_A Sermon on the Occasion of Wood's Project._
(WRITTEN IN 1724.)
"As we have therefore opportunity, let us do good unto all men."
(GALATIANS vi. 10.)
Nature directs every one of us, and God permits us, to consult our own
private good, before the private good of any other person whatsoever. We
are, indeed, commanded to love our neighbour as ourselves, but not as well
as ourselves. The love we have for ourselves, is to be the pattern of that
love we ought to have toward our neighbour; but as the copy doth not equal
the original, so my neighbour cannot think it hard, if I prefer myself,
who am the original, before him, who is only the copy. Thus, if any matter
equally concern the life, the reputation, the profit of my neighbour and
my own; the law of nature, which is the law of God, obligeth me to take
care of myself first, and afterward of him. And this I need not be at much
pains in persuading you to; for the want of self-love, with regard to
things of this world, is not among the faults of mankind. But then, on
the other side, if, by a small hurt and loss to myself, I can procure a
great good to my neighbour, in that case his interest is to be preferred.
For example, if I can be sure of saving his life, without great danger to
my own; if I can preserve him from being undone without ruining myself; or
recover his reputation without blasting mine; all this I am obliged to do,
and if I sincerely perform it, I do then obey the command of God, in
loving my neighbour as myself.
But, besides this love we owe to every man in his particular capacity,
under the title of our neighbour, there is yet a duty of a more large
extensive nature incumbent on us; our love to our neighbour in his public
capacity, as he is a member of that great body the commonwealth, under the
same government with ourselves; and this is usually called love of the
public, and is a duty to which we are more strictly obliged, than even
that of loving ourselves; because therein ourselves are also contained, as
well as all our neighbours, in one great body. This love of the public, or
of the commonwealth, or love of our country, was in ancient times properly
known by the name of virtue, because it was the greatest of all virtues,
and was supposed to contain all virtues in it; and many great examples of
this virtue are left us on record, scarcely to be believed or even
conceived, in such a base, corrupted, wicked age as this we live in. In
those times it was common for men to sacrifice their lives for the good of
their country, although they had neither hope nor belief of future
rewards; whereas, in our days, very few make the least scruple of
sacrificing a whole nation, as well as their own souls, for a little
present gain; which often hath been known to end in their own ruin in this
world; as it certainly must in that to come. Have we not seen men, for the
sake of some petty employment, give up the very natural rights and
liberties of their country, and of mankind, in the ruin of which
themselves must at last be involved? Are not these corruptions gotten
among the meanest of our people, who, for a piece of money, will give
their votes at a venture, for the disposal of their own lives and
fortunes, without considering whether it be to those who are most likely
to betray or defend them? But, if I were to produce only one instance of a
hundred, wherein we fail in this duty of loving our country, it would be
an endless labour, and therefore I shall not attempt it.
But here I would not be misunderstood; by the love of our country, I do
not mean loyalty to our King, for that is a duty of another nature; and a
man may be very loyal, in the common sense of the word, without one grain
of public good at his heart.
Witness this very kingdom we live in. I verily believe, that since the
beginning of the world, no nation upon earth ever showed (all
circumstances considered) such high constant marks of loyalty, in all
their actions and behaviour, as we have done; and, at the same time, no
people ever appeared more utterly void of what is called a public spirit.
When I say the people, I mean the bulk or mass of the people, for I have
nothing to do with those in power. Therefore I shall think my time not
ill-spent, if I can persuade most or all of you who hear me, to show the
love you have for your country, by endeavouring, in your several
situations, to do all the public good you are able.
For I am certainly persuaded, that all our misfortunes arise from no other
original cause than that general disregard among us to the public welfare.
I therefore undertake to show you three things:--
_First_, That there are few people so weak or mean, who have it not
sometimes in their power to be useful to the public.
_Secondly_, That it is often in the power of the meanest among mankind to
do mischief to the public.
And, _lastly_, That all wilful injuries done to the public, are very
great and aggravated sins in the sight of God.
_First_, There are few people so weak or mean, who have it not sometimes
in their power to be useful to the public.
Solomon tells us of a poor wise man, who saved a city by his counsel. It
hath often happened that a private soldier, by some unexpected brave
attempt, hath been instrumental in obtaining a great victory. How many
obscure men have been authors of very useful inventions, whereof the world
now reaps the benefit. The very example of honesty and industry in a poor
tradesman, will sometimes spread through a neighbourhood, when others see
how successful he is; and thus so many useful members are gained, for
which the whole body of the public is the better. Whoever is blessed with
a true public spirit, God will certainly put it in his way to make use of
that blessing, for the ends it was given him, by some means or other: and
therefore it hath been observed, in most ages that the greatest actions
for the benefit of the commonwealth, have been performed by the wisdom or
courage, the contrivance or industry, of particular men, and not of
numbers, and that the safety of a kingdom hath often been owing to those
hands whence it was least expected.
But, _secondly_, It is often in the power of the meanest among mankind to
do mischief to the public, and hence arise most of those miseries with
which the states and kingdoms of the earth are infested. How many great
princes have been murdered by the meanest ruffians!
The weakest hand can open a flood-gate to drown a country, which a
thousand of the strongest cannot stop. Those who have thrown off all
regard for public good, will often have it in their way to do public evil,
and will not fail to exercise that power whenever they can.
The greatest blow given of late to this kingdom, was by the dishonesty of
a few manufacturers; by imposing bad wares at foreign markets, in almost
the only traffic permitted to us, did half ruin that trade; by which this
poor unhappy kingdom still suffers in the midst of sufferings. I speak not
here of persons in high stations who ought to be free from all reflection,
and are supposed always to intend the welfare of the community: but we now
find by experience, that the meanest instrument may, by the concurrence of
accidents, have it in his power to bring a whole kingdom to the very brink
of destruction, and is at this present endeavouring to finish his work;
and hath agents among ourselves who are contented to see their own country
undone, to be small sharers in that iniquitous gain, which at last must
end in their own ruin, as well as ours. I confess it was chiefly the
consideration of that great danger we are in, which engaged me to
discourse to you on this subject, to exhort you to a love of your country,
and a public spirit, when all you have is at stake; to prefer the interest
of your prince and your fellow-subjects, before that of one destructive
impostor, and a few of his adherents.
Perhaps it may be thought by some, that this way of discoursing is not so
proper from the pulpit. But, surely, when an open attempt is made, and far
carried on, to make a great kingdom one large poorhouse, to deprive us of
all means to exercise hospitality or charity, to turn our cities and
churches into ruins, to make the country a desert for wild beasts and
robbers, to destroy all arts and sciences, all trades and manufactures,
and the very tillage of the ground, only to enrich one obscure,
ill-designing projector and his followers; it is time for the pastor to
cry out, "that the wolf is getting into his flock," to warn them to stand
together, and all to consult the common safety. And God be praised for His
infinite goodness in raising such a spirit of union among us, at least in
this point, in the midst of all our former divisions; which union, if it
continue, will in all probability defeat the pernicious design of this
pestilent enemy to the nation!
But hence it clearly follows how necessary the love of our country, or a
public spirit, is, in every particular man, since the wicked have so many
opportunities of doing public mischief. Every man is upon his guard for
his private advantage; but where the public is concerned, he is apt to be
negligent, considering himself as only one among two or three millions,
among whom the loss is equally shared; and thus, he thinks, he can be no
great sufferer. Meanwhile the trader, the farmer, and the shopkeeper,
complain of the hardness and deadness of the times, and wonder whence it
comes; while it is in a great measure owing to their own folly, for want
of that love of their country, and public spirit and firm union among
themselves, which are so necessary to the prosperity of every nation.
Another method, by which the meanest wicked man may have it in his power
to injure the public, is false accusation; whereof this kingdom hath
afforded too many examples; neither is it long since no man, whose
opinions were thought to differ from those in fashion could safely
converse beyond his nearest friends, for fear of being sworn against, as a
traitor, by those who made a traffic of perjury and subornation; by which
the very peace of the nation was disturbed, and men fled from each other
as they would from a lion or a bear got loose. And it is very remarkable,
that the pernicious project now in hand, to reduce us to beggary, was
forwarded by one of these false accusers, who had been convicted of
endeavouring, by perjury and subornation, to take away the lives of
several innocent persons here among us; and, indeed, there could not be a
more proper instrument for such a work.
Another method, by which the meanest people may do injury to the public,
is the spreading of lies and false rumours; thus raising a distrust among
the people of a nation, causing them to mistake their true interest, and
their enemies for their friends; and this hath been likewise too
successful a practice among us, where we have known the whole kingdom
misled by the grossest lies, raised upon occasion to serve some particular
turn. As it hath also happened in the case I lately mentioned, where one
obscure man, by representing our wants where they were least, and
concealing them where they were greatest, had almost succeeded in a
project of utterly ruining this whole kingdom; and may still succeed, if
God doth not continue that public spirit, which He hath almost
miraculously kindled in us upon this occasion.
Thus we see the public is many times, as it were, at the mercy of the
meanest instrument, who can be wicked enough to watch opportunities of
doing it mischief, upon the principles of avarice or malice, which I am
afraid are deeply rooted in too many breasts, and against which there can
be no defence, but a firm resolution in all honest men, to be closely
united and active in showing their love to their country, by preferring
the public interest to their present private advantage. If a passenger, in
a great storm at sea, should hide his goods, that they might not be thrown
overboard to lighten the ship, what would be the consequence? The ship is
cast away, and he loses his life and goods together.
We have heard of men, who, through greediness of gain, have brought
infected goods into a nation; which bred a plague, whereof the owners and
their families perished first. Let those among us consider this and
tremble, whose houses are privately stored with those materials of beggary
and desolation, lately brought over to be scattered like a pestilence
among their countrymen, which may probably first seize upon themselves and
their families, until their houses shall be made a dunghill.
I shall mention one practice more, by which the meanest instruments often
succeed in doing public mischief; and this is, by deceiving us with
plausible arguments, to make us believe that the most ruinous project
they can offer is intended for our good, as it happened in the case so
often mentioned. For the poor ignorant people, allured by the appearing
convenience in their small dealings, did not discover the serpent in the
brass, but were ready, like the Israelites, to offer incense to it;
neither could the wisdom of the nation convince them, until some, of good
intentions, made the cheat so plain to their sight, that those who run may
read. And thus the design was to treat us, in every point, as the
Philistines treated Samson (I mean when he was betrayed by Delilah), first
to put out our eyes, and then to bind us with fetters of brass.
I proceed to the last thing I proposed, which was to show you that all
wilful injuries done to the public, are very great and aggravating in the
sight of God.
_First_, It is apparent from Scripture, and most agreeable to reason, that
the safety and welfare of nations are under the most peculiar care of
God's providence. Thus He promised Abraham to save Sodom, if only ten
righteous men could be found in it. Thus the reason which God gave to
Jonah for not destroying Nineveh was, because there were six score
thousand men in that city.
All government is from God, who is the God of order; and therefore whoever
attempts to breed confusion or disturbances among a people, doth his
utmost to take the government of the world out of God's hands, and to put
it into the hands of the devil, who is the author of confusion. By which
it is plain, that no crime, how heinous soever, committed against
particular persons, can equal the guilt of him who does injury to the
public.
_Secondly_, All offenders against their country lie under this grievous
difficulty: that it is impossible to obtain a pardon or make restitution.
The bulk of mankind are very quick at resenting injuries, and very slow at
forgiving them: and how shall one man be able to obtain the pardon of
millions, or repair the injury he hath done to millions? How shall those,
who, by a most destructive fraud, got the whole wealth of our neighbouring
kingdom into their hands, be ever able to make a recompense? How will the
authors and promoters of that villainous project, for the ruin of this
poor country, be able to account with us for the injuries they have
already done, although they should no farther succeed? The deplorable care
of such wretches must entirely be left to the unfathomable mercies of God:
for those who know the least in religion are not ignorant, that without
our utmost endeavours to make restitution to the person injured, and to
obtain his pardon, added to a sincere repentance, there is no hope of
salvation given in the Gospel.
_Lastly_, All offences against our own country have this aggravation, that
they are ungrateful and unnatural. It is to our country we owe those laws,
which protect us in our lives, our liberties, our properties, and our
religion. Our country produced us into the world, and continues to nourish
us, so that it is usually called our mother; and there have been examples
of great magistrates, who have put their own children to death for
endeavouring to betray their country, as if they had attempted the life of
their natural parent.
Thus I have briefly shown you how terrible a sin it is to be an enemy to
our country, in order to incite you to the contrary virtue, which at this
juncture is so highly necessary, when every man's endeavour will be of
use. We have hitherto been just able to support ourselves under many
hardships; but now the axe is laid to the root of the tree, and nothing
but a firm union among us can prevent our utter undoing. This we are
obliged to, in duty to our gracious King, as well as to ourselves. Let us
therefore preserve that public spirit, which God hath raised in us, for
our own temporal interest. For, if this wicked project should succeed,
which it cannot do but by our own folly; if we sell ourselves for nought,
the merchant, the shopkeeper, the artificer, must fly to the desert with
their miserable families, there to starve, or live upon rapine, or at
least exchange their country for one more hospitable than that where they
were born.
Thus much I thought it my duty to say to you who are under my care, to
warn you against those temporal evils which may draw the worst of
spiritual evils after them; such as heart-burnings, murmurings,
discontents, and all manner of wickedness, which a desperate condition of
life may tempt men to.
I am sensible that what I have now said will not go very far, being
confined to this assembly; but I hope it may stir up others of my brethren
to exhort their several congregations, after a more effectual manner, to
show their love for their country on this important occasion. And this, I
am sure, cannot be called meddling in affairs of state.
I pray God protect his most gracious Majesty, and his kingdom long under
his government; and defend us from all ruinous projectors, deceivers,
suborners perjurers, false accusers, and oppressors; from the virulence of
party and faction; and unite us in loyalty to our King, love to our
country, and charity to each other.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, LIMITED,
ST. JOHN'S HOUSE, CLERKENWELL ROAD.