WE will now turn to the question what these results of our inquiry teach
us in regard to the problems that confront our modern civilization,
particularly our nation. The development of the American nation through
the amalgamation of diverse European nationalities, the presence of the
Negro, Indian, and Chinese, and the whole ever-increasing heterogeneity
of the component elements of our people, involve a number of problems to
the solution of which our inquiries contribute important data.
Our previous considerations make clear the hypothetical character of
many of the generally accepted assumptions, and indicate that not all of
the questions involved can be answered at the present time with
scientific accuracy. It is disappointing that we have to take this
critical attitude, because the political question of dealing with all
these groups of people is of great and immediate importance. However, it
should be solved on the basis of scientific knowledge, not according to
emotional clamor. Under present conditions, we seem to be called upon to
formulate definite answers to questions that require the most
painstaking and unbiassed investigation; and the more urgent the demand
for final conclusions, the more needed is a critical examination of the
phenomena and of the available methods of solution.
Let us first represent to our minds the facts relating to the origins of
our nation. When British immigrants first flocked to the Atlantic coast
of North America, they found a continent inhabited by Indians. The
population of the country was thin, and vanished comparatively rapidly
before the influx of the more numerous Europeans. The settlement of the
Dutch on the Hudson, of the Germans in Pennsylvania, not to speak of
other nationalities, is familiar to all of us. We know that the
foundations of our modern state were laid by Spaniards in the Southwest,
by French in the Mississippi Basin and in the region of the Great Lakes,
but that the British immigration far outnumbered that of other
nationalities. In the composition of our people, the indigenous element
has never played an important rôle, except for very short periods. In
regions where the settlement progressed for a long time entirely by the
immigration of unmarried males of the white race, families of mixed
blood have been of some importance during the period of gradual
development, but they have never become sufficiently numerous in any
populous part of the United States to be considered as an important
element in our population. Without any doubt, Indian blood flows in the
veins of quite a number of our people, but the proportion is so
insignificant that it may well be disregarded.
Much more important has been the introduction of the negro, whose
numbers have increased many fold, so that they form now about one-eighth
of our whole nation. For a certain length of time the immigration of
Asiatic nations seemed likely to become of importance in the development
of our country, but the political events of recent years have tended to
decrease their immediate importance considerably, although we do not
venture to predict that the relation of Asiatics and white Americans may
not become a most important problem in the future. These facts, however,
are familiar to all of us, and stand out clearly to our minds.
More recent is the problem of the immigration of people representing all
the nationalities of Europe, western Asia, and northern Africa. While
until late in the second half of the nineteenth century the immigrants
consisted almost entirely of people of northwestern Europe, natives of
Great Britain, Scandinavia, Germany, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, and
France, the composition of the immigrant masses has changed completely
since that time. With the economic development of Germany, German
immigration has dwindled down; while at the same time Italians, the
various Slavic peoples of Austria, Russia, and the Balkan Peninsula,
Hungarians, Roumanians, East European Hebrews, not to mention the
numerous other nationalities, have arrived in ever increasing numbers.
There is no doubt that these people of eastern and southern Europe
represent physical types distinct from the physical type of northwestern
Europe; and it is clear, even to the most casual observer, that their
present social standards differ fundamentally from our own. Since the
number of new arrivals may be counted in normal years by hundreds of
thousands, the question may well be asked, What will be the result of
this influx of types distinct from our own, if it is to continue for a
considerable length of time?
It is often claimed that the phenomenon of mixture presented in the
United States is unique; that a similar intermixture has never occurred
before in the world’s history; and that our nation is destined to become
what some writers choose to term a “mongrel” nation in a sense that has
never been equalled anywhere.
When we try to analyze the phenomenon in greater detail, and in the
fight of our knowledge of conditions in Europe as well as in other
continents, this view does not seem to me tenable. In speaking of
European types, we are accustomed to consider them as, comparatively
speaking, pure stocks. It is easy to show that this view is erroneous.
It is only necessary to look at a map illustrating the racial types of
any European country—like Italy, for instance—to see that local
divergence is the characteristic feature, uniformity of type the
exception. Thus Dr. Ridolfo Livi, in his fundamental investigations on
the anthropology of Italy, has shown that the types of the extreme north
and of the extreme south are quite distinct,—the former tall,
short-headed, with a considerable sprinkling of blond and blue-eyed
individuals; the latter short, long-headed, and remarkably dark. The
transition from one type to the other is, on the whole, quite gradual;
but, like isolated islands, distinct types occur here and there. The
region of Lucca in Tuscany, and the district of Naples, are examples of
this kind, which may be explained as due to the survival of an older
stock, to the intrusion of new types, or to a peculiar influence of
environment.
Historical evidence is quite in accord with the results derived from the
investigation of the distribution of modern types. In the earliest times
we find on the peninsula of Italy groups of heterogeneous people, the
linguistic relationships of many of which have remained obscure up to
the present time. From the earliest prehistoric times on, we see wave
after wave of people invading Italy from the north. Very early Greeks
settled in the greater part of southern Italy, and Phœnician influence
was well established on the west coast of the peninsula. A lively
intercourse existed between Italy and northern Africa. Slaves of Berber
blood were imported, and have left their traces. Slave trade continued
to bring new blood into the country until quite recent times, and Livi
believes that he can trace the type of Crimean slaves who were
introduced late in the middle ages in the region of Venice. In the
course of the centuries, the migrations of Celtic and Teutonic tribes,
the conquests of the Normans, the contact with Africa, have added their
share to the mixture of people on the Italian peninsula.
The fates of other parts of Europe were no less diversified. The
Pyrenæan Peninsula, which at present seems to be one of the most
isolated parts of Europe, had a most checkered history. The earliest
inhabitants of whom we know were presumably related to the Basques of
the Pyrenees. These were subjected to Oriental influences in the
pre-Mycenæan period, to Punic influences, to Celtic invasions, Roman
colonization, Teutonic invasions, the Moorish conquest, and later on to
the peculiar selective process that accompanied the driving-out of the
Moors and the Jews.
England was not exempt from vicissitudes of this kind. It seems
plausible that at a very early period the type which is now found
principally in Wales and in some parts of Ireland occupied the greater
portion of the islands. It was swamped by successive waves of Celtic,
Roman, and Anglo-Saxon migration. Thus we find change everywhere.
The history of the migrations of the Goths, the invasions of the Huns,
who in the short interval of one century moved their habitations from
the borders of China into the very centre of Europe, are proofs of the
enormous changes in population that have taken place in early times.
Slow colonization has also brought about fundamental changes in blood as
well as in diffusion of languages and cultures. Perhaps the most
striking recent example of this change is presented by the gradual
Germanization of the region east of the Elbe River, where, after the
Teutonic migrations, people speaking Slavic languages had settled. The
gradual absorption of Celtic communities, of the Basque, in ancient
times the great Roman colonization, and later the Arab conquest of North
Africa, are examples of similar processes.
Intermixture in early times was not by any means confined to peoples
which, although diverse in language and culture, were of fairly uniform
type. On the contrary, the most diverse types of southern Europe,
northern Europe, eastern Europe, and western Europe, not to mention the
elements which poured into Europe from Asia and Africa, have been
participants in this long-continued intermixture.
There is, however, one fundamental difference in regard to the early
European migrations and the modern transatlantic migration. On the
whole, the former took place at a period when the density of population
was, comparatively speaking, small. There is no doubt that the number of
individuals concerned in the formation of the modern types of Great
Britain were comparatively few as compared with the millions who come
together to form a new nation in the United States; and it is obvious
that the process of amalgamation which takes place in communities that
must be counted by millions differs in character from the process of
amalgamation that takes place in communities that may be counted by
thousands. Setting aside social barriers, which in early times as well
as now undoubtedly tended to keep intermingling peoples separate, it
would seem that in the more populous communities of modern times a
greater permanence of the single combining elements might occur, owing
to their larger numbers, which make the opportunities for segregation
more favorable.
Among the smaller communities the process of amalgamation must have been
an exceedingly rapid one. After the social distinctions have once been
obliterated, pure descendants of one of the component types decrease
greatly in number, and the fourth generation of a people consisting
originally of distinct elements will be almost homogeneous. I shall
revert to this phenomenon later on.
It might be objected to this point of view, that the very diversity of
local types in Europe proves the homogeneity of race types,—as, for
instance, of the northwestern European type, the Mediterranean type, the
East European type, or the Alpine type,—but it must be remembered that
we have historical proof of the process of mixture, and that the
relative number of component elements is sufficient to account for the
present conditions.
I think we may dismiss the assumption of the existence of a pure type in
any part of Europe, and of a process of mongrelization in America
different from anything that has taken place for thousands of years in
Europe. Neither are we right in assuming that the phenomenon is one of a
more rapid intermixture than the one prevailing in olden times. The
difference is based essentially in the masses of individuals concerned
in the process.
If we confine our consideration for the present to the intermixture of
European types in America, I think it will be clear, from what has been
said before, that the concern that is felt by many in regard to the
continuance of racial purity of our nation is to a great extent
imaginary. The history of Europe proves that there has been no racial
purity anywhere for exceedingly long periods, neither has the continued
intermixture of European types shown any degrading effect upon any of
the European nationalities. It would be just as easy to prove that those
nations that have been least disturbed have lacked the stimulus to
further advance, and have passed through periods of quiescence. The
history of Spain might be interpreted as an instance of an occurrence of
this kind.
The question as to the actual effects of intermixture will not, however,
be answered by a generalized historical treatment such as we have
attempted here. The advocates of the theory of a degradation of type by
the influx of so-called “lower” types, will not be silenced by reference
to earlier mixtures in Europe, the course of which can no longer be
traced in actual detail; for we do not know to what extent actual
intermarriages have taken place, and what the development of families of
mixed descent as compared with those of pure descent has been. It seems
necessary that the problem should be approached from a biological
standpoint. It has seemed well, however, to gain first a clearer view of
the historical relations of our problem. A knowledge of the events of
the past tends to lay our apprehensions, that make the problem exciting,
and which for this reason fill the observer with a strong bias for the
results which he fears or desires.
Two questions stand out prominently in the study of the physical
characteristics of the immigrant population. The first is the question
of the influence of selection and environment in the migration from
Europe to America. The second is the question of the influence of
intermixture.
We have been able to throw some light upon both of these.
We found that the types which come to our shores do not remain stable,
but show such important modifications, that many of the differences of
the human types of Europe seem rather ephemeral than permanent,
determined more by environment than by heredity. The characteristics
which belong to the influences of environment belong to the most
fundamental traits of the body. Stature, form of head, and size of face,
seem to be equally subject to these influences; and the modifications
are the more marked, the less developed the organ in question at the
time of birth, the longer it is therefore subject to the influences of
environment. This fact allows us to assert with a high degree of
confidence that mental traits as well as physical traits will be
modified by the effect of environment. When, furthermore, we recall that
we could not discover any proofs of the superiority of one type over
another, we may feel safe when we state that the dangers to the vigor of
the American nation, due to an influx of alien European types, is
imaginative, not real.
A number of data have also been obtained for a better understanding of
the significance of race-mixture. Let us recall that one of the most
powerful agents modifying human types is the breaking-up of the
continuance of certain strains in small communities by a process of
rapid migration, which occurs both in Europe and in America, but with
much greater rapidity in our country, because the heterogeneity of
descent of the people is much greater than in the countries of Europe.
What effect these processes may have upon the ultimate type and
variability of the American people cannot be determined at the present
time; but no evidence is available that would allow us to expect a lower
status of the developing new types of America. Much remains to be done
in the study of this subject; and, considering our lack of knowledge of
the most elementary facts that determine the outcome of this process, I
feel that it behooves us to be most cautious in our reasoning, and
particularly to refrain from all sensational formulations of the problem
that are liable to add to the prevalent lack of calmness in its
consideration; the more so, since the answer to these questions concerns
the welfare of millions of people.
The problem is one in regard to which speculation is as easy as accurate
studies are difficult. Basing our arguments on ill-fitting analogies
with the animal and plant world, we may speculate on the effects of
intermixture upon the development of new types—as though the mixture
that is taking place in America were in any sense, except a sociological
one, different from the mixtures that have taken place in Europe for
thousands of years; looking for a general degradation, for reversion to
remote ancestral types, or towards the evolution of a new ideal type—as
fancy or personal inclination may impel us. We may enlarge on the danger
of the impending submergence of the northwest European type, or glory in
the prospect of its dominance over all others. Would it not be a safer
course to investigate the truth or fallacy of each theory rather than
excite the public mind by indulgence in the fancies of our speculation?
That these are an important help in the attainment of truth, I do not
deny; but they must not be promulgated before they have been subjected
to a searching analysis, lest the credulous public mistake fancy for
truth.
If I am not in a position to predict what the effect of mixture of
distinct types may be, I feel confident that this important problem may
be solved if it is taken up with sufficient energy and on a sufficiently
large scale. An investigation of the anthropological data of people of
distinct types,—taking into consideration the similarities and
dissimilarities of parents and children, the rapidity and final result
of the physical and mental development of children, their vitality, the
fertility of marriages of different types and in different social
strata,—such an investigation is bound to give us information which will
allow us to answer these important questions definitely and
conclusively.
The final result of race-mixture will necessarily depend upon the
fertility of the present native population and of the newer immigrants.
It has been pointed out repeatedly that the birth-rate of Americans has
declined with great rapidity, and that in the second and third
generations of descendants of immigrants the same decline makes itself
felt. It will therefore be important to know what the fertility of
different types may be.
If the fertility of foreigners continues high without a correspondingly
higher death-rate of children, we may anticipate a gradual increase of
the physical influence of the more fertile type. The immigration of the
divergent types of southern and eastern Europe is, however, so recent,
that this question cannot be answered until at least twenty years more
have elapsed.
No less important than the fertility of each immigrant type by itself is
the question in how far they tend to intermarry. The data presented in
our census reports do not give a clear insight into this tendency among
various nationalities. The difficulties of collecting significant
statistics on the problem are very great. They appear particularly
clearly in the case of Italians. Married men from Italy come to the
United States, earn some money, and go back to rejoin their families.
They may come again, and, when conditions are propitious, they may
finally send for their families to follow them. Thus we find among the
Italian immigrants very large numbers who were married before they came
here. It seems almost impossible to separate the contingent of couples
married before their arrival here from those married after their
arrival, and the chief point of interest to us lies in the
intermarriages of children born in this country. It is natural that in
large cities, where nationalities separate in various quarters, a great
amount of cohesion should continue for some time; but it seems likely
that intermarriages between descendants of foreign nationalities are
much more common than the census figures would make it appear. Our
experience with Americans whose grandparents immigrated into this
country is, on the whole, that most social traces of their descent have
disappeared, and that many do not even know to what nationalities their
grandparents belonged. It might be expected—particularly in Western
communities, where a rapid change of location is common—that this would
result in a rapid mixture of the descendants of various nationalities.
This inquiry, which it is quite feasible to carry out in detail, seems
indispensable for a clear understanding of the situation.
It is somewhat difficult to realize how rapidly intermixture of distinct
types takes place if the choice of mates is left entirely to accident. I
have made this calculation, and I find that in a population in which two
types intermingle, and in which both types occur with equal frequency,
there will be in the fourth generation less than one person in ten
thousand of pure descent. When the proportion of the two original types
is as eight to one, there will be among the more numerous part of the
population less than thirty in one thousand in the fourth generation
that will be of pure blood. Taking these data as a basis, it is obvious
that intermixture, as soon as the social barriers have been removed,
must be exceedingly rapid; and I think it safe to assume that one
hundred years from now, in the bulk of our population, very few pure
descendants of the present immigrants will be found.
Unfortunately, however, we do not know the influence of racial cohesion.
Obviously this is one of the fundamental points that ought to be known
in order to gain a clear insight into the effect of recent immigration.
Without this information, the whole discussion of the effect of
intermixture remains speculative. The results of the present census will
give us a certain amount of much-needed information on these points.
In these remarks on the problems of European immigration I have confined
myself entirely to the biological problem, because all our
considerations have shown conclusively that mental life is so plastic,
that no hereditary inability can be assumed to exist in any of the
peoples of Europe.
When we turn our attention to the negro problem as it presents itself in
the United States, we must remember our previous considerations, in
which we found that no proof of an inferiority of the negro type could
be given, except that it seemed possible that perhaps the race would not
produce quite so many men of highest genius as other races, while there
was nothing at all that could be interpreted as suggesting any material
difference in the mental capacity of the bulk of the negro population as
compared to the bulk of the white population.
Much has been said about the shorter period of growth of the negro child
as compared to the white child, but no convincing data have been
forthcoming. Considering the great variation in the duration of growth
and development in different individuals and in various social classes,
according to the more or less favorable nutrition of the child, the
information that we possess in regard to the negro child is practically
without value. We have not even evidence that would prove that a shorter
period of development must be unfavorable in its results. Neither do we
know at what period and in what manner develop the typical negroid
features, which are much less pronounced in the new-born than in adults.
It is surprising, that, notwithstanding their importance, no attempts
have been made to gain a better insight into these anatomical and
physiological problems, some of which might be solved without much
difficulty. As it is, almost all we can say with certainty is, that the
differences between the average types of the white and of the negro,
that have a bearing upon vitality and mental ability, are much less than
the individual variations in each race.
This result is, however, of great importance, and is quite in accord
with the result of ethnological observation. A survey of African tribes
exhibits to our view cultural achievements of no mean order. To those
unfamiliar with the products of native African art and industry, a walk
through one of the large museums of Europe would be a revelation. None
of our American museums has made collections that exhibit this subject
in any way worthily. The blacksmith, the wood-carver, the weaver, the
potter,—these all produce ware original in form, executed with great
care, and exhibiting that love of labor, and interest in the results of
work, which are apparently so often lacking among the negroes in our
American surroundings. No less instructive are the records of
travellers, reporting the thrift of the native villages, of the extended
trade of the country, and of its markets. The power of organization as
illustrated in the government of native states is of no mean order, and
when wielded by men of great personality has led to the foundation of
extended empires. All the different kinds of activities that we consider
valuable in the citizens of our country may be found in aboriginal
Africa. Neither is the wisdom of the philosopher absent. A perusal of
any of the collections of African proverbs that have been published will
demonstrate the homely practical philosophy of the negro, which is often
proof of sound feeling and judgment.
It would be out of place to enlarge on this subject, because the
essential point that anthropology can contribute to the practical
discussion of the adaptability of the negro is a decision of the
question how far the undesirable traits that are at present undoubtedly
found in our negro population are due to racial traits, and how far they
are due to social surroundings for which we are responsible. To this
question anthropology can give the decided answer that the traits of
African culture as observed in the aboriginal home of the negro are
those of a healthy primitive people, with a considerable degree of
personal initiative, with a talent for organization, and with
imaginative power, with technical skill and thrift. Neither is a warlike
spirit absent in the race, as is proved by the mighty conquerors who
overthrew states and founded new empires, and by the courage of the
armies that follow the bidding of their leaders. There is nothing to
prove that licentiousness, shiftless laziness, lack of initiative, are
fundamental characteristics of the race. Everything points out that
these qualities are the result of social conditions rather than of
hereditary traits.
It may be well to state here once more with some emphasis that it would
be erroneous to assume that there are no differences in the mental
make-up of the negro race and of other races, and that their activities
should run in the same lines. On the contrary, if there is any meaning
in correlation of anatomical structure and physiological function, we
must expect that differences exist. There is, however, no evidence
whatever that would stigmatize the negro as of weaker build, or as
subject to inclinations and powers that are opposed to our social
organization. An unbiassed estimate of the anthropological evidence so
far brought forward does not permit us to countenance the belief in a
racial inferiority which would unfit an individual of the negro race to
take his part in modern civilization. We do not know of any demand made
on the human body or mind in modern life that anatomical or ethnological
evidence would prove to be beyond the powers of the negro.
The traits of the American negro are adequately explained on the basis
of his history and social status. The tearing-away from the African soil
and the consequent complete loss of the old standards of life, which
were replaced by the dependency of slavery and by all it entailed,
followed by a period of disorganization and by a severe economic
struggle against heavy odds, are sufficient to explain the inferiority
of the status of the race, without falling back upon the theory of
hereditary inferiority.
In short, there is every reason to believe that the negro, when given
facility and opportunity, will be perfectly able to fulfil the duties of
citizenship as well as his white neighbor. It may be that he will not
produce as many great men as the white race, and that his average
achievement will not quite reach the level of the average achievement of
the white race; but there will be endless numbers who will be able to
outrun their white competitors, and who will do better than the
defectives whom we permit to drag down and to retard the healthy
children of our public schools.
The anthropological discussion of the negro problem requires also a word
on the “race instinct” of the whites, which plays a most important part
in the practical aspect of the problem. Ultimately this phenomenon is a
repetition of the old instinct and fear of the connubium of patricians
and plebeians, of the European nobility and the common people, or of the
castes of India. The emotions and reasonings concerned are the same in
every respect. In our case they relate particularly to the necessity of
maintaining a distinct social status in order to avoid race-mixture. As
in the other cases mentioned, the so-called instinct is not a
physiological dislike. This is proved by the existence of our large
mulatto population, as well as by the more ready amalgamation of the
Latin peoples. It is rather an expression of social conditions that are
so deeply ingrained in us that they assume a strong emotional value; and
this, I presume, is meant when we call such feelings instinctive. The
feeling certainly has nothing to do with the question of the vitality
and ability of the mulatto.
Still the questions of race-mixture and of the negro’s adaptability to
our environment represent a number of important problems.
I think we have reason to be ashamed to confess that the scientific
study of these questions has never received the support either of our
government or of any of our great scientific institutions; and it is
hard to understand why we are so indifferent toward a question which is
of paramount importance to the welfare of our nation. The anatomy of the
American negro is not well known; and, notwithstanding the oft-repeated
assertions regarding the hereditary inferiority of the mulatto, we know
hardly anything on this subject. If his vitality is lower than that of
the full-blooded negro, this may be as much due to social causes as to
hereditary causes. Owing to the very large number of mulattoes in our
country, it would not be a difficult matter to investigate the
biological aspects of this question thoroughly. The importance of
researches on this subject cannot be too strongly urged, since the
desirability or undesirability of race-mixture should be known. Looking
into a distant future, it seems reasonably certain that with the
increasing mobility of the negro, the number of full-bloods will rapidly
decrease; and since there is no introduction of new negro blood, there
cannot be the slightest doubt that the ultimate effect of the contact
between the two races must necessarily be a continued increase of the
amount of white blood in the negro community.
This process will go on most rapidly inside of the colored community,
owing to intermarriages between mulattoes and full-blooded negroes.
Whether or not the addition of white blood to the colored population is
sufficiently large to counterbalance this levelling effect, which will
make the mixed bloods with a slight strain of negro blood darker, is
difficult to tell; but it is quite obvious that, although our laws may
retard the influx of white blood considerably, they cannot hinder the
gradual progress of intermixture. If the powerful caste system of India
has not been able to prevent intermixture, our laws, which recognize a
greater amount of individual liberty, will certainly not be able to do
so; and that there is no racial sexual antipathy is made sufficiently
clear by the size of our mulatto population. A candid consideration of
the manner in which intermixture takes place shows very clearly that the
probability of the infusion of white blood into the colored population
is considerable. While the large body of the white population will
always, at least for a very long time to come, be entirely remote from
any possibility of intermixture with negroes, I think that we may
predict with a fair degree of certainty a condition in which the
contrast between colored people and whites will be less marked than it
is at the present time. Notwithstanding all the obstacles that may be
laid in the way of intermixture, the conditions are such that the
persistence of the pure negro type is practically impossible. Not even
an excessively high mortality and lack of fertility among the mixed
type, as compared with the pure types, could prevent this result. Since
it is impossible to change these conditions, they should be faced
squarely, and we ought to demand a careful and critical investigation of
the whole problem.
It seems to my mind that the policy of many of our Southern States that
try to prevent all racial intermixture is based on an erroneous view of
the process involved. The alleged reason for this type of legislation is
the necessity of protecting the white race against the infusion of negro
blood. As a matter of fact, this danger does not exist. With very few
exceptions, the unions between whites and negroes are those of white men
and negro women. The increase of races, however, is such that the number
of children born does not depend upon the number of men, but upon the
number of women. Given, therefore, a certain number of negro women, the
increase of the colored population will depend upon their number; and if
a considerable number of their children are those of white fathers, the
race as a whole must necessarily lose its pure negro type. At the same
time no such infusion of negro blood into the white race through the
maternal line occurs, so that the process is actually one of lightening
the negro race without corresponding admixture in the white race.
It appears from this consideration that the most important practical
questions relating to the negro problem have reference to the mulattoes
and other mixed bloods,—to their physical types, their mental and moral
qualities, and their vitality. When the bulky literature of this subject
is carefully sifted, little remains that will endure serious criticism;
and I do not believe that I claim too much when I say that the whole
work on this subject remains to be done. The development of modern
methods of research makes it certain that by careful inquiry definite
answers to our problems may be found. Is it not, then, our plain duty to
inform ourselves, that, so far as that can be done, deliberate
consideration of observations may take the place of heated discussion of
beliefs in matters that concern not only ourselves, but also the welfare
of millions of negroes?
* * * * *
I hope the discussions contained in these pages have shown that the data
of anthropology teach us a greater tolerance of forms of civilization
different from our own, and that we should learn to look upon foreign
races with greater sympathy, and with the conviction, that, as all races
have contributed in the past to cultural progress in one way or another,
so they will be capable of advancing the interests of mankind, if we are
only willing to give them a fair opportunity.
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