee's daughter were separated by a gulf
broader and deeper than the ocean which stretched between them. They
dwelt at the antipodes of the world of souls, and all the saints of
Paradise would have been unable to explain one to the other.
All the same Duke Charles was a good prince and a debonair; he was
kind and he was pitiful. More than any other he possessed the gift of
pleasing. He charmed by his grace, albeit but ill-looking and of weak
constitution.[1235] His temperament was so out of harmony with his
position that he may be said to have endured his life rather than to
have lived it. His father assassinated by night in the Rue Barbette in
Paris by order of Duke John; his mother a perennial fount of tears,
dying of anger and of grief in a Franciscan nunnery; the two S's,
standing for _Soupirs_ (sighs) and _Souci_ (care), the emblems and
devices of her mourning, revealing her ingenious mind fancifully
elegant even in despair; the Armagnacs, the Burgundians, the
Cabochiens, cutting each other's throats around him; these were the
sights he had witnessed when little more than a child. Then he had
been wounded and taken prisoner at the Battle of Azincourt.
[Footnote 1235: Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 966, fol. 1.]
Now, for fourteen years, dragged from castle to castle, from one end
to the other of the island of fogs; imprisoned within thick walls,
closely guarded, receiving two or three of his countrymen at long
intervals, but never permitted to converse with one except before
witnesses, he felt old before his time, blighted by misfortune. "Fruit
fallen in its greenness, I was put to ripen on prison straw. I am
winter fruit,"[1236] he said of himself. In his captivity, he suffered
without hope, knowing that on his death-bed Henry V had recommended
his brother not to give him up at any price.[1237]
[Footnote 1236: _Les poesies de Charles d'Orleans_, ed. Guichard,
1842, in 12mo, p. 145.]
[Footnote 1237: A. Champollion-Figeac, _Louis et Charles, ducs
d'Orleans, leur influence sur les arts, la litterature et l'esprit de
leur siecle_, Paris, 1844, 1 vol. in 8vo, with an atlas, pp. 300-337.]
Kind to others, kind to himself, he took refuge in his own thoughts,
which were as bright and clear as his life was dark and sad. In the
gloom of the stern castles of Windsor and of Bolingbroke, in the Tower
of London, side by side with his gaolers, he lived and moved in the
world of phantasy of the _Romance of the Rose_. Venus, Cupid, Hope,
Fair-Welcome, Pleasure, Pity, Danger, Sadness, Care, Melancholy,
Sweet-Looks were around the desk, on which, in the deep embrasure of a
window, beneath the sun's rays, he wrote his ballads, as delicate and
fresh as an illumination on the page of a manuscript. For him it was
the world of allegory that really existed. He wandered in the forest
of Long Expectation; he embarked on the vessel Good Tidings. He was a
poet; Beauty was his lady; and courteously did he sing of her. From
his verses one would say that he was but the Captive of Lord
Love.[1238]
[Footnote 1238: _Les poesies de Charles d'Orleans_, ed. A.
Champollion-Figeac, Paris, 1842, 8vo. Pierre Champion, _Le manuscrit
autographe des poesies de Charles d'Orleans_, Paris, 1907, 8vo.]
He was left in ignorance of the affairs of his duchy; and, if he ever
concerned himself about it, it was when he collected the books of King
Charles V which had been bought by the Duke of Bedford and resold to
London merchants;[1239] or when he commanded that on the approach of
the English to Blois, its fine tapestries and his father's library
should be carried off to La Rochelle. After Beauty rich hangings and
delicate miniatures were what he loved most in the world.[1240] The
bright sunshine of France, the lovely month of May, dancing and ladies
were what he longed for most. He was cured of prowess and of chivalry.
[Footnote 1239: L. Delisle, _Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V_
(1907), vol. i, p. 140.]
[Footnote 1240: Le Roux de Lincy, _La bibliotheque de Charles
d'Orleans a son chateau de Blois, en 1427_, Paris, 1843, 8vo, pp. 5-7.
Comte de Laborde, _Les ducs de Bourgogne, etudes sur les lettres, les
arts et l'industrie pendant le XV'e siecle_, Paris, 1852, vol. iii,
pp. 235 _et seq._--_Inventaires et documents relatifs aux joyaux et
tapisseries des princes d'Orleans-Valois_, Paris, 1894, 8vo.]
Some have wished to believe that from his duchy news reached him of
the Maid's coming. They have gone so far as to imagine that a faithful
servant kept him informed of the happy incidents of May and June,
1429;[1241] but nothing is less certain. On the contrary, the
probability is that the English refused to let him receive any
message, and that he was totally ignorant of all that was going on in
the two kingdoms.[1242]
[Footnote 1241: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, Introduction by Vallet de
Viriville, pp. 8, 19 _et seq._]
[Footnote 1242: With regard to the year 1433, this is well established
(_Poesies completes de Charles d'Orleans_, ed. Charles d'Hericault,
Paris, 1874, 2 vols. 8vo, introduction).]
Possibly he did not care for news of the war as much as one might
expect. He hoped nothing from men-at-arms; and it was not to his fair
cousins of France and to feats of prowess and battles that he looked
for deliverance. He knew too much about them. It was in peace that he
put his trust, both for himself and for his people. Since the fathers
were dead, he thought that the sons might forgive and forget. He
placed his hope in his cousin of Burgundy; and he was right, for the
fortunes of the English were in the hands of Duke Philip. Charles
brought himself, or at any rate he was to bring himself later, to
recognise the suzerainty of the King of England. It is less important
to consider the weakness of men than the force of circumstances. And
the prisoner could never do enough to obtain peace: "joy's greatest
treasure."[1243]
[Footnote 1243: _Poesies de Charles d'Orleans_, ed. A.
Champollion-Figeac, pp. 175-176.]
No, despite her revelations, the picture Jeanne imagined of her fair
Duke was not the true one. They were never to meet; but if they had
met there would have been serious misunderstandings between them, and
they would have remained incomprehensible one to the other. Jeanne's
elemental, straight-forward way of thinking could never have accorded
with the ideas of so great a noble and so courteous a poet. They could
never have understood each other because she was simple, he subtle;
because she was a prophetess while he was filled with courtly
knowledge and lettered grace; because she believed, and he was as one
not believing; because she was a daughter of the common folk and a
saint ascribing all sovereignty to God, while for him law consisted in
feudal uses and customs, alliances and treaties;[1244] because, in
short, they held conflicting ideas concerning life and the world. The
Maid's mission, her being sent by Messire to recover his duchy for
him, would never have appealed to the good Duke; and Jeanne would
never have understood his behaviour towards his English and Burgundian
cousins. It was better they should never meet.
[Footnote 1244: For him every treaty of peace was a good treaty, even
that of 1420, the Treaty of Troyes (Pierre Champion, _Le manuscrit
autographe des poesies de Charles d'Orleans_, Paris, 1907, 8vo, p.
32).]
The capture of Jargeau had given the French control of the upper
Loire. In order to free the city of Orleans from all danger, it was
necessary to make sure of the banks of the lower river. There the
English still held Meung and Beaugency. On Tuesday, the 14th of June,
at the hour of vespers, the army took the field.[1245]
[Footnote 1245: Perceval de Cagny, p. 152: "_Je veux demain, apres
diner, aller voir ceux de Meung_." ["To-morrow after dinner I will go
to the people of Meung."] The turn of expression which this chronicle
attributes to Jeanne is really that of the clerk who wrote it.]
They passed through La Sologne, and that same evening gained the
Bridge of Meung, situated above the town and separated from its walls
by a broad meadow. Like most bridges, it was defended by a castlet at
each end; and the English had provided it with an earthen outwork, as
they had done for Les Tourelles at Orleans.[1246] They defended it
badly, however, and the French King's men forced their way in before
nightfall. They left a garrison there, and went out to encamp in
Beauce, almost under the walls. The young Duke of Alencon lodged in a
church with a few men-at-arms; and, as was his wont, did not keep
watch. He was surprised and ran great danger.[1247]
[Footnote 1246: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 71, 97, 110. _Chronique de la
Pucelle_, p. 305. _Journal du siege_, p. 101. Berry, in _Trial_, vol.
iv, p. 44. Walter Bower, _Scotichronicon_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p.
479. Eberhard Windecke, p. 176.]
[Footnote 1247: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 97.]
The town garrison, which was a small one, was commanded by Lord
Scales, and "the Child of Warwick." The next day, early in the
morning, the King's men, passing within a cannon shot of the town of
Meung, marched straight on Beaugency, which they reached in the
morning.[1248]
[Footnote 1248: _Ibid._, pp. 97, 98.]
The ancient little town, built on the side of a hill and girt around
with vineyards, gardens, and cornfields, sloped before them towards
the green valley of the Ru. Straight in front of them rose its square
tower of somewhat proud aspect, although it had oftentimes been taken.
The suburbs were not fortified; but the French, when they entered
them, were riddled by a shower of arrows of every kind, fired by
archers concealed in dwellings and outhouses. On both sides there were
killed and wounded. Finally, the English retreated into the castle and
the bridge bastions.[1249]
[Footnote 1249: _Journal du siege_, p. 101. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 304. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 83.]
The Duke of Alencon stationed sentinels in front of the castle to
watch the English. Just then, he saw coming towards him, two nobles of
Brittany, the Lords of Rostrenen and of Kermoisan, who said to him:
"The Constable asks the besiegers for entertainment."[1250]
[Footnote 1250: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 97, 98. Gruel, _Chronique de
Richemont_, p. 70.]
Arthur of Brittany, Sire de Richemont, Constable of France, had spent
the winter in Poitou waging war against the troops of the Sire de La
Tremouille. Now in defiance of the King's prohibition the Constable
came to join the King's men.[1251] He had crossed the Loire at Amboise
and arrived before Beaugency with six hundred men-at-arms and four
hundred archers.[1252] His coming caused the captains great
embarrassment. Some esteemed him a man of strong will and great
courage. But many were dependent upon the Sire de La Tremouille, as
for example the poor squire, Jean d'Aulon. The Duke of Alencon wanted
to retreat, alleging that the King had commanded him not to receive
the Constable.
[Footnote 1251: E. Cosneau, _Le connetable de Richemont_, pp. 93 _et
seq._]
[Footnote 1252: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 315, 516. Jean Chartier,
_Chronique_, vol. i, p. 84. _Journal du siege_, pp. 101, 102. Perceval
de Cagny, p. 153.]
"If the Constable comes, I shall retire," he said to Jeanne.
To the Breton nobles he replied, that if the Constable came into the
camp, the Maid, and the besiegers would fight against him.[1253]
[Footnote 1253: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 98. E. Cosneau, _Le connetable
de Richemont_, p. 168.]
So decided was he that he mounted his horse to ride straight up to the
Bretons. The Maid, out of respect for him and for the King, was
preparing to follow him. But many of the captains restrained the Duke
of Alencon[1254] deeming that now was not the time to break a lance
with the Constable of France.
[Footnote 1254: Gruel, _Chronique de Richemont_, pp. 70 _et seq._]
On the morrow a loud alarm was sounded in the camp. The heralds were
crying: "To arms!" The English were said to be approaching in great
numbers. The young Duke still wanted to retreat in order to avoid
receiving the Constable. This time Jeanne dissuaded him: "We must
stand together," she said.[1255]
[Footnote 1255: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 98.]
He listened to this counsel and went forth to meet the Constable,
followed by the Maid, my Lord the Bastard, and the Lords of Laval.
Near the leper's hospital at Beaugency they encountered a fine
company. As they approached, a thick-lipped little man, dark and
frowning, alighted from his horse.[1256] It was Arthur of Brittany.
The Maid embraced his knees as she was accustomed to do when holding
converse with the great ones of heaven and earth. Thus did every baron
when he met one nobler than himself.[1257]
[Footnote 1256: Gruel, _Chronique de Richemont_, p. 71. Cf. E.
Cosneau, _Le connetable de Richemont_, pp. 169, 583. See a drawing in
the Gaignieres collection reproduced by J. Lair, _Essai sur la
bataille de Formigny_, 1903, 8vo.]
[Footnote 1257: _Lors le saluerent et le vinrent accoller par les
jambes._ (Then they saluted him and embraced his knees.) J. de Bueil,
_Le Jouvencel_, vol. i, p. 191.]
The Constable spoke to her as a good Catholic, a devout servant of God
and the Church, saying: "Jeanne, I have heard that you wanted to fight
against me. Whether you are sent by God I know not. If you are I do
not fear you. For God knows that my heart is right. If you are sent by
the devil I fear you still less."[1258]
[Footnote 1258: Gruel, _Chronique de Richemont_, pp. 71-72. I have
here followed Gruel, who is not generally very trustworthy, but whose
account in this particular seems probable, at least he is no mere
hagiographer.]
He was entitled to speak thus, for he made a point of never
acknowledging the devil's power over him. His love of God he showed by
seeking out wizards and witches with a greater zeal than was displayed
by bishops and inquisitors. In France, in Poitou, and in Brittany he
had sent more to the stake than any other man living.[1259]
[Footnote 1259: _Ibid._, p. 228.]
The Duke of Alencon dared not either dismiss him or grant him a
lodging for the night. It was the custom for new comers to keep the
watch. The Constable with his company kept watch that night in front
of the castle.[1260]
[Footnote 1260: _Ibid._, p. 72. E. Cosneau, _Le connetable de
Richemont_, p. 170.]
Without more ado the young Duke of Alencon proceeded to the attack.
Here, again, those who bore the brunt of the attack and provided for
the siege were the citizens of Orleans. The magistrates of the town
had sent by water from Meung to Beaugency the necessary siege train,
ladders, pickaxes, mattocks, and those great pent-houses beneath which
the besiegers protected themselves like tortoises under their shells.
They had sent also cannons and mortars. The gay gunner, Master Jean de
Montesclere, was there.[1261] All these supplies were addressed to the
Maid. The magistrate, Jean Boilleve, brought bread and wine in a
barge.[1262] Throughout Friday, the 7th, mortars and cannon hurled
stones on the besieged. At the same time from the valley and from the
river the attack was being made from barges. On the 17th of June, at
midnight, Sir Richard Gethyn, Bailie of Evreux, who commanded the
garrison, offered to capitulate. It was agreed that the English should
surrender the castle and bridge, and depart on the morrow, taking with
them horses and harness with each man his property to the value of not
more than one silver mark. Further, they were required to swear that
they would not take up arms again before the expiration of ten days.
On these terms, the next day, at sunrise, to the number of five
hundred, they crossed the drawbridge and retreated on Meung, where the
castle, but not the bridge, remained in the hands of the
English.[1263] The Constable wisely sent a few men to reinforce the
garrison on the Meung Bridge.[1264] Sir Richard Gethyn and Captain
Matthew Gough were detained as hostages.[1265]
[Footnote 1261: _Journal du siege_, p. 97. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 301.]
[Footnote 1262: A. de Villaret, _Campagne des Anglais_, pp. 87-88, and
proofs and illustrations, pp. 153, 158.]
[Footnote 1263: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 305. _Journal du siege_,
p. 102. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 84. Wavrin du Forestel,
_Anciennes chroniques_, vol. i, pp. 279, 282. Monstrelet, vol. iii,
pp. 325 _et seq._]
[Footnote 1264: Gruel, _Chronique de Richemont_, p. 72.]
[Footnote 1265: Wavrin du Forestel, _Anciennes chroniques_, vol. i, p.
279.]
The Beaugency garrison had been in too great haste to surrender.
Scarce had it gone when a man-at-arms of Captain La Hire's company
came to the Duke of Alencon saying: "The English are marching upon us.
We shall have them in front of us directly. They are over there, full
one thousand fighting men."
Jeanne heard him speak but did not seize his meaning.
"What is that man-at-arms saying?" she asked.
And when she knew, turning to Arthur of Brittany, who was close by,
she said: "Ah! Fair Constable, it was not my will that you should
come, but since you are here, I bid you welcome."[1266]
[Footnote 1266: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 98.]
The force the French had to face was Sir John Talbot and Sir John
Fastolf with the whole English army.