THE SIEGE OF ORLEANS FROM THE 7TH OF MARCH TO THE 28TH OF APRIL, 1429
Since the terrible and ridiculous discomfiture of the King's men in
the Battle of the Herrings, the citizens of Orleans had lost all faith
in their defenders.[835] Their minds agitated, suspicious and
credulous were possessed by phantoms of fear and wrath. Suddenly and
without reason they believe themselves betrayed. One day it is
announced that a hole big enough for a man to pass through has been
made in the town wall just where it skirts the outbuildings of the
Aumone.[836] A crowd of people hasten to the spot; they see the hole
and a piece of the wall which had been restored, with two loop-holes;
they fail to understand, and think themselves sold and betrayed into
the enemy's hands; they rave and break forth into howls, and seek the
priest in charge of the hospital to tear him to pieces.[837] A few
days after, on Holy Thursday, a similar rumour is spread abroad:
traitors are about to deliver up the town into the hands of the
English. The folk seize their weapons; soldiers, burgesses, villeins
mount guard on the outworks, on the walls and in the streets. On the
morrow, the day after that on which the panic had originated, fear
still possesses them.[838]
[Footnote 835: "_Pourquoy la Hire, Poton et plusieurs autres vaillants
hommes qui moult enviz s'en alloient ainsi honteusement_," _Journal du
siege_, p. 42.]
[Footnote 836: The hospital of Orleans, close to the cathedral.]
[Footnote 837: 9 March. _Journal du siege_, pp. 56, 57.]
[Footnote 838: _Journal du siege_, p. 64.]
In the beginning of March the besiegers saw approaching the Norman
vassals, summoned by the Regent. But they were only six hundred and
twenty-nine lances all told, and they were only bound to serve for
twenty-six days. Under the leadership of Scales, Pole, and Talbot, the
English continued the investment works as best they could.[839] On the
10th of March, two and a half miles east of the city, they occupied
without opposition the steep slope of Saint-Loup and began to erect a
bastion there, which should command the upper river and the two roads
from Gien and Pithiviers, at the point where they meet near the
Burgundian gate.[840] On the 20th of March they completed the bastion
named London, on the road to Mans. Between the 9th and 15th of April
two new bastions were erected towards the west, Rouen nine hundred
feet east of London, Paris nine hundred feet from Rouen. About the
20th they fortified Saint-Jean-le-Blanc across the Loire and
established a watch to guard the crossing of the river.[841] This was
but little in comparison with what remained to be done, and they were
short of men; for they had less than three thousand round the town.
Wherefore they fell upon the peasants. Now that the season for tending
the vines was drawing near, the country folk went forth into the
fields thinking only of the land; but the English lay in wait for
them, and when they had taken them prisoners, set them to work.[842]
[Footnote 839: Boucher de Molandon, _L'armee anglaise vaincue par
Jeanne d'Arc_, ch. ii. Jarry, _Le compte de l'armee anglaise_, pp. 60,
107, 110, 112.]
[Footnote 840: _Journal du siege_, pp. 57, 58. Abbe Dubois, _Histoire
du siege_, dissertation vi.]
[Footnote 841: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, pp. 265, 267. Morosini, vol.
iv, supplement xiii.]
[Footnote 842: _Journal du siege_, p. 58.]
In the opinion of those most skilled in the arts of war, these
bastions were worthless. They were furnished with no stabling for
horses. They could not be built near enough to render assistance to
each other; the besieger was in danger of being himself besieged in
them. In short, from these vexatious methods of warfare the English
reaped nothing but disappointment and disgrace. The Sire de Bueil, one
of the defenders, perceived this when he was reconnoitring.[843] In
fact it was so easy to pass through the enemy's lines that merchants
were willing to run the risk of taking cattle to the besieged. There
entered into the town, on the 7th of March, six horses loaded with
herrings; on the 15th, six horses with powder; on the 29th, cattle and
victuals; on the 2nd of April, nine fat oxen and horses; on the 5th,
one hundred and one pigs and six fat oxen; on the 9th, seventeen pigs,
horses, sucking-pigs, and corn; on the 13th, coins with which to pay
the garrison; on the 16th, cattle and victuals; on the 23rd, powder
and victuals. And more than once the besieged had carried off, in the
very faces of the English, victuals and ammunition destined for the
besiegers and including casks of wine, game, horses, bows, forage, and
even twenty-six head of large cattle.[844]
[Footnote 843: _Le Jouvencel_, vol. i, p. xxii; vol. ii, p. 44.]
[Footnote 844: _Journal du siege_, pp. 56, 62.]
The siege was costing the English dear,--forty thousand _livres
tournois_ a month.[845] They were short of money; they were obliged to
resort to the most irritating expedients. By a decree of the 3rd of
March King Henry had recently ordered all his officers in Normandy to
lend him one quarter of their pay.[846] In their huts of wood and
earth, the men-at-arms, who had endured much from the cold, now began
to suffer hunger.
[Footnote 845: Jarry, _Le compte de l'armee anglaise_, pp. 50, 58.]
[Footnote 846: Pierre Sureau's account in Jarry, _Le compte de l'armee
anglaise_, proofs and illustrations, no. vi, pp. 45, 46.]
The wasted fields of La Beauce, of l'Ile-de-France, and of Normandy
could furnish them with no great store of sheep or oxen. Their food
was bad, their drink worse. The vintage of 1427 had been bad, that of
the following year was poor and weak--more like sour grapes than
wine.[847] Now an old English author has written of the soldiers of
his country:
"They want their porridge and their fat bull-beeves:
Either they must be dieted like mules
And have their provender tied to their mouths
Or piteous they will look, like drowned mice."[848]
[Footnote 847: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 221, 222 _et
seq._]
[Footnote 848: Shakespeare, _Henry VI_, part i, act i, scene ii.
According to M. G. Duval the first part of this play was adapted from
one of Shakespeare's predecessors.]
A sudden humiliation still further weakened the English. Captain Poton
de Saintrailles and the two magistrates, Guyon du Fosse and Jean de
Saint-Avy, who had gone on an embassy to the Duke of Burgundy,
returned to Orleans on the 17th of April. The Duke had granted their
request and consented to take the town under his protection. But the
Regent, to whom the offer had been made, would not have it thus.
He replied that he would be very sorry if after he had beaten the bush
another should go off with the nestlings.[849] Therefore the offer was
rejected. Nevertheless the embassy had been by no means useless, and
it was something to have raised a new cause of quarrel between the
Duke and the Regent. The ambassadors returned accompanied by a
Burgundian herald who blew his trumpet in the English camp, and, in
the name of his master, commanded all combatants who owed allegiance
to the Duke to raise the siege. Some hundreds of archers and
men-at-arms, Burgundians, men of Picardy and of Champagne, departed
forthwith.[850]
[Footnote 849: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 65.]
[Footnote 850: _Journal du siege_, pp. 69, 70. _Chronique de la
Pucelle_, p. 270. Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 317 _et seq._ Morosini,
vol. iii, pp. 19, 20, 21; vol. iv, supplement xiv, p. 311. Jarry, _Le
compte de l'armee anglaise_, pp. 68 _et seq._ Boucher de Molandon,
_L'armee anglaise vaincue par Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 145.]
On the next day, at four o'clock in the morning, the citizens
emboldened and deeming the opportunity a good one, attacked the camp
of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils. They slew the watch and entered the
camp, where they found piles of money, robes of martin, and a goodly
store of weapons. Absorbed in pillage, they paid no heed to defending
themselves and were surprised by the enemy, who in great force had
hastened to the place. They fled pursued by the English who slew many.
On that day the town resounded with the lamentations of women weeping
for a father, a husband, a brother, kinsmen.[851]
[Footnote 851: _Journal du siege_, p. 70.]
Within those walls, in a space where there was room for not more than
fifteen thousand inhabitants, forty thousand[852] were huddled
together, one vast multitude agonised by all manner of suffering;
depressed by domestic sorrow; racked with anxiety; maddened by
constant danger and perpetual panic. Although the wars of those days
were not so sanguinary as they became later, the sallies of the
inhabitants of Orleans were the occasion of constant and considerable
loss of life. Since the middle of March the English bullets had fallen
more into the centre of the town; and they were not always harmless.
On the eve of Palm Sunday one stone, fired from a mortar, killed or
wounded five persons; another, seven.[853] Many of the inhabitants,
like the provost, Alain Du Bey, died of fatigue or of the infected
air.[854]
[Footnote 852: Jollois, _Histoire du siege_, part vi, ch. i. Abbe
Dubois, _Histoire du siege_, dissertation ix. Loiseleur, _Compte des
depenses de Charles VII_, ch. v. Lottin, _Recherches historiques sur
la ville d'Orleans_, vol. ii, p. 205. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 25, note
2.]
[Footnote 853: _Journal du siege_, p. 64.]
[Footnote 854: _Ibid._, p. 59.]
In the Christendom of those days all men were taught to believe that
earthquakes, wars, famine, pestilence are punishments for wrong-doing.
Charles, the Fair Duke of Orleans, good Christian that he was, held
that great sorrows had come upon France as chastisement for her sins,
to wit: swelling pride, gluttony, sloth, covetousness, lust, and
neglect of justice, which were rife in the realm; and in a ballad he
discoursed of the evil and its remedy.[855] The people of Orleans
firmly believed that this war was sent to them of God to punish
sinners, who had worn out his patience. They were aware both of the
cause of their sorrows and of the means of remedying them. Such was
the teaching of the good friars preachers; and, as Duke Charles put it
in his ballad, the remedy was to live well, to amend one's life, to
have masses said and sung for the souls of those who had suffered
death in the service of the realm, to renounce the sinful life, and to
ask forgiveness of Our Lady and the saints.[856] This remedy had been
adopted by the people of Orleans. They had had masses said in the
Church of Sainte-Croix for the souls of nobles, captains, and
men-at-arms killed in their service, and especially for those who had
died a piteous death in the Battle of the Herrings. They had offered
candles to Our Lady and to the patron saints of the town, and had
carried the shrine of Saint-Aignan round the walls.[857]
[Footnote 855: Charles d'Orleans, _Poesies_, edited by A.
Champollion-Figeac, Paris, 1842, in 8vo, p. 176.]
[Footnote 856: Miniature in the MS. of the poems of Charles d'Orleans,
in the British Museum, Royal 16 F. ii, fol. 73 v'o.]
[Footnote 857: _Journal du siege_, p. 43. Symphorien Guyon, _Histoire
de la ville d'Orleans_, vol. ii, p. 43.]
Every time they felt themselves in great danger, they brought it forth
from the Church of Sainte-Croix, carried it in grand procession round
the town and over the ramparts,[858] then, having brought it back to
the cathedral, they listened to a sermon preached in the porch by a
good monk chosen by the magistrates.[859] They said prayers in public
and resolved to amend their lives. Wherefore they believed that in
Paradise Saint Euverte and Saint-Aignan, touched by their piety, must
be interceding for them with Our Lord; and they thought they could
hear the voices of the two pontiffs. Saint Euverte was saying,
"All-powerful Father, I pray and entreat thee to save the city of
Orleans. It is mine. I was its bishop. I am its patron saint. Deliver
it not up to its enemies."
[Footnote 858: _Chronique de la fete_, in the _Trial_, vol. v, p.
297.]
[Footnote 859: Accounts of the Commune, _passim_, in _Journal du
siege_, pp. 210 _et seq._]
Then afterwards spoke Saint-Aignan: "Give peace to the people of
Orleans. Father, thou who by the mouth of a child didst appoint me
their shepherd, grant that they fall not into the hands of the enemy."
The inhabitants of Orleans expected that the Lord would not at once
answer the prayers of the two confessors. Knowing the sternness of his
judgments they feared lest he would reply: "For their sins are the
French people justly chastised. They suffer because of their
disobedience to Holy Church. From the least to the greatest in the
realm each vies with the other in evil-doing. The husbandmen,
citizens, lawyers and priests are hard and avaricious; the princes,
dukes and noble lords are proud, vain, cursers, swearers, and
traitors. The corruptness of their lives infects the air. It is just
that they suffer chastisement."
That the Lord should speak thus must be expected, because he was angry
and because the people of Orleans had greatly sinned. But now, behold,
Our Lady, she who loves the King of the Lilies, prays for him and for
the Duke of Orleans to the Son, whose pleasure it is to do her will in
all things: "My Son, with all my heart I entreat thee to drive the
English from the land of France; they have no right to it. If they
take Orleans, then they will take the rest at their pleasure. Suffer
it not, O my Son, I beseech thee." And Our Lord, at the prayer of his
holy Mother, forgives the French and consents to save them.[860]
[Footnote 860: _Mistere du siege_, lines 6964 _et seq._]
Thus in those days, according to their ideas of the spiritual world,
did men represent even the councils of Paradise. There were folk not a
few, and those not unlearned, who believed that as the result of these
councils Our Lord had sent his Archangel to the shepherdess. And it
might even be possible that he would save the kingdom by the hand of a
woman. Is it not in the weak things of the world that he maketh his
power manifest?
Did he not allow the child David to overthrow the giant Goliath, and
did he not deliver into the hands of Judith the head of Holophernes?
In Orleans itself was it not by the mouth of a babe that he had caused
to be named that shepherd who was to deliver the besieged town from
Attila?[861]
[Footnote 861: Aug. Theiner, _Saint Aignan ou le siege d'Orleans par
Attila, notice historique suivie de la vie de ce saint, tiree des MSS.
de la Bibliotheque du Roi_, Paris, 1832, in 8vo.]
The Lord of Villars and Messire Jamet du Tillay, having returned from
Chinon, reported that they had with their own eyes seen the Maid; and
they told of the marvels of her coming. They related how she had
travelled far, fording rivers, passing by many towns and villages held
by the English, as well as through those French lands wherein were
rife pillage and all manner of evils. Then they went on to tell how,
when she was taken to the King, she had spoken fair words to him as
she curtsied, saying: "Gentle Dauphin, God sends me to help and
succour you. Give me soldiers, for by grace divine and by force of
arms, I will raise the siege of Orleans and then lead you to your
anointing at Reims, according as God hath commanded me, for it is his
will that the English return to their country and leave in peace your
kingdom which shall remain unto you. Or, if they do not quit the land,
then will God cause them to perish." Further, they told how,
interrogated by certain prelates, knights, squires, and doctors in
law, her bearing had been found honest and her words wise. They
extolled her piety, her candour, that simplicity which testified that
God dwelt with her, and that skill in managing a horse and wielding
weapons which caused all men to marvel.[862]
[Footnote 862: _Journal du siege_, p. 46. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 278. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, p. 66.]
At the end of March, tidings came, that, taken to Poitiers, she had
there been examined by doctors and famous masters, and had replied to
them with an assurance equal to that of Saint Catherine before the
doctors at Alexandria. Because her words were good and her promises
sure, it was said that the King, trusting in her, had caused her to be
armed in order that she might go to Orleans, where she would soon
appear, riding on a white horse, wearing at her side the sword of
Saint Catherine and holding in her hand the standard she had received
from the King of Heaven.[863]
[Footnote 863: _Journal du siege_, pp. 47, 48. P. Mantellier,
_Histoire du siege_, pp. 61 _et seq._]
To the ecclesiastics what was told of Jeanne seemed marvellous but not
incredible, since parallel instances were to be found in sacred
history, which was all the history they knew. To those who were
lettered among them their erudition furnished fewer reasons for denial
than for doubt or belief. Those who were simple frankly wondered at
these things.
Certain of the captains, and certain even of the people, treated them
with derision. But by so doing they ran the risk of ill usage. The
inhabitants of the city believed in the Maid as firmly as in Our Lord.
From her they expected help and deliverance. They summoned her in a
kind of mystic ecstasy and religious frenzy. The fever of the siege
had become the fever of the Maid.[864]
[Footnote 864: _Journal du siege_, p. 77.]
Nevertheless, the use made of her by the King's men proved that,
following the counsel of the theologians, they were determined to
adopt only such methods as were prompted by human prudence. She was to
enter the town with a convoy of victuals, then being prepared at Blois
by order of the King assisted by the Queen of Sicily.[865] In all the
loyal provinces a new effort was being made for the relief and
deliverance of the brave city. Gien, Bourges, Blois, Chateaudun, Tours
sent men and victuals; Angers, Poitiers, La Rochelle, Albi, Moulins,
Montpellier, Clermont sulphur, saltpetre, steel, and arms.[866] And if
the citizens of Toulouse gave nothing it was because their city, as
the notables consulted by the _capitouls_[867] ingenuously declared,
had nothing to give--_non habebat de quibus_.[868]
[Footnote 865: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 93. _Geste des nobles_, in _La
chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 250. The Accounts of fortresses
(1428-1430), in Boucher de Molandon, _Premiere expedition de Jeanne
d'Arc_, pp. 30 _et seq._]
[Footnote 866: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 287. _Journal du siege_,
p. 81. Boucher de Molandon, _Premiere expedition de Jeanne d'Arc_, pp.
28, 29. P. Mantellier, _Histoire du siege_, p. 230.]
[Footnote 867: The name by which the town councillors of Toulouse were
called.]
[Footnote 868: _Le siege d'Orleans, Jeanne d'Arc et les capitouls de
Toulouse_, by A. Thomas, in _Annales du Midi_, 1889, p. 232. It would
appear that Saint-Flour, although solicited, did not contribute: it
had enough to do to defend itself from the freebooters who were
constantly hovering round. Cf. _Villandrando et les ecorcheurs a
Saint-Flour_ by M. Boudet, Clermont-Ferrand, 1895, in 8vo, pp. 18 _et
seq._]
The King's councillors, notably my Lord Regnault de Chartres,
Chancellor of the Realm, were forming a new army. What they had failed
to accomplish, by means of the men of Auvergne, they would now attempt
with troops from Anjou and Le Mans. The Queen of Sicily, Duchess of
Touraine and Anjou, willingly lent her aid. Were Orleans taken she
would be in danger of losing lands by which she set great store.
Therefore she spared neither men, money, nor victuals. After the
middle of April, a citizen of Angers, one Jean Langlois, brought
letters informing the magistrates of the imminent arrival of the corn
she had contributed. The town gave Jean Langlois a present, and the
magistrates entertained him at dinner at the Ecu Saint-Georges. This
corn was a part of that large convoy which the Maid was to
accompany.[869]
[Footnote 869: Receipts of the town of Orleans in 1429, in Boucher de
Molandon, _Premiere expedition de Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 36.]
Towards the end of the month, by order of my Lord the Bastard, the
captains of the French garrisons of La Beauce and Gatinais, betook
themselves to the town to reinforce the army of Blois, the arrival of
which was announced. On the 28th, there entered my Lord Florent
d'Illiers,[870] Governor of Chateaudun, with four hundred fighting
men.[871]
[Footnote 870: Florent d'Illiers, descended from an old family of the
Chartres country, had married Jeanne, daughter of Jean de Coutes and
sister of the little page whom the Sire de Gaucourt had given the Maid
(A. de Villaret).]
[Footnote 871: _Journal du siege_, p. 73. _Chronique de la Pucelle_,
p. 278.]
What was to become of Orleans? The siege, badly conducted, was causing
the English the most grievous disappointments. Further, their captains
perceived they would never succeed in taking the town by means of
those bastions, between which anything, either men, victuals, or
ammunition, could pass, and with an army miserably quartered in mud
hovels, ravaged by disease, and reduced by desertions to three
thousand, or at the most to three thousand two hundred men. They had
lost nearly all their horses. Far from being able to continue the
attack it was hard for them to maintain the defensive and to hold out
in those miserable wooden towers, which, as Le Jouvencel said, were
more profitable to the besieged than to the besiegers.[872]
[Footnote 872: _Le Jouvencel_, vol. ii, p. 44.]
Their only hope, and that an uncertain and distant one, lay in the
reinforcements, which the Regent was gathering with great
difficulty.[873] Meanwhile, time seemed to drag in the besieged town.
The warriors who defended it were brave, but they had come to the end
of their resources and knew not what more to do. The citizens were
good at keeping guard, but they would not face fire. They did not
suspect the miserable condition to which the besiegers had been
reduced. Hardship, anxiety, and an infected atmosphere depressed their
spirits. Already they seemed to see _Les Coues_ taking the town by
storm, killing, pillaging, and ravaging. At every moment they believed
themselves betrayed. They were not calm and self-possessed enough to
recognise the enormous advantages of their situation. The town's means
of communication, whereby it could be indefinitely reinforced and
revictualled, were still open. Besides, a relieving army, well in
advance of that of the English, was on the point of arriving. It was
bringing a goodly drove of cattle, as well as men and ammunition
enough to capture the English fortresses in a few days.
[Footnote 873: Jarry, _Le compte de l'armee anglaise_, pp. 75 _et
seq._]
With this army the King was sending the Maid who had been promised.