any private trader can stand any chance in trade with them, as said
trader must settle in a negroe town, in a mud house covered with
thatch, there being no other sort of dwelling to be got, without
carrying tradesmen of all sorts from Europe to build it, which would
be attended with too great an expence and risk for any private
adventure to undertake? Therefore, on account of the frequent fires
that happen in negroe towns, persons well acquainted with them, would
not insure any property lodged therein for twenty-five _per cent._
annually. That alone is sufficient to deter any one from settling,
except some of the old or new companies discarded servants, whose
narrow circumstances discourage them from returning to Europe, not
knowing what else to do with themselves; for there has not one of
the young men from Bristol or Liverpool, _&c._ that were to have
been intrusted with cargoes by their relations and friends, to go
and settle under the protection of the British forts in Africa, has
yet made a single attempt to do it, though that was made use of as
an argument, and enforced with great energy by gentlemen, to obtain
a dissolution of the late royal African company (and in which they
succeeded). But no such boasted consequence has taken place, because
the people of those places were not to be lulled on to adventure
their property, under the notion of a free trade. They very well knew
what hardships must attend those who were necessitated to settle in a
negroe town, from a knowledge, as soon as they did, they must become
subservient in a manner, and brother citizens with the negroes. It is
a joke to think they can make use of the forts to lodge and defend
their properties in; for the very persons who (we should imagine) by
the spirit and intention of the act of parliament, ought to be their
defenders, will take every measure, in proportion as they rival them,
and curtail their trade, to exercise their power over the natives, to
prevent the private trader succeeding with them, which will create
disputes between the officers commanding the forts and the towns
people under them, in which every private trader must bear a part;
for no man can settle in a negroe town without paying his _freedom_,
and entering into a league to become a _native_, and partake of
that _township’s misfortunes_, _advantages and customs_. Is there
any difference then between a European trader and an African? None!
one is a native black Negroe, and the other is become a white one:
so that whenever a dispute happens between _the natives_ and the
officers aforesaid, the indenizened European will be under the
compulsive necessity of joining his black fellow _townsmen_ against
his _countrymen_ and _fortress_, which the _British_ nation intended
for his _preservation_ in time of _danger_, and last _resort_.
From what we have before advanced, our readers may naturally wonder
if the trade to Africa, where the forts are situated, is carried on
so much to the disadvantage of the British traders, and so greatly
for the benefit of the officers of the African committee, why said
traders do not continue their complaints, in order to have their
grievances redressed. We conjecture one reason for their not doing
so, is the difficulties they had to encounter when they presented
their former complaint to obtain satisfaction, which arose from the
opposition raised against them by the African committee, who refused
to give their officers such orders, as would have obliged them to
put in execution the _lords of trade and plantations opinion_. Being
defeated in their first attempt, it is natural to suppose they were
fearful of applying again to the legislative power, lest the methods
pursued to carry on that valuable branch of commerce, since it
has been under the management of the African committee, should be
maturely and attentively enquired into; for there has been, and is
now, as much reason for such examination, as there was in the year
1753, 1755, 1756 and 1758. But then it began to become too serious;
and if continued fairly, might have been a means of putting the
forts upon a new and respectable establishment, such as would have
enabled the officers commanding them, to have secured the natives
under their protection from the danger they may be in from enemies
of their own colour, and the arbitrary injustice often imposed upon
them by the officers of our good friends and allies. The Dutch
residing in Africa, to have prevented said _Dutch officers_, by
their superior power, from wresting violently and unfairly any part
of the territories belonging to the _British forts_, or detaining
and imprisoning any of the natives living under their protection,
both which they have illegally done since the decline of the late
company’s power, and confined a number of them, notwithstanding all
remonstrances made by the British officers, till that _noble_ and
_gallant_ commander, the present honourable lord _How_ arrived in his
majesty’s ship _Glory_, with the _Swan_ sloop under his command, upon
the Gold Coast, in the year 1751, who soon after his arrival, did
examine with the greatest attention, all the original papers relative
to the cause of the dispute that happened between the officers of the
English and Dutch companies. After such examination, he demanded from
the Dutch general the prisoners he had confined during said dispute
in the castle of St. George’s D. Elmina, the principal Dutch fort
upon the coast of Africa in that noble manner which it has everbeen
the invariable rule of that judicious, worthy, and great commander to
pursue in the service of his country[20].
It is to be hoped that the British forts will be put upon such an
establishment, that the officers commanding them will be sufficiently
empowered to hinder the Dutch officers from exercising that arbitrary
power they have done, and continued to do, over the _Portugueze_ upon
the _Gold Coast_ of _Africa_, to prevent their trading at the British
settlements, in open violation of a treaty concluded between the
English and Dutch principal officers in Africa, and ratified by both
_companies_ in _Europe_[21].
If the African committee has not represented that affair in a true
light to the government, we are surprized they have neglected it, as
it is a very valuable commerce now wholly engrossed by the Dutch; who
will not suffer the master or supercargo of any _Portugueze_ vessel
to trade at the English _forts_, or with the _British_ subjects,
notwithstanding the beforementioned treaty, which, perhaps, might
be deemed obsolete, since the dissolution of the late company. If
that should be the case, then, in our humble opinion, it ought to be
renewed, as well as many other regulations made between the English
and Dutch in Africa.
If the British officers should once again obtain that influence and
power so essentially necessary for them to have, in order to open the
trading roads to the most distant inland countries of Africa, so long
stopped, which would be of immense advantage to this country, and, at
the same time, to prevent the subjects of France hereafter carrying
to their colonies the most valuable Negroes, as we have observed they
did before the war, and which will in a great measure be proved, by
the extracts of the following letters from the captains Strange and
Wyndham, commanders of two of his majesty’s ships war, dated Africa,
20th Sept. 1740, and 30th Aug. 1742.
Capt. Strange writes to the following purport:
“The French, by the advantages of their goods, especially Brandies,
occasions a great price they give for their slaves, which has
brought the English and Dutch trade to the lowest ebb.”
Capt. Wyndham writes as follows:
“This concludes the present state of the royal African factories;
and as to the Dutch factories, they, as far as I can learn, make no
great hand of their trade any more than the English; the French,
who has ten ships on the coast to our one, seem to flourish and
carry all before them.”
We think it necessary here to observe, that notwithstanding almost
all the trade had been for some years before, and at that time,
carried on by the French on that part of the coast where the most
valuable Negroes were to be got; the separate British traders made
no application to the legislative power to prevent such pernicious
commerce, though several remonstrances were made for that purpose by
the late royal African company to the government; who also did lay
before the public, in several letters inserted in the daily papers,
as well as by pamphlets, the danger of the French incroachments.
Yet as soon as the private traders found the said company applying
to parliament for money, to put their forts upon a proper and
respectable footing, to prevent foreign innovations upon the
territory and trade under their care, they took the alarm, awaked
from their lethargy, strained every nerve, and put every scheme in
execution their invention pointed out, to prevent the company’s
succeeding, and to obtain their dissolution, which they compleated
in the year 1750. But how far the African trade has been improved
thereby, in upwards of twelve years that the African committee have
had it under their direction and management, will appear from the
facts and truths we have before stated, to which we beg leave to
refer, and to the judgment of our readers.
Thus far we can undertake to say with truth, notwithstanding the
great noise and clamour raised at that time by the African merchants
for an open trade; it was then much more open and free for all
British subjects trading thither, than it has been since under the
direction of the African committee, and the national grants of money
more regularly and fairly accounted for, as the late company had,
for some years before, sent no ship to Africa, but freighted the
merchandize, stores and provisions purchased with the money granted
by parliament on board private ships; nor were their officers or
servants permitted to trade otherwise than to barter to the best
advantage. The merchandize purchased with the _public money_ for the
better support of the _forts_, out of which said servants could
neither make embezzlement or advantage to themselves, according to
the established rules laid down by the company, and the method by
which their principal officers and other servants were to account for
the same, who were obliged to give ample and sufficient security,
strictly to adhere and conform to such rules. All persons in the late
company’s service, of what station soever, that were entrusted with
any of their or the government’s effects, whether the value was much
or little, they were obliged to keep a true account of all their
receipts and disbursements in writing, and at the end of every two
months at farthest, to render to the council, which presides at the
principal fort, two originals signed by said person so intrusted, and
attested to be true by some other of the company’s servants, who had
been privy to his transactions. That the then accountant residing at
the principal fort, examined and made his remarks upon the account
so rendered; and required vouchers in writing for such transactions
as were therein mentioned to have been had with Europeans, it
being impracticable to have written vouchers for dealings with the
natives[22].
That said accountant laid all accounts so rendered, with his remarks
thereon, before the said _council_, who _examined_, _allowed_,
or _disallowed_ such accounts, _&c._ made such _deductions_ or
_abatements_ to as they saw cause. That afterwards every such account
was returned to the accountant as one of the vouchers from which he
was to compose the general books to be sent home to the company.
That by general Books is meant, journals and ledgers, where the
collections, arising from the vouchers beforementioned, were reduced
into order and method. That the council abroad had not power to
pass, or allow any _account_ or _voucher finally_; every thing being
subject to the _company’s_ future _examination_ and _approbation_ in
_England_.
That each journal and ledger contained the accounts of six months,
which after having been duly stated and balanced abroad, they were
sent home to the company by the first conveyance, together with all
the original vouchers from which they were composed and signed;
duplicates thereof were deposited in the principal forts, in case
of loss or accident. That as soon as possible after the arrival of
the said journals and ledgers in England, they were compared by the
company’s accountant general (who was one of the first accountants
in Europe) with the vouchers, and the said vouchers themselves
were examined; that objections and deductions were thereupon made
by the company, when due cause was found for so doing. It must now
surely clearly appear, that so many examinations of the books and
accounts, made by persons whose private interest had not the least
connexions with each other, must render it extreamly difficult for
the late company’s servants to _embezzle_ or _misapply_ any of the
effects committed to their charge with _impunity_, or without being
_detected_.
That after the examinations aforesaid of the accounts, they were
delivered to the _auditor_ of his _majesty’s imprest_, and after they
were examined and compared by the deputy-auditor with the vouchers,
and certified by him they were right, then the company obtained a
_quietus_ to discharge them from any _sum_ or _sums_ of _money_ so
accounted for, that they had received from the _public_; having
first sworn to the truth of such part of said accounts as had been
transacted under their own inspection, in Europe before one of the
barons of his majesty’s exchequer.
The following is the copy of a clause from the act of parliament
_for extending and improving the trade to Africa_, directing in what
manner the committee are to account for the monies they receive from
the public for the support of the forts in Africa. In page 556.
“It is enacted that the committee shall, within one month after
the expiration of the year, for or during which they shall have
been chosen committee-men, lay before the cursitor baron of the
exchequer, an account of all the money received by the committee
during the preceding year, and of the application thereof, upon
oath. And the said cursitor baron shall, within one month after the
said account shall be laid before him, examine, pass, and audit the
same; and for the better discovering of the truth of such account,
the said cursitor baron is hereby empowered to examine any of the
said committee-men, and such other person or persons as he shall
judge necessary, upon oath, touching the articles or particulars
in such account expressed, or such of them as the said cursitor
baron shall think fit; which account, so audited and passed by the
cursitor baron, shall be final and conclusive, and shall be a full
and absolute discharge to the said committee-men, without their
being compelled to give or render any further or other account
thereof.”
By the foregoing clause, the African committee is only obliged to
account for the application in _Europe_ of any monies they receive
from government, or otherwise, for the support of the _African
forts_, by laying their annual account before the cursitor baron,
how they have appropriated said monies, whether by purchasing and
shipping merchandizes, stores, and other supplies for the use of
the forts, or of any other manner they might have disposed of the
same[23].
By said clause, the cursitor baron is obliged to audit and pass the
committee’s account in one month after it is laid before him; though
he should have objections thereto, as he had to their accounts for
years 1754, 1755 and 1756. However, he passed them, but submitted
it to the house of commons to allow some charges in said accounts,
or not, that he certainly thought were charged contrary to act of
parliament, or he would not have objected to them. But that would
have appeared as well as many other facts, with respect to their
management and accounts, if the report, consisting of 87 pages,
of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons to
examine into the state and condition of the forts in Africa in the
year 1758, had been examined into. All we can take upon us to say
with respect to that affair is, said report was prevented being taken
into consideration by the house, in consequence of a _motion_ being
_made_ and _seconded_ for such _purpose_, by the _African committee’s
friends_.
We can with truth undertake to say, that many irregularities in the
African committee’s accounts were pointed out during the examination
before the several committee’s appointed by the house; upon which
they desired leave to bring in subsequent accounts to clear up
such objections as had been made, one of which was presented to
the committee the 22d April, 1756, wherein the African committee
deducted from the balance of a former account they had presented
1891_l._ sterling. We shall only quote this one instance, to shew how
necessary it is that the African committee and their servants should
be accountable to the public in the same manner the late African
company was, for any monies they are intrusted with by government,
for the application of said monies on the coast of Africa, before
they should obtain a discharge for the same, which would lay them
under a necessity to examine minutely into the accounts they receive
from their officers in Africa, of the application of said monies
there; which, as they are now no-ways accountable for, we may, we
hope without being thought severe, presume is not done; which will,
in a great measure, appear by the subsequent account before quoted:
besides, we fear people, who have accounts of their own to look
after, seldom give themselves much trouble about those of the public,
unless obligated thereto.
When the officers, who have the application of the public money in
Africa, are once satisfied that their accounts will undergo a strict
examination by the committee, and also at the auditor of the imprests
office; that it will induce them to be careful how they dispose of
the merchandize, _&c._ committed to their charge; as such _officers_
and their _sureties_ will be liable to make good any deduction
there, may be made from their accounts. It will likewise be very
advantageous to the inferior servants of the committee; for such
good purpose, a method can be pointed out to prevent the merchandize
purchased with the public money being made use of by the superior
officers in trade, for their own account and emolument, to the great
injury of the others, many instances of which we have to produce;
also that the soldiers, under-servants, and company’s slaves have
been paid out of the refuse goods that the commanding officers had
taken in the course of their trade.
A single instance of such inhumanity to the inferior servants we
think sufficient to trouble the public with, which happened during
governor Melvil’s command; and that we should not now particularly
take notice of, but as it fell under our observation when we were
upon the spot. It also was a charge urged against Mr. Melvil when
living, which he never attempted to contradict, to wit, that John
Sweidger, a Prussian, and Gardiner at Cape Coast, desired his
discharge, wanting to go to his own country. Mr. Melvil, the then
governor and treasurer at Cape Coast Castle, whose business it was
to give written orders upon the warehouse (or storekeeper) to pay
the servants, gave said Sweidger a note upon the warehouse-keeper,
for wages due to him, amounting to 28_l._ gold value, which is about
27_l._ 2_s._ 6_d._ sterling, which said warehouse-keeper offered
to pay in guns, that would not even purchase the poor man a little
fresh provisions for his voyage. After repeated applications to
the governor and warehouse-keeper, finding he could not obtain any
thing else, he offered the governor’s note for 28 _l._ to sale to
several of the servants in the castle; and at last sold it to James
Hinch, the overseer of the slaves, for eight pounds. That oppressive
transaction fully points out how necessary it is that some other
method of accounting for the government’s supplies should be adopted,
and carried into execution, which surely there cannot be the least
objection to.
For example, we will suppose any gentleman in England to have an
estate in Africa, and that he was to order Messrs. Trueman and
company, or any other respectable merchants in the city of London,
to send out a steward to superintend and take care of the improvement
of such estate; and that they were to take security from said
steward for the value of any monies or merchandize, _&c._ that he
may be entrusted with, to pay the servants residing thereupon, and
other expences; also charges of building and repairs. Is it to be
supposed said gentlemen, notwithstanding he had the greatest faith
in, and opinion of the integrity and honesty of said merchants,
would be satisfied with their giving him an account only of their
having sent such steward, merchandize, stores and provisions to his
estate, without an account from the steward, properly vouched, of the
application thereof in Africa? Surely no! then if a private person
thinks it necessary to have such an authenticated account, we submit
it to the judgment of our readers to determine, whether they think
it reasonable the public should expect the same or not. We, for our
own parts, are inclined to believe, that people intrusted with the
application of public monies, at so great a distance as Africa,
when they can make such immense advantage of it as the committee’s
officers can, will be induced to embrace the opportunity, however
disadvantageous it may be to their country, when they are satisfied
little care will be taken how they account for the same.
We shall conclude this pamphlet, with inserting a copy of a petition,
signed by the planters of the island of Barbadoes, in the year
1710. The reasons and observations contained therein, in our humble
opinion, fully point out, that they foresaw what has in effect since
happened; therefore we beg leave to submit it to our readers to form
their own judgment upon.
To the queen’s most excellent majesty,
The humble petition of several planters and others, inhabitants of
your majesty’s island of Barbadoes,
Sheweth,
“That the tender care and regard your majesty hath constantly had
of all your subjects, encourages your petitioners, who are deeply
concerned in the trade to Africa. The constant supply of Negroes at
moderate prices, being the chief support of this colony; whereby
we can only be enabled to preserve the staple of sugar, and other
commodities, and to afford them in greater quantities, and cheaper
than other nations; most humbly beg leave to lay before your
majesty, that for many years, while the royal African company had
the sole management of that trade, this island was duly supplied
with a sufficient number of Negroes at moderate prices, from 10
_l._ to 20 _l._ per head the highest, which was a very great
encouragement; and enabled us greatly to improve the manufacture
of this island. But for several years past, since the trade has
been laid open, the number of Negroes imported by the royal African
company, and separate traders together, have not been sufficient
to supply this island; and those which have been imported, have
been sold at extravagant prices, from 20 _l._ to 40 _l._ per head,
especially those which are tolerably good; which your petitioners
conceive to have been occasioned by the different interests of the
separate traders, each bidding upon the other; of which the natives
upon the coast taking advantage, have raised the price of their
own commodities, and sunk the price of those of Great Britain, and
this island; which is an unspeakable damage, and discouragement to
your petitioners, tends to the ruin of this trade, the lessening
your majesty’s revenue, and the navigation of Great Britain.”
“Therefore your petitioners humbly pray, that the British
interest on the coast of Africa may be preserved; and the trade
put upon such a foot, that a sufficient number of Negroes may
be had upon the coast, on moderate terms, and your petitioners
supplied at reasonable rates here.
“And your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.”
Barbadoes,
Aug. 1, 1710.
“Robert Vaughan,
“Thomas Carney, _&c. &c. &c._”
_FINIS._
_ERRATA._
Page 10, last line, for _this I_, read _this we_; p. 11. l. 19,
for _editor is_, r. _editors are_; p. 14, l. 2, for _made me_, r.
_made us_; p. 20, l. 5, for _this I_, r. _this we_; p. 21, l. 3,
for _induced me_, r. _induced us_; p. 23, l. 30, for _assertions_,
r. _assertion_; p. 26, l. 28, for _that_, r. _those_; p. 27, l.
18, for _those kept_, r. _those that were kept_; p. 35, l. 7, for
_I have_, r. _we have_; p. 37, l. 37, for _ben_, r. _been_; p. 46,
l. 12, for _taken_, r. _taker_; p. 49, l. 10, for _committee_, r.
_company_; p. 56, in note, l. 1, for _this ship_, r. _the ship_.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] It is here humbly meant, not to send those sailors that may be
pressed out of colliers, or coasting vessels, directly on southern
voyages, till they have been used to live upon salt provisions for
some time on board ships of war in a cold climate.
[2] Supposed to be paid for in plantation-produce.