FACT AND FICTION

N. B.--_These two stories are founded on fact; but the personal

allusions are fictitious. As regards public events, they are

historically accurate.--G. W. E. R._

I

_A FORGOTTEN PANIC_

Friday, the 13th of September, 1867, was the last day of the Harrow

holidays, and I was returning to the Hill from a visit to some

friends in Scotland. During the first part of the journey I was

alone in the carriage, occupied with an unlearnt holiday task;

but at Carlisle I acquired a fellow-traveller. He jumped into the

carriage just as the train was beginning to move, and to the porter

who breathlessly enquired about his luggage he shouted, "This is

all," and flung a small leathern case on to the seat. As he settled

himself into his plate, his eye fell upon the pile of baggage which

I had bribed the station-master to establish in my corner of the

carriage--a portmanteau, a hat-box, a rug wrapped round an umbrella,

and one or two smaller parcels--all legibly labelled

G. W. E. RUSSELL,

Woodside,

Harrow-on-the-Hill.

After a glance at my property, the stranger turned to me and exclaimed:

"When you have travelled as much as I have, young sir, you will

know that, the less the luggage, the greater the ease." Youth,

I think, as a rule resents overtures from strangers, but there

was something in my fellow-traveller's address so pleasant as to

disarm resentment. His voice, his smile, his appearance, were alike

prepossessing. He drew from his pocket the _Daily News_, in those

days a famous organ for foreign intelligence, and, as he composed

himself to read, I had a full opportunity of studying his appearance.

He seemed to be somewhere between thirty and forty, of the middle

height, lean and sinewy, and, as his jump into the train had shown,

as lissom as a cat. His skin was so much tanned that it was difficult

to guess his natural complexion; but his closely cropped hair was

jet-black, and his clean-shaven face showed the roots of a very

dark beard. In those days it was fashionable to wear one's hair

rather long, and to cultivate whiskers and a moustache. Priests

and actors were the only people who shaved clean, and I decided

in my mind that my friend was an actor. Presently he laid down his

paper, and, turning to me with that grave courtesy which when one

is very young one appreciates, he said: "I hope, sir, that my abrupt

entry did not disturb you. I had a rush for it, and nearly lost my

train as it was. And I hope what I said about luggage did not seem

impertinent. I was only thinking that, if I had been obliged to look

after portmanteaus, I should probably still be on the platform at

Carlisle." I hastened to say, with my best air, that I had not been

the least offended, and rather apologized for my own encumbrances

by saying that I was going South for three months, and had to take

all my possessions with me. I am not sure that I was pleased when

my friend said: "Ah, yes; the end of the vacation. You are returning

to college at Harrow, I see." It was humiliating to confess that

Harrow was a school, and I a schoolboy; but my friend took it with

great composure. Perfectly, he said; it was his error. He should

have said "school," not "college." He had a great admiration for

the English Public Schools. It was his misfortune to have been

educated abroad. A French lycée, or a German gymnasium, was not

such a pleasant place as Eton or Harrow. This was exactly the best

way of starting a conversation, and, my schoolboy reserve being

once broken, we chatted away merrily. Very soon I had told him

everything about myself, my home, my kinsfolk, my amusements, my

favourite authors, and all the rest of it; but presently it dawned

upon me that, though I had disclosed everything to him, he had

disclosed nothing to me, and that the actor, if I rightly deemed

him so, was not very proud of his profession. His nationality,

too, perplexed me. He spoke English as fluently as I did, but not

quite idiomatically; and there was just a trace of an accent which

was not English. Sometimes it sounded French, but then again there

was a tinge of American. On the whole, I came to the conclusion

that my friend was an Englishman who had lived a great deal abroad,

or else an American who had lived in Paris. As the day advanced,

the American theory gained upon me; for, though my friend told me

nothing about himself, he told me a great deal about every place

which we passed. He knew the industries of the various towns, and

the events connected with them, and the names of the people who

owned the castles and great country-houses. I had been told that

this habit of endless exposition was characteristic of the cultured

American. But, whatever was the nationality of my companion, I

enjoyed his company very much. He talked to me, not as a man to

a boy, but as an elder to a younger man; paid me the courtesy of

asking my opinion and listening to my answers; and, by all the

little arts of the practised converser, made me feel on good terms

with myself and the world. Yankee or Frenchman, my actor was a very

jolly fellow; and I only wished that he would tell me a little

about himself.

When, late in the afternoon, we passed Bletchley Station, I bethought

me that we should soon be separated, for the London and North-Western

train, though an express, was to be stopped at Harrow in order to

disgorge its load of returning boys. I began to collect my goods

and to prepare myself for the stop, when my friend said, to my

great joy, "I see you are alighting. I am going on to Euston. I

shall be in London for the next few weeks. I should very much like

to pay a visit to Harrow one day, and see your 'lions.'" This was

exactly what I wished, but had been too modest to suggest; so I

joyfully acceded to his proposal, only venturing to add that, though

we had been travelling together all day, I did not know my friend's

name. He tore a leaf out of a pocket-book, scrawled on it, in a

backward-sloping hand, "H. Aulif," and handed it to me, saying,

"I do not add an address, for I shall be moving about. But I will

write you a line very soon, and fix a day for my visit." Just then

the train stopped at the foot of the Hill, and, as I was fighting

my way through the welter of boys and luggage on the platform,

I caught sight of a smiling face and a waved hand at the window

of the carriage which I had just quitted.

The beginning of a new school-quarter, the crowd of fresh faces,

the greetings of old friends, and a remove into a much more difficult

Form, rather distracted my mind from the incidents of my journey,

to which it was recalled by the receipt of a note from Mr. Aulif,

saying that he would be at Harrow by 2.30 on Saturday afternoon,

the 21st of September. I met him at the station, and found him

even pleasanter than I expected. He extolled Public Schools to

the skies, and was sure that our English virtues were in great

part due to them. Of Harrow he spoke with peculiar admiration as

the School of Sheridan, of Peel, of Palmerston. What was our course

of study? What our system of discipline? What were our amusements?

The last question I was able to answer by showing him both the

end of cricket and the beginning of football, for both were being

played; and, as we mounted the Hill towards the School and the

Spire, he asked me if we had any other amusements. Fives or racquets

he did not seem to count. Did we run races? Had we any gymnastics?

(In those days we had not.) Did we practise rifle-shooting? Every

boy ought to learn to use a rifle. The Volunteer movement was a

national glory. Had we any part in it?

The last question touched me on the point of honour. In those days

Harrow was the best School in England for rifle-shooting. In the

Public Schools contest at Wimbledon we carried off the Ashburton

Challenge Shield five times in succession, and in 1865 and 1866

we added to it Lord Spencer's Cup for the best marksman in the

school-teams. All this, and a good deal more to the same effect,

I told Mr. Aulif with becoming spirit, and proudly led the way to

our "Armoury." This grandly named apartment was in truth a dingy

cellar under the Old Schools, and held only a scanty store of rifles

(for the corps, though keen, was not numerous). Boyhood is sensitive

to sarcasm, and I felt an uncomfortable twinge as Mr. Aulif glanced

round our place of arms and said, "A gallant corps, I am sure,

if not numerically strong. But this is your School corps only.

Doubtless the citizens of the place also have their corps?" Rather

wishing to get my friend away from a scene where he obviously was

not impressed, and fearing that perhaps he might speak lightly

of the Fourth Form Room, even though its panels bear the carved

name of BYRON, I seized the opening afforded by the mention of the

local corps, and proposed a walk towards the drill-shed. This was

a barn, very roughly adapted to military purposes, and standing,

remote from houses, in a field at Roxeth, a hamlet of Harrow on the

way to Northolt. It served both for drill-shed and for armoury,

and, as the local corps (the 18th Middlesex) was a large one, it

contained a good supply of arms and ammunition. The custodian,

who lived in a cottage at Roxeth, was a Crimean veteran, who kept

everything in apple-pie order, and on this Saturday afternoon was

just putting the finishing touches of tidiness to the properties

in his charge. Mr. Aulif made friends with him at once, spoke

enthusiastically of the Crimea, talked of improvements in guns

and gunnery since those days, praised the Anglo-French alliance,

and said how sad it was that England now had to be on her guard

against her former allies across the Channel. As the discourse

proceeded, I began to question my theory that Aulif was an actor.

Perhaps he was a soldier. Could he be a Jesuit in disguise? Jesuits

were clean-shaved and well-informed. Or was it only his faculty of

general agreeableness that enabled him to attract the old caretaker

at the drill-shed as he had attracted the schoolboy in the train?

As we walked back to the station, my desire to know what my friend

really was increased momentarily, but I no more dared to ask him

than I should have dared to shake hands with Queen Victoria; for,

to say the truth, Mr. Aulif, while he fascinated, awed me. He told

me that he was just going abroad, and we parted at the station

with mutual regrets.

* * * * *

The year 1867 was conspicuously a year of Fenian activity. The

termination of the Civil War in America had thrown out of employment

a great many seasoned soldiers of various nationalities, who had

served for five years in the American armies. Among these were

General Cluseret, educated at Saint-Cyr, trained by Garibaldi,

and by some good critics esteemed "the most consummate soldier of

the day." The Fenians now began to dream not merely of isolated

outrages, but of an armed rising in Ireland; and, after consultation

with the Fenian leaders in New York, Cluseret came to England with

a view to organizing the insurrection. What then befell can be

read in Lathair, where Cluseret is thinly disguised as "Captain

Bruges," and also in his own narrative, published in _Fraser's

Magazine_ for 1872. He arrived in London in January, 1867, and

startling events began to happen in quick succession. On the 11th

of February an armed party of Fenians attacked Chester Castle,

and were not repulsed without some difficulty. There was an armed

rising at Killarney. The police-barracks at Tallaght were besieged,

and at Glencullen the insurgents captured the police-force and

their weapons. At Kilmallock there was an encounter between the

Fenians and the constabulary, and life was lost on both sides.

There was a design of concentrating all the Fenian forces on Mallow

Junction, but the rapid movement of the Queen's troops frustrated

the design, and the general rising was postponed. Presently two

vagrants were arrested on suspicion at Liverpool, and proved to be

two of the most notorious of the Fenian leaders, "Colonel" Kelly

and "Captain" Deasy. It was when these prisoners, remanded for

further enquiry, were being driven under a strong escort to gaol

that the prison-van was attacked by a rescue-party, and Sergeant

Brett, who was in charge of the prisoners, was shot. The rescuers,

Allen, Larkin, and Gould, were executed on the 2nd of November,

and on the 1st of December Clerkenwell Prison was blown up, in

an ineffectual attempt to liberate the Fenian prisoners confined

in it. On the 20th of December Matthew Arnold wrote to his mother,

"We are in a strange uneasy state in London, and the profound sense

I have long had of the hollowness and insufficiency of our whole

system of administration does not inspire me with much confidence."

The "strange uneasy state" was not confined to London, but prevailed

everywhere. Obviously England was threatened by a mysterious and

desperate enemy, and no one seemed to know that enemy's headquarters

or base of operations. The Secret Societies were actively at work

in England, Ireland, France, and Italy. It was suspected then--it

is known now, and chiefly through Cluseret's revelations--that the

isolated attacks on barracks and police-stations were designed

for the purpose of securing arms and ammunition; and, if only there

had been a competent General to command the rebel forces, Ireland

would have risen in open war. But a competent General was exactly

what the insurgents lacked; for Cluseret, having surveyed the whole

situation with eyes trained by a lifelong experience of war, decided

that the scheme was hopeless, and returned to Paris.

Such were some--for I have only mentioned a few--of the incidents

which made 1867 a memorable year. On my own memory it is stamped

with a peculiar clearness.

On Wednesday morning, the 2nd of October, 1867, as we were going up

to First School at Harrow, a rumour flew from mouth to mouth that

the drill-shed had been attacked by Fenians. Sure enough it had. The

caretaker (as I said before) lived some way from the building, and

when he went to open it in the morning he found that the door had

been forced and the place swept clean of arms and ammunition. Here

was a real sensation, and we felt for a few hours "the joy of eventful

living"; but later in the day the evening papers, coming down from

London, quenched our excitement with a greater. It appeared that

during the night of the 1st of October, drill-sheds and armouries

belonging to the Volunteer regiments had been simultaneously raided

north, south, east, and west of London, and all munitions of war

spirited away, for a purpose which was not hard to guess. Commenting

on this startling occurrence, the papers said: "We have reason

to believe that one of the ablest of the Fenian agents has been

for some time operating secretly in the United Kingdom. He has

been traced to Liverpool, Glasgow, Edinburgh, and London. It is

believed at Scotland Yard that he organized these attacks on Volunteer

headquarters, arranged for the arms and ammunition to be transferred

by a sure hand to Ireland, and has himself returned to Paris." A

friend of mine who had gone up to London to see a dentist brought

back a _Globe_ with him, and, as he handed it to me, he pointed

out the passage which I have just cited. As I read it, my heart

gave a jump--a sudden thrill of delicious excitement. My friend

Mr. Aulif must be the Fenian agent who had organized these raids,

and I, who had always dreamed romance, had now been brought into

actual contact with it. The idea of communicating my suspicions

to anyone never crossed my mind. I felt instinctively that this

was a case where silence was golden. Fortunately, none of my

school-fellows had seen Mr. Aulif or heard of his visit; and the

old caretaker of the drill-shed had been too much gratified by talk

and tip to entertain an unworthy thought of "that pleasant-spoken

gentleman."

Soon the story of these raids had been forgotten in the far more

exhilarating occurrences at Manchester and Clerkenwell which closed

the year; and the execution of Michael Barrett on the 26th of May,

1868 (the last public execution, by the way), brought the history

of Fenianism in England to an end.

As I looked back on my journey from Scotland, and my walk round

Harrow with Mr. Aulif, I thought that the reason why he did not

arrange for our School-armoury to be attacked was that he would

not abuse the confidence of a boy who had trusted him. Perhaps it

really was that the rifles were too few and the risks too many.

* * * * *

The year 1870 found me still a Harrow boy, though a tall one; and

I spent the Easter holidays with my cousins, the Brentfords, in

Paris. They were a remarkable couple, and if I were to mention

their real name, they would be immediately recognized. They had

social position and abundant means and hosts of friends; but, acting

under irresistible impulse, they had severed themselves from their

natural surroundings, and had plunged into democratic politics.

It was commonly believed that Brentford would not have committed

himself so deeply if it had not been for his wife's influence;

and, indeed, she was one of those women whom it is difficult to

withstand. Her enthusiasm was contagious; and when one was in her

company one felt that "the Cause," as she always called it without

qualifying epithet, was the one thing worth thinking of and living

for. As a girl, she had caught from Mrs. Browning, and Swinburne, and

Jessie White-Mario, and the authoress of _Aspromonte_, a passionate

zeal for Italian unity and freedom; and, when she married, her

enthusiasm fired her husband. They became sworn allies both of

Garibaldi and of Mazzini, and through them were brought into close,

though mysterious, relations with the revolutionary party in Italy

and also in France. They witnessed the last great act of the Papacy

at the Vatican Council; and then, early in 1870, they established

themselves in Paris. French society was at that moment in a strange

state of tension and unrest. The impending calamity of the Franco-German

War was not foreseen; but everyone knew that the Imperial throne was

rocking; that the soil was primed by Secret Societies; and that

all the elements of revolution were at hand, and needed only some

sudden concussion to stir them into activity. This was a condition

which exactly suited my cousin Evelyn Brentford. She was "at the

height of the circumstances," and she gathered round her, at her

villa on the outskirts of Paris, a society partly political, partly

Bohemian, and wholly Red. "Do come," she wrote, "and stay with

us at Easter. I can't promise you a Revolution; but it's quite

on the cards that you may come in for one. Anyhow, you will see

some fun." I had some difficulty in inducing my parents (sound

Whigs) to give the necessary permission; but they admitted that

at seventeen a son must be trusted, and I went off rejoicing to

join the Brentfords at Paris. Those three weeks, from the 12th

of April to the 4th of May, 1870, gave me, as the boys now say,

"the time of my life." I met a great many people whose names I

already knew, and some more of whom we heard next year in the history

of the Commune. The air was full of the most sensational rumours,

and those who hoped "to see the last King strangled in the bowels

of the last priest" enjoyed themselves thoroughly.

My cousin Evelyn was always at home to her friends on Sunday and

Wednesday evenings, and her rooms were thronged by a miscellaneous

crowd in which the Parisian accent mingled with the tongues of

America and Italy, and the French of the southern provinces. At

one of these parties I was talking to a delightful lady who lived

only in the hope of seeing "the Devil come for that dog" (indicating

by this term an Imperial malefactor), and who, when exhausted by

regicidal eloquence, demanded coffee. As we approached the buffet, a

man who had just put down his cup turned round and met my companion

and me face to face. Two years and a half had made no difference

in him. He was Mr. Aulif, as active and fresh as ever, and, before

I had time to reflect on my course, I had impulsively seized him

by the hand. "Don't you remember me?" I cried. He only stared. "My

name is George Russell, and you visited me at Harrow." "I fear,

sir, you have made a mistake," said Aulif, bowed rather stiffly to

my companion, and hurried back into the drawing-room. My companion

looked surprised. "The General seems put out--I wonder why. He

and I are the greatest allies. Let me tell you, my friend, that

he is the man that the Revolution will have to rely on when the

time comes for rising. Ask them at Saint-Cyr. Ask Garibaldi. Ask

McClellan. Ask General Grant. He is the greatest General in the

world, and has sacrificed his career for Freedom." "Is his name

Aulif?" "No; his name is Cluseret."

* * * * *

Next day at _déjuner_ I was full of my evening's adventure; but my

host and hostess received it with mortifying composure. "Nothing

could be more likely," said my cousin Evelyn. "General Cluseret

was here, though he did not stay long. Perhaps he really did not

remember you. When he saw you before, you were a boy, and now you look

like a young man. Or perhaps he did not wish to be cross-examined.

He is pretty busy here just now, but in 1867 he was constantly

backwards and forwards between Paris and London trying to organize

that Irish insurrection which never came off. England is not the

only country he has visited on business of that kind, and he has

many travelling names. He thinks it safer, for obvious reasons, to

travel without luggage. If you had been able to open that leather

case in the train you would probably have found nothing in it except

some maps, a toothbrush, and a spare revolver. Certainly that Irish

affair was a _fiasco_; but depend upon it you will hear of General

Cluseret again."

And so indeed I did, and so did the whole civilized world, and

that within twelve months of the time of speaking; but there is

no need to rewrite in this place the history of the Commune.

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