son of Richard, stiled the great earl of Cork. He was born April 25,
1621, and independent of the advantage of his birth and titles, was
certainly one of the ablest politicians, as well as most accomplished
noblemen of his age. By the influence of his father with lord deputy
Faulkland, he was raised to the dignity of baron Broghill, in the
kingdom of Ireland in 1628, when only seven years old[1]. He received
his education at the college of Dublin, where he studied with so much
diligence as gave great hopes of his future atchievements, and the
rapid progress he made in erudition, induced his father to send him
about 1636 to make the tour of France and Italy, under the care of one
Mr. Marcomes, and in the company of lord Kynalmeaky, his elder
brother; and this method the earl took to perfect all his sons, after
they had gone through the course of a domestic education; and it is
remarkable, that all his children travelled under the same gentleman's
protection, who has no small honour reflected on him from his
illustrious pupils. Upon his return from his travels, he found a war
ready to break out against the Scots, and was pressed by the earl of
Northumberland, the commander in chief of the expedition, to share in
reducing them; but this commotion subsiding, his lordship employed
himself another way. By his father's desire, who loved to settle his
children early in the world, he married lady Margaret Howard, daughter
to the earl of Suffolk, and setting out for Ireland, landed there the
very day the rebellion broke out, viz. Oct. 23, 1641. The post
assigned him in this time of danger, was the defence of his father's
castle of Lismore; in which he gave proofs of the most gallant spirit,
as well as political conduct: The first of which he shewed in the
vigorous sally he made to the relief of Sir Richard Osborn, who was
besieged in his own house by the rebels, till relieved by lord
Broghill, who raised the siege, and saved him and all his family[2];
and a strong proof of the latter, by advising Sir William St. Leger,
then president of Munster, to act vigorously against the Irish,
notwithstanding they produced the King's commission, which he was
penetrating enough to discern to be a forgery.
After the cessation in Ireland, lord Broghill came to Oxford, then the
residence of King Charles I. and paid his duty to that monarch, and
was honoured with many private audiences, when he represented to his
Majesty, the temper and disposition of the Irish Papists, and the
falshood of the pretended Committee they had sent over to mislead his
Majesty, that the King was convinced the Irish never meant to keep the
cessation, and that therefore it was not the interest of the English
subjects to depend upon it.
Now that we have mentioned the Irish Papists, one thing must not be
omitted, as it is both curious in itself, and reflects honour on lord
Broghill. Many years after the reduction of these rebels, his
lordship, who was then earl of Orrery, happened to pay a visit to the
duke of Ormond at Kilkenny, where he met with lord Muskerry, who
headed the insurrection, and produced a false commission for what he
did. Finding Muskerry in an open good humour, he took occasion to
retire with him, and to ask him in a pleasant manner, how he came by
that commission which had so much the appearance of being genuine:
'Lord Muskerry answered, I'll be free, and unreserved with you, my
lord; it was a forged commission drawn up by one Walsh, a lawyer, and
others; who having a writing to which the Great Seal was affixed, one
of the company very dextrously took off the sealed wax from the label
of that writing, and fixed it to the label of the forged commission.
Whilst this was doing another accident happened, which startled all
present; and almost disconcerted the scheme. The forged commision
being finished, while the parchment was handling and turning, in order
to put on the seal, a tame wolf which lay asleep by the fire, awakened
at the crackling of the parchment, and running to it, seized it, and
tore it to pieces, notwithstanding their haste and struggle to prevent
him; so that after all their pains, they were obliged to begin a new,
and write it all over again.'[3] Lord Orrery struck with the daring
wickedness of this action, could not help expressing himself to that
effect, while Muskerry replied merrily, it would have been impossible
to have kept the people together without this device.
'Till the death of King Charles I. we find lord Broghill warm in the
royal interest, and that he abhorred those measures which he foresaw
would distract his country; and as soon as that melancholy event
happened, he quitted his estate[4] as ruined past all hopes, and hid
himself in the privacy of a close retirement. How he came, afterwards
to alter his conduct, and join with a party he before so much
abhorred, we shall endeavour to shew.
Upon his lordship's coming from Ireland, he withdrew to Marston in
Somersetshire, where he had leisure to reflect on the ruined state of
the Kingdom[5]; and when he revolved in his mind its altered and
desperate situation, he was ashamed to think that he should remain an
idle spectator of his country's miseries, being of a different opinion
from Mr. Addison: 'That when vice prevails, and wicked men bear sway,
the post of honour is a private station.' These reflexions roused him
to action, and produced a scheme worthy of himself. He resolved to
attempt something in favour of the King; and accordingly under the
pretence of going to the Spa for his health, he determined to cross
the seas, and apply to Charles II. for a commission to raise forces in
Ireland, in order to restore his Majesty, and recover his own estate.
Having formed this resolution, he desired the earl of Warwick, who had
an interest with the prevailing party, to procure a licence for him to
go to the Spa. He communicated his scheme to some confirmed royalists,
in whom he thought he could confide, and having rais'd a considerable
sum of money, he came up to London to prosecute his voyage. Lord
Broghil[l], however, was betrayed, and the committee, who then took
upon them the government of the realm, threatened him with
destruction. Cromwell interceeded, and being sensible of his
lordship's great abilities, obtained a permission to talk privately
with him before they proceeded to extremities. Cromwell waited upon
Broghill, and reproached him gently for his intention, which his
lordship denied; but Cromwell producing letters of his writing to
several Royalists, in whom he confided, he found it was in vain to
dissemble any longer. The General then told him, that he was no
stranger to his merit, tho' he had never before seen him; and that as
the reduction of Ireland was intrusted to him, he had authority from
the Committee to offer his lordship a command in that war, and
insisted upon his answer immediately, as the Committee were then
sitting, and waiting his return. Lord Broghill was infinitely
surprized at so generous and unexpected an offer from Cromwell: He
thought himself at liberty, by all the rules of honour to serve
against the Irish, whose cruelty and rebellion were equally detested
by the royal party, as by the Parliament; and his life and freedom
being in danger if he refused, he accepted the commission, and
immediately repaired to Bristol to wait there till forces should be
sent him. This story we have from Mr. Morrice, who heard it from lord
Orrery himself; and he adds, that it is very probable his lordship's
design was betrayed out of pure love and affection by his sister
Ranelagh, but how this love and affection enabled her to foresee that
Cromwell would interpose to remove the danger which she exposed him
to, is left by the reverend author unaccounted for. Ever after this
interposition and friendly offer of Cromwell, we find gratitude
binding lord Broghill to a faithfull service in his interest; and in
the course of his ministry to Cromwell, he prevented many shameful
acts of cruelty, which would have been otherwise perpetrated.
No sooner had Broghill arrived in Ireland, but his old friends flocked
round him, and demonstrated the great heig[h]th of popularity to which
he had risen in that kingdom; nor did his accepting this new
commission make him negligent of their interest, for he did all he
could for the safety of their persons and estates. An opportunity soon
presented in which he very remarkably distinguished himself. He
engaged at Macroom (with two thousand horse and dragoons) a party of
Irish, consisting of upwards of five thousand, whom he totally
defeated, and took their general the titular bishop of Ross
prisoner[6]. This battle was fought May 10, 1650. Lord Broghill
offered the bishop his life, if he would order those who were in the
castle of Carigdrog-hid to surrender, which he promised; but when he
was conducted to the place, he persuaded the garrison to defend it to
the last extremity. Upon this lord Broghill caused him to be hanged;
(tho' Mr. Morrice says, the soldiers hanged him without orders) and
then commanded his heavy artillery to be brought up, which astonished
his own army exceedingly, they knowing he had not so much as a single
piece of battering cannon. He caused, however, several large trees to
be cut, and drawn at a distance by his baggage horses; the besieged
judging by the slowness of their motion, they were a vast size,
capitulated before they came up, as his lordship advised, threatening
otherwise to give them no quarter. He relieved Cromwell at Clonmell,
and assisted both him and his father-in-law Ireton in their
expedition; but because he could not moderate the fury of one, and
mitigate the cruelty of the other, he incurred the displeasure of
both; and Ireton was heard to say, that neither he nor Cromwell could
be safe while Broghill had any command. Notwithstanding the aversion
of Ireton to his lordship, yet he took care not to remit any of his
diligence in prosecuting the war, he marched to that general's
assistance at the siege of Limerick, and by his conduct and courage
was the means of that town's falling into the hands of the
Commonwealth; and till Ireland was entirely reduced, he continued
active in his commission.
When Oliver rose to the dignity of Lord Protector, he sent for lord
Broghill, merely to have his advice; and we are told by Oldmixon in
his history of the Stewarts, that he then proposed to Cromwell to
marry his daughter to King Charles II. and that as the Prince was then
in distress abroad, he doubted not but his necessity would make him
comply with the offer; he represented to the Protector the great
danger to which he was exposed by the fickle humour of the English,
who never doat long upon a favourite, but pull that man from eminence
to day, whom they had but yesterday raised out of the dust; that this
match would rivet his interest, by having the lawful prince so nearly
allied to him; and perhaps his grandchild the indisputed heir of the
crown. That he might then rule with more safety, nor dread either the
violence of the Royalists, or the insidious enemies of his own
government. Upon hearing this, Cromwell made a pause, and looking
stedfastly in my lord's face, he asked him if he was of opinion, that
the exiled prince could ever forgive his father's murderer; he
answered as before, that his necessity was great, and in order to be
restored to his crown, would even sacrifice his natural resentment to
his own ease and grandeur; but Cromwell could not be induced to
believe that ever Charles could pardon him.
Whether lord Broghill was serious in this proposal cannot be
determined; but if he was, it is certain, he had a mean opinion of
Charles; to have capitulated upon any terms with Cromwell, would have
been betraying the dignity of his birth, and his right to reign; but
to have stooped so low, as to take to his arms a child of his, who had
murdered his father, and driven him to his exile, would have been an
instance of the most infamous meanness that ever was recorded in
history; and all the blemishes of that luxurious Prince's character,
and the errors of his reign collected, do not amount to any thing so
base, as would have been those nuptials.
In the year 1656 it was proposed to his lordship by the Protector to
go down to Scotland, with an absolute authority, either because he
suspected Monk, or was willing to give the people of that country some
satisfaction, who complained of his severity; but he was very
unwilling to receive the charge, and took it at last upon these
conditions[7]: The first was: that he should be left to himself, and
receive no orders; and the second, that no complaints should find
credit, or procure directions in his absence; and the third, that he
should be recalled in a year. He was very acceptable to the Scotch,
and gained a great influence over them by speaking and acting with
moderation. After his return, he was with Whitlock and Thurloe
admitted into all the confidence that could be expected from a person
in the Protector's circumstances; who if he had any chearful moments,
spent them in their company, where he appeared quite another person
than in the ordinary course of his conduct, which was built on a
policy suited to his condition, the people he had to deal with, and
the critical juncture of the times. Our author stood high in
Cromwell's favour to the last; and it was, no doubt, in some measure
owing to his gratitude, that he attached himself so firmly to his son
and successor Richard. It perhaps will appear strange, but it is
supported by evidence, that Cromwell did not love his own family so
well as lord Broghill did. Being asked upon his death-bed whom he
appointed his successor, he answered, "That in such a closet his will
would be found," in which he named Fleetwood, but one of the
Protector's daughters getting first to the drawer, she took the will
and destroyed it[8].
Thus Richard against his father's intention obtained the government,
which, however, it is very plain he was not fit to hold; for all the
art and industry of Broghill could never so govern his proceedings,
but that some steps either too violent or too remiss were taken, by
which his administration fell into contempt; and doubtless the reason
why Cromwell excluded his son, was, that he discovered his weakness,
and found him without a capacity of reigning. When the oppression of
committees, the general distraction amongst the people, and the
anarchy into which the English affairs had fallen, began to point
towards a restoration, we find lord Broghill declaring early for the
King, going over into Ireland, there sounding the minds of the
officers, and preparing that kingdom for the reception of his Majesty
with open arms.
Thus we have seen him discharge with honour the debt of gratitude he
owed to Cromwell; but notwithstanding the figure he made in the
service, it is by no means clear that ever he was warmly attached to
the republic; he was detected in having drank the King's health in
company with the Protector's children, which Oliver very prudently
thought proper to pass over. After the restoration, Broghill wanted
not enemies, who insinuated things against him to King Charles, and
blamed his tardiness in procuring his Majesty's return; but his
lordship made it clear, that he was the first who declared for him in
Ireland, and the most zealous, as well as the most powerful promoter
of his interest. His Majesty was so well satisfied with his lordship's
proceedings, that he wrote to him with his own hand, and thanked him
for his loyalty[9]. On September 5, 1660, as an incontested proof of
his Majesty's affection for his lordship, he by letters patent
advanced him to the honour of earl of Orrery in the county of
Cork[10]; and Sir Maurice Eustace, a friend of the duke of Ormond's,
being appointed chancellor, Roger earl of Orrery, and Charles Coote,
earl of Montrath, were with him made lords justices, about the close
of that memorable year.
From that time till his death we find lord Orrery in the highest
esteem in the three nations: He was employed by his Majesty to confer
with the earl of Clarendon, whose imperious steps, it seems, had
highly disobliged his master, and when that great man fell, the King
made an offer of the seals to the earl of Orrery, who on account of
his want of bodily vigour, declined it. At the same time he accepted a
most arduous and unpleasing office from the King, and that was, to
expostulate with the duke of York, and bring him to ask pardon for the
haughty and insolent measures he took in supporting the chancellor.
His Majesty warmly pressed him to become a favourer of the French
alliance, and for the reduction of the Dutch; neither of which were at
all agreeable to his notions, and therefore that he might more
concisely express the mischievous consequences he apprehended from
these measures, he reduced his thoughts into a poem; and this was very
well received by the King, who thought to have made some impression on
him, in his turn, in a long audience he gave him for that purpose; but
the earl's duty would not permit him to coincide in his opinion with
the King, when he was sensible that the King's scheme was contrary to
the interest of the nation; and this led him in plain terms to
declare, that he never would concur in counsels to aggrandize France,
which was already too great; or to break the power of the Dutch, which
was barely sufficient for their own defence[11].
There is a particular circumstance in relation to this affair, which
must not be omitted. When lord Orrery came from the audience of his
Majesty, he was met by the earl of Danby, who asked him, whether he
had closed with the King's proposals; to which lord Orrery answered,
no. Then replied the other statesman, "Your lordship may be the
honester man, but you will never be worth a groat." This passage is
the more remarkable, because Danby was of the same opinion with
Orrery, and temporized purely for the sake of power, which cost him
afterwards a long imprisonment, and had very near lost him his life:
So dear do such men often pay for sacrificing honour to interest. In
the year 1679, Oct. 16, this great statesman died in the full
possession of honours and fame: he had lived in the most tumultuous
times; he had embarked in a dangerous ocean, and he had the address to
steer at last to a safe haven. As a man, his character was very
amiable; he was patient, compassionate, and generous; as a soldier, he
was of undaunted courage; as a statesman, of deep penetration, and
invincible industry; and as a poet, of no mean rank.
Before we give an account of his works, it will not be amiss, in order
to illustrate the amiable character of lord Orrery, to shew, that tho'
he espoused the Protector's interest, yet he was of singular service
to the nation, in restraining the violence of his cruelty, and
checking the domineering spirit of those slaves in authority, who then
called themselves the legislature.
The authors of the Biographia Britannica, say, 'that our author
opposed in Parliament, and defeated, the blackest measure Cromwell
ever entered into, which was the passing a law for decimating the
royal party, and his lordship's conduct in this, was by far the
greatest action of his whole life. He made a long and an elaborate
speech, in which he shewed the injustice, cruelty, and folly, of that
truly infamous and Nero-like proposition. Finding that he was likely
to lose the question upon the division, which probably would have
issued in losing his life also; he stood up and boldly observed, "That
he did not think so many Englishmen could be fond of slavery." 'Upon
which so many members rose and followed him, that the Speaker without
telling, declared from the chair the Noes have it, and the bill was
accordingly thrown out. Upon this, he went immediately up to Cromwell,
and said, "I have done you this day as great a service as ever I did
in my life. How? returned Cromwell; by hindring your government,
replied my lord, from becoming hateful, which already begins to be
disliked; for if this bill had passed, three kingdoms would have risen
up against you; and they were your enemies, and not your friends who
brought it in." 'This Cromwell so firmly believed, that he never
forgave nor trusted them afterwards.'
King Charles II. put my lord upon writing plays, which he did, upon
the occasion of a dispute that arose in the Royal presence, about
writing plays in rhime. Some affirmed, that it was to be done, others
that it would spoil the fancy to be so confined; but lord Orrery was
of another opinion, and his Majesty being willing, that a trial should
be made, laid his commands on his lordship, to employ some of his
leisure time that way, which his lordship readily complied with, and
soon after composed the Black Prince.
It is difficult to give a full and accurate account of this nobleman's
compositions; for it must be owned, he was a better statesman than a
poet, and fitter to act upon the wide theatre of life, than to write
representations for the circumscribed theatre of the stage. In the
light of an author he is less eminent, and lived a life of too much
hurry to become proficient in poetry, a grace which not only demands
the most extensive abilities, but much leisure and contemplation. But
if he was not extremely eminent as a poet, he was far removed above
contempt, and deserves to have full mention made of all his writings;
and we can easily forgive want of elegance and correctness in one who
was of so much service to his country, and who was born rather to live
than to write a great part.
According to the least exceptionable account, his works are as follow:
1. The Irish Colours displayed, in a reply of an English Protestant,
to an Irish Roman Catholic, Lond. 1662, 4to.
2. An Answer to a scandalous Letter lately printed and subscribed be a
Peter Walsh, procurator for the Secular and Romish priests of Ireland:
This was the same infamous Walsh who forged the commisssion to act
against the Protestants. In this letter his lordship makes a full
discovery of the treachery of the Irish rebels, Dublin 1662, 4to.
Lond. 1662, 4to.
3. A Poem on his Majesty's Restoration, presented by the earl himself
to the King.
4. A Poem on the Death of the celebrated Mr. Abraham Cowley, Lond.
1667, fol. reprinted by Dr. Sprat, before his edition of Cowley's
works; also reprinted and much commended by Mr. Budgel.
5. History of Henry V. a tragedy. Lond. 1668, fol. In this play Mr.
Harris who played Henry, wore the Duke of York's coronation suit; and
Betterton, who played Owen Tudor, by which he got reputation, wore the
King's; and Mr. Liliston, to whom the part of the Duke of Burgundy was
given, wore the Earl of Oxford's.
6. Mustapha the Son of Solyman the Magnificent, a Tragedy, Lond. 1667,
fol. This play succeeded tollerably well.
7. The Black Prince, a Tragedy, Lond. 1672, fol. When this play was
begun his lordship lay ill of the gout, and after he had finished two
acts of it, he sent it to the King for his perusal, and at the same
time told his Majesty, that while he laboured under that disorder, he
had done these two acts; and perhaps would do no more till he was
taken ill again; upon which his Majesty pleasantly said, that if it
was not to be compleated till the return of the gout, he wished him a
lusty fit of it[12].
8. Tryphon, a Tragedy, Lond. 1672, fol. These four plays were
collected, and printed in fol. 1690, and make the entire first volume
of the new edition of the earl's Dramatic Works.
9. Parthenissa, a Romance, in three volumes, Lond. 1665, 4to. 1677,
fol. This romance is divided into six parts, the last written at the
desire of, and therefore dedicated to, her royal highness the Princess
Henrietta Maria, Duchess of Orleans, sister to King Charles II.
10. A Dream. This poem has been before mentioned. In it, the genius of
France is introduced, saying every thing the French ministers could
insinuate to inveigle King Charles II. to endeavour at making himself
arbitrary, or to deceive him into a mean and scandalous dependence on
Lewis XIV. to all which the ghost of Charles I. is next brought in,
giving reasons why the sole foundation of a Monarch's power, is the
love and confidence of his people.
11. The Art of War, Lond. 1677, fol. This work he addresses to the
King, in a large dedication, which was but the first part of what he
intended upon the subject; and was so strangely received, that the
second never appeared.
12. Poems on most of the festivals of the church. This work, tho'
printed and published, was never finished by our author. It was
written in the last year of his life, under much weakness of body; and
Budgel observes, very justly, that his poetry in this composition runs
low; and indeed his characteristical fault as a poet, is want of
elevation.
His posthumous works are these;
1. Mr. Anthony, a Comedy, 4to. Lond. 1692.
2. Guzman, a Comedy. 1693, 4to. upon a Spanish plot, and written in
the Spanish manner.
3. Herod the Great, a Tragedy, Lond. 1694, 4to.
4. Altemira a Tragedy, brought upon the stage by Mr. Francis Manning
1702, dedicated to Lionel earl of Orrery, grandson to the author, with
a prologue by lord viscount Bolingbroke. We may add to them his state
letters, which have been lately published in one volume fol. The rest
of his lordship's political papers perished in the flames, when his
house at Charleville was burnt in the year 1690, by a party of King
James's soldiers, with the duke of Berwick at their head.
We shall give a specimen of his lordship's poetry from a speech in
Altemira, in a scene between Altemira and her lover.
ALTEM. I can forgive you all my Lycidor,
But leaving me, and leaving me for war,
For that, so little argument I find,
My reason makes the fault look more unkind.
LYCIDOR. You see my griefs such deep impressions give,
I'd better die than thus afflicted live.
Yet to those sorrows under which I groan,
Can you still think it fit to add your own?