LIFE IN PHILADELPHIA
When Franklin came home he was fifty-six years old. By nature he was
physically indolent, and fifteen years ago he had given proof of his
desire for the command of his own time by retiring from a lucrative
business. But his forecasting of a tranquil, social career in
Philadelphia, with science as his chief and agreeable occupation, was
still to continue a day-dream, interrupted only by some thoughts of an
English home. "Business, public and private, consumes all my time; I
must return to England for repose. With such thoughts I flatter myself,
and need some kind friend to put me often in mind that old trees cannot
safely be transplanted." Thus he wrote to Mary Stevenson, the young lady
whom he had hoped to have as a daughter-in-law.
His first labor in the provinces came in the shape of a journey about
the country to supervise and regulate the postal business. Upon this
errand he went 1600 miles, which was no slight matter as travel was
conducted in those days. He started in the spring of 1763, and did not
get back until November. Upon his return he found himself at once
immersed in public affairs. In October, 1763, Governor Hamilton was
superseded by John Penn, nephew of the proprietary Thomas Penn.
"Never," said Franklin, "did any administration open with a more
promising prospect than this of Governor Penn. He assured the
people in his first speeches of the proprietaries' paternal regard
for them, and their sincere dispositions to do everything that
might promote their happiness. As the proprietaries had been
pleased to promote a son of the family to the government, it was
thought not unlikely that there might be something in these
professions; for that they would probably choose to have his
administration made easy and agreeable, and to that end might think
it prudent to withdraw those harsh, disagreeable, and unjust
instructions, with which most of his predecessors had been
hampered. The Assembly therefore believed fully and rejoiced
sincerely. They showed the new governor every mark of respect and
regard that was in their power. They readily and cheerfully went
into everything he recommended to them."
Moreover, the first event of public importance after Governor Penn's
advent had, in its early stage, the effect of drawing him very closely
to Franklin. Some of the settlers on the frontier, infuriated beyond the
control of reason by the Indian marauding parties, gathered together for
the purpose of slaughter. If they had directed their vengeance against
the braves, and even all the occupants of the villages of the
wilderness, they might have been excused though their vindictive rage
led them to retaliate by the same barbarities which the red men had
practiced towards the whites. Unfortunately, instead of courageously
turning their faces towards the forests, they turned their backs in that
direction, where only there was any enemy to be feared, and in a safe
expedition they wreaked a deadly, senseless, cowardly, and brutal
vengeance on an unoffending group of twenty old men, women, and
children, living peacefully and harmlessly near Lancaster. The infamous
story is familiar in the annals of Pennsylvania as the "Paxton
massacre," because the "Paxton boys," the perpetrators, came from the
Scotch-Irish settlement bearing that name.
Franklin's indignation was great, and he expressed it forcibly in a
pamphlet. But many, even of the class which should have felt with him,
were in such a temper that they would condemn no act done against an
Indian. Encouraged by the prevalence of this feeling, this same band,
swelled to a numerous and really formidable force, had the audacity to
start for Philadelphia itself, with the avowed purpose of massacring
there a small body of civilized Christian Indians, who had fled thither
for safety under the charge of their Moravian missionary, and against
whom not a complaint could be made. Panic reigned in the City of
Brotherly Love, little competent to cope with imminent violence. In the
crisis citizens and governor could conceive no more hopeful scheme than
an appeal to Franklin, which was made at once and urgently. The governor
himself actually took up his residence in Franklin's house, and stayed
there till the threat of trouble passed over, speaking, writing, and
ordering only at Franklin's dictation,--a course which had in it more of
sense than of dignity. The appeal was made in the right quarter. Already
profoundly moved in this matter, Franklin was prompt and zealous to save
his city from a shameful act, and the Indians from barbarous murder. His
efforts soon gathered, and after a fashion organized, a body of
defenders probably somewhat more numerous than the approaching mob. Yet
a collision would have been most unfortunate, whatever the result; and
to avert it Franklin took it upon him to go in person to meet the
assailants. His courage, coolness, and address prevailed; he succeeded
in satisfying the "Paxton boys" that they were so greatly outnumbered
that, far from attacking others, they could only secure their own safety
by instant dispersion. Thus by the resources and presence of mind of one
man Philadelphia was saved from a day of which the bloody stain could
never have been effaced from her good fame.
But Franklin seemed for a while to reap more of hostility than of
gratitude for his gallant and honorable conduct in this emergency.
Governor Penn was an ignoble man, and after the danger was over he left
the house, in which he had certainly played a rather ignominious part,
with those feelings toward his host which a small soul inevitably
cherishes toward a greater under such circumstances. Moreover, there
were very many among the people who had more of sympathy with the
"Paxton boys" than with the wise and humane man who had thwarted them.
"For about forty-eight hours," Franklin wrote to one of his friends, "I
was a very great man;" but after "the fighting face we put on" caused
the insurgents to turn back, "I became a less man than ever; for I had,
by this transaction, made myself many enemies among the populace," a
fact of which the governor speedily took advantage. But without this
episode enmity between Penn and Franklin was inevitable. They served
masters whose ends were wide apart; upon the one side avaricious
proprietaries of little foresight and judgment, upon the other side a
people jealous of their rights and unwilling to leave to any one else
the definition and interpretation of them.
Soon it became known that the instructions of the new governor differed
in no substantial particular from those of his predecessors. The
procession of vetoes upon the acts of the Assembly resumed its familiar
and hateful march. A militia bill was thus cut off, because, instead of
leaving with the governor the nomination of regimental officers, it
stipulated that the rank and file should name three persons for each
position, and that the governor should choose one of these,--an
arrangement bad in itself, but perhaps well suited to the habits and
even the needs of the province at that time. A tax bill met the like
fate, because it did not discriminate in favor of the located lands of
the proprietaries by rating their best lands at no higher valuation than
the worst lands of other persons. Soon it was generally felt that
matters were as bad as ever, and with scantier chances of improvement.
Then "all the old wounds broke out and bled afresh; all the old
grievances, still unredressed, were recollected; despair succeeded of
seeing any peace with a family that could make such returns to all
overtures of kindness." The aggrieved party revived its scheme for a
transfer of the government from the proprietaries to the crown, and
Franklin threw himself into the discussion with more of zeal and ardor
than he had often shown.
While the debates upon this subject waxed hot in the Assembly, it was
moved and carried that that body should adjourn for a few weeks, in
order that members might consult their constituents and sound the public
feeling. During this recess it may be conceived that neither side was
slack in its efforts. Franklin for his share contributed a pamphlet,
entitled "Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of our Public Affairs."
"Mischievous and distressing," he said, as the frequent disputes "have
been found to both proprietaries and people, it does not appear that
there is any prospect of their being extinguished, till either the
proprietary purse is unable to support them, or the spirit of the
people so broken that they shall be willing to submit to anything rather
than continue them." With a happy combination of shrewdness and
moderation he laid the blame upon the intrinsic nature of a proprietary
government. "For though it is not unlikely that in these as well as in
other disputes there are faults on both sides, every glowing coal being
apt to inflame its opposite; yet I see no reason to suppose that all
proprietary rulers are worse men than other rulers, nor that all people
in proprietary governments are worse people than those in other
governments. I suspect, therefore, that the cause is radical, interwoven
in the constitution, and so become the very nature, of proprietary
governments; and will therefore produce its effects as long as such
governments continue." It indicated a broad and able mind, and one well
under control, to assume as a basis this dispassionate assertion of a
general principle, amid such personal heats as were then inflaming the
passions of the whole community. His conclusion held one of his
admirable similes which had the force of argument: "There seems to
remain then but one remedy for our evils, a remedy approved by
experience, and which has been tried with success by other provinces; I
mean that of an immediate _Royal Government_, without the intervention
of proprietary powers, which, like unnecessary springs and movements in
a machine, are so apt to produce disorder."
Further, he held out a bait to the crown:--
"The expression, _change of government_, seems indeed to be too
extensive, and is apt to give the idea of a general and total
change of our laws and constitution. It is rather and only a
_change of governor_--that is, instead of self-interested
proprietaries, a gracious king. His majesty, who has no views but
for the good of the people, will thenceforth appoint the governor,
who, unshackled by proprietary instructions, will be at liberty to
join with the Assembly in enacting wholesome laws. At present, when
the king desires supplies of his faithful subjects, and they are
willing and desirous to grant them, the proprietaries intervene and
say: 'Unless our private interests in certain particulars are
served, _nothing shall be done_.' This insolent tribunal VETO has
long encumbered our public affairs and been productive of many
mischiefs."
He then drew a petition "to the king's most excellent majesty in
council," which humbly showed "That the government of this province by
proprietaries has, by long experience, been found inconvenient, attended
by many difficulties and obstructions to your majesty's service, arising
from the intervention of proprietary private interests in public
affairs, and disputes concerning those interests. That the said
proprietary government is weak, unable to support its own authority, and
maintain the common internal peace of the province; great riots have
lately arisen therein.... And these evils are not likely to receive any
remedy here, the continual disputes between the proprietaries and
people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes, preventing." Wherefore
his majesty was asked to be "graciously pleased to resume the
government of this province, ... permitting your dutiful subjects
therein to enjoy, under your majesty's more immediate care and
protection, the privileges that have been granted to them by and under
your royal predecessors."
The result of feeling the public pulse showed that it beat very high and
strong for the proposed change. Accordingly the resolution to present
the petition was now easily carried. But again the aged speaker, Norris,
found himself called upon to do that for which he had not the nerve. He
resigned the speakership; Franklin was chosen in his place and set the
official signature to the document.
Another paper by Franklin upon the same subject, and of considerable
length, appeared in the shape of a preface to a speech delivered in the
Assembly by Joseph Galloway in answer to a speech on the proprietary
side by John Dickinson, which speech, also with a long preface, had been
printed. In this pamphlet he reviewed all the recent history of the
province. He devoted several pages to a startling exposition of the
almost incredible usage which had long prevailed, whereby bills were
left to accumulate on the governor's table, and then were finally signed
by him in a batch, only upon condition that he should receive, or even
sometimes upon his simultaneously receiving, a considerable _douceur_.
Not only had this been connived at by the proprietaries, but sometimes
these payments had been shared between the proprietaries and the
governors. This topic Franklin finally dismissed with a few lines of
admirable sarcasm: "Do not, my courteous reader, take pet at our
proprietary constitution for these our bargain and sale proceedings in
legislation. It is a happy country where justice, and what was your own
before, can be had for ready money. It is another addition to the value
of money, and, of course, another spur to industry. Every land is not so
blessed." Many quotations from this able state paper have already been
made in the preceding pages, though it is so brilliant a piece of work
that to quote is only to mutilate. Its argument, denunciation, humor,
and satire are interwoven in a masterly combination. The renowned
"sketch in the lapidary style," prepared for the gravestone of Thomas
and Richard Penn, with the introductory paragraphs, constitutes one of
the finest assaults in political literature.[12] It is unfortunately
impossible to give any adequate idea or even abstract of a document
which covers so much ground and with such variety of treatment. It had
of course a powerful effect in stimulating the public sentiment, and it
was especially useful in supplying formidable arguments to those of the
popular way of thinking; drawing their weapons from this armory, they
felt themselves invincible.
[Note 12: Franklin's animosity against the Penns was mitigated in
later years. See Franklin's _Works_, viii. 273.]
But it must not be supposed that all this while Franklin was treading
the velvet path of universal popularity, amid the unanimous
encouragement of his fellow citizens, and with only the frowns of the
proprietary officials to disturb his serenity. By one means and another
the proprietaries mustered a considerable party in the province, and the
hatred of all these men was concentrated upon Franklin with extreme
bitterness. He said that he was "as much the butt of party rage and
malice," and was as much pelted with hostile prints and pamphlets, as if
he were prime minister. Neither was the notion of a royal government
looked upon with liking even by all those who were indignant against the
present system. Moreover many persons still remained ill disposed
towards him by reason of his opinions and behavior during the Paxton
outbreak. The combination against him, made up of all these various
elements, felt itself powerful enough for mischief, and found its
opportunity in the election to the Assembly occurring in the autumn of
1764. The polls were opened on October 1, at nine o'clock in the
morning. The throng was dense, and the column of voters could move but
slowly. At three o'clock of the following morning, the voting having
continued during the night, the friends of the "new ticket," that is to
say of the new candidate, moved to close the polls. The friends of the
"old ticket" opposed this motion and unfortunately prevailed. They had a
"reserve of the aged and lame," who had shunned the crowd and were now
brought in chairs and litters. Thus in three hours they increased their
score by some two hundred votes. But the other side was not less
enterprising, and devoting the same extension of time to scouring
Germantown and other neighborhoods, they brought in near five hundred
additional votes upon their side. It was apparently this strange blunder
of the political managers for the "old ticket" party that was fatal to
Franklin, for when the votes were all counted he was found to be beaten
by a balance against him of twenty-five. He had therefore evidently had
a majority at the hour when his friends prevented the closing of the
polls. He "died like a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway _agonized in death_
like a Mortal Deist, who has no Hopes of a Future Existence."[13]
[Note 13: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i. 451, quoting _Life of
Joseph Reed_, i. 37.]
But the jubilation of the proprietary party over this signal victory was
soon changed into mourning. For within a few days the new Assembly was
in session, and at once took into consideration the appointment of Dr.
Franklin as its agent to present to the king in council another petition
for a royal government. The wrath of the other side blazed forth
savagely. "No measure," their leader, Dickinson, said, was "so likely to
inflame the resentments and embitter the discontents of the people." He
"appealed to the heart of every member for the truth of the assertion
that no man in Pennsylvania is at this time so much the object of
public dislike as he that has been mentioned. To what a surprising
height this dislike is carried among vast numbers" he did "not choose to
repeat." He said that within a few hours of the nomination hundreds of
the most reputable citizens had protested, and if time were given
thousands "would crowd to present the like testimony against [him]. Why
then should a majority of this House single out from the whole world the
man most obnoxious to his country to represent his country, though he
was at the last election turned out of the Assembly, where he had sat
for fourteen years? Why should they exert their power in the most
disgusting manner, and throw pain, terror, and displeasure into the
breasts of their fellow citizens?" The excited orator then threw out a
suggestion to which this vituperation had hardly paved a way of roses;
he actually appealed to Franklin to emulate Aristides, and not be worse
than "the dissolute Otho," and to this end urged that he should
distinguish himself in the eyes of all good men by "voluntarily
declining an office which he could not accept without alarming,
offending, and disturbing his country." "Let him, from a private
station, from a smaller sphere, diffuse, as I think he may, a beneficial
light; but let him not be made to move and blaze like a comet, to
terrify and to distress."[14] The popular majority in the Assembly
withstood Mr. Dickinson's rhetoric, and, to quote the forcible language
of Bancroft, "proceeded to an act which in its consequences was to
influence the world." That is to say, they carried the appointment.
Franklin likewise set aside Dickinson's seductive counsels, and accepted
the position.
[Note 14: Parton's _Life of Franklin_, i, 451, 452.]
It is not in human nature to be so extravagantly abused in times of
intense excitement, and wholly to hold one's peace. Even the cool temper
of Dr. Franklin was incited to a retort; his defense was brief and
dignified, in a very different tone from that of the aspersions to which
it replied; and it carries that influence which always belongs to him
who preserves moderation amid the passions of a fierce controversy.[15]
[Note 15: See, for example, Franklin's _Works_, iii. 361, 362.]