_The Truth of Maxims in State and Government examined with reference to
Ireland._
Written in 1724.
There are certain maxims of State, founded upon long observation and
experience, drawn from the constant practice of the wisest nations, and
from the very principles of government, nor even controuled by any writer
on politics. Yet all these maxims do necessarily presuppose a kingdom, or
commonwealth, to have the same natural rights common to the rest of
mankind, who have entered into civil society; for if we could conceive a
nation where each of the inhabitants had but one eye, one leg, and one
hand, it is plain, before you could institute them into a republic, that
an allowance must be made for those material defects wherein they differed
from other mortals. Or, imagine a legislature forming a system for the
government of bedlam, and, proceeding upon the maxim that man is a
sociable animal, should draw them out of their cells, and form them into
corporations or general assemblies; the consequence might probably be that
they would fall foul on each other, or burn the house over their own
heads.
Of the like nature are innumerable errors committed by crude and short
thinkers, who reason upon general topics, without the least allowance for
the most important circumstances, which quite alter the nature of the
case.
This has been the fate of those small dealers who are every day publishing
their thoughts, either on paper or in their assemblies, for improving the
trade of Ireland, and referring us to the practice and example of England,
Holland, France, or other nations.
I shall, therefore, examine certain maxims of government, which generally
pass for uncontrouled in the world, and consider how far they will suit
with the present condition of this kingdom. First, It is affirmed by wise
men that the dearness of things necessary for life, in a fruitful country,
is a certain sign of wealth and great commerce; for when such necessaries
are dear, it must absolutely follow that money is cheap and plentiful.
But this is manifestly false in Ireland, for the following reason. Some
years ago, the species of money here did probably amount to six or seven
hundred thousand pounds; and I have good cause to believe that our
remittances then did not much exceed the cash brought in to us. But, by
the prodigious discouragements we have since received in every branch of
our trade, by the frequent enforcement and rigorous execution of the
Navigation-act--the tyranny of under custom-house officers--the yearly
addition of absentees--the payments to regiments abroad, to civil and
military officers residing in England--the unexpected sudden demands of
great sums from the treasury--and some other drains of perhaps as great
consequence--we now see ourselves reduced to a state (since we have no
friends) of being pitied by our enemies; at least, if our enemies were of
such a kind as to be capable of any regard towards us except of hatred and
contempt.
Forty years are now passed since the Revolution, when the contention of
the British Empire was, most unfortunately for us, and altogether against
the usual course of such mighty changes in government, decided in the
least important nation; but with such ravages and ruin executed on both
sides, as to leave the kingdom a desert, which in some sort it still
continues.
Neither did the long rebellions in 1641, make half such a destruction of
houses, plantations, and personal wealth, in both kingdoms, as two years'
campaigns did in ours, by fighting England's battles.
By slow degrees, as by the gentle treatment we received under two
auspicious reigns,[27] we grew able to live without running in debt.
Our absentees were but few; we had great indulgence in trade, and a
considerable share in employments of Church and State; and while the short
leases continued, which were let some years after the war ended, tenants
paid their rents with ease and cheerfulness, to the great regret of their
landlords, who had taken up a spirit of opposition that is not easily
removed. And although in these short leases, the rent was gradually to
increase after short periods, yet, as soon as the terms elapsed, the land
was let to the highest bidder, most commonly without the least effectual
clause for building or planting. Yet, by many advantages, which this
island then possessed, and has since utterly lost, the rents of land still
grew higher upon every lease that expired, till they have arrived at the
present exorbitance; when the frog, over-swelling himself, burst at last.
With the price of land, of necessity rose that of corn and cattle, and all
other commodities that farmers deal in; hence likewise, obviously, the
rates of all goods and manufactures among shopkeepers, the wages of
servants, and hire of labourers. But although our miseries came on fast,
with neither trade nor money left; yet neither will the landlord abate in
his rent, nor can the tenant abate in the price of what the rest must be
paid with, nor any shopkeeper, tradesman, or labourer live, at lower
expense for food and clothing, than he did before.
I have been the larger upon this first head, because the same observations
will clear up and strengthen a good deal of what I shall affirm upon the
rest.
The second maxim of those who reason upon trade and government, is, to
assert that low interest is a certain sign of great plenty of money in a
nation, for which, as in many other articles, they produce the examples
of Holland and England. But, with relation to Ireland, this maxim is
likewise entirely false.
There are two reasons for the lowness of interest in any country. First,
that which is usually alleged, the great plenty of species; and this is
obvious. The second is, want of trade, which seldom falls under common
observation, although it be equally true, for, where trade is altogether
discouraged, there are few borrowers. In those countries where men can
employ a large stock, the young merchant, whose fortune may be four or
five hundred pounds, will venture to borrow as much more, and can afford a
reasonable interest. Neither is it easy, at this day, to find many of
those, whose business reaches to employ even so inconsiderable a sum,
except among the importers of wine, who, as they have most part of the
present trade in these parts of Ireland in their hands, so they are the
most exorbitant, exacting fraudulent dealers, that ever trafficked in any
nation, and are making all possible speed to ruin both themselves and the
nation.
From this defect of gentlemen's not knowing how to dispose of their ready
money, arises the high purchase of land, which in all other countries is
reckoned a sign of wealth. For, the frugal squires, who live below their
incomes, have no other way to dispose of their savings but by mortgage or
purchase, by which the rates of land must naturally increase; and if this
trade continues long, under the uncertainty of rents, the landed men of
ready money will find it more for their advantage to send their cash to
England, and place it in the funds; which I myself am determined to do,
the first considerable sum I shall be master of.
It has likewise been a maxim among politicians, "That the great increase
of buildings in the metropolis, argues a flourishing state." But this, I
confess, has been controuled from the example of London; when, by the long
and annual parliamentary session, such a number of senators with their
families, friends, adherents, and expectants, draw such prodigious numbers
to that city, that the old hospitable custom of lords and gentlemen living
in their ancient seats among their tenants, is almost lost in England; is
laughed out of doors; insomuch that, in the middle of summer, a legal
House of Lords and Commons might be brought in a few hours to London, from
their country villas within twelve miles round.
The case in Ireland is yet somewhat worse: for the absentees of great
estates, who, if they lived at home, would have many rich retainers in
their neighbourhoods, have learned to rack their lands, and shorten their
leases, as much as any residing squire; and the few remaining of those
latter, having some vain hope of employments for themselves, or their
children, and discouraged by the beggarliness and thievery of their own
miserable farmers and cottagers, or seduced by the vanity of their wives,
on pretence of their children's education (whereof the fruits are so
apparent), together with that most wonderful, and yet more unaccountable
zeal, for a seat in their assembly, though at some years' purchase of
their whole, estates: these, and some other motives, have drawn such
concourse to this beggarly city, that the dealers of the several branches
of building have found out all the commodious and inviting places for
erecting new houses; while fifteen hundred of the old ones, which is a
seventh part of the whole city, are said to be left uninhabited, and
falling to ruin. Their method is the same with that which was first
introduced by Dr. Barebone at London, who died a bankrupt. The mason, the
bricklayer, the carpenter, the slater, and the glazier, take a lot of
ground, club to build one or more houses, unite their credit, their stock,
and their money; and when their work is finished sell it to the best
advantage they can. But, as it often happens, and more every day, that
their fund will not answer half their design, they are forced to undersell
it at the first story, and are all reduced to beggary. Insomuch, that I
know a certain fanatic brewer, who is reported to have some hundreds of
houses in this town, is said to have purchased the greatest part of them
at half value from ruined undertakers; has intelligence of all new houses
where the finishing is at a stand, takes advantage of the builders'
distress, and, by the advantage of ready money, gets fifty _per cent._ at
least for his bargain.
It is another undisputed maxim in government, "That people are the riches
of a nation;" which is so universally granted, that it will be hardly
pardonable to bring it into doubt. And I will grant it to be so far true,
even in this island, that if we had the African custom, or privilege, of
selling our useless bodies for slaves to foreigners, it would be the most
useful branch of our trade, by ridding us of a most unsupportable burden,
and bringing us money in the stead. But, in our present situation, at
least five children in six who are born, lie a dead weight upon us, for
want of employment. And a very skilful computer assured me, that above one
half of the souls in this kingdom supported themselves by begging and
thievery; two-thirds whereof would be able to get their bread in any other
country upon earth. Trade is the only incitement to labour; where that
fails, the poorer native must either beg, steal or starve, or be forced to
quit his country. This has made me often wish, for some years past, that
instead of discouraging our people from seeking foreign soil, the public
would rather pay for transporting all our unnecessary mortals, whether
Papists or Protestants, to America; as drawbacks are sometimes allowed for
exporting commodities, where a nation is overstocked. I confess myself to
be touched with very sensible pleasure, when I hear of a mortality in any
country parish or village, where the wretches are forced to pay for a
filthy cabin, and two ridges of potatoes, treble the worth; brought up to
steal or beg, for want of work; to whom death would be the best thing to
be wished for on account both of themselves and the public.
Among all taxes imposed by the legislature, those upon luxury are
universally allowed to be the most equitable, and beneficial to the
subject; and the commonest reasoner on government might fill a volume with
arguments on the subject. Yet here again, by the singular fate of Ireland,
this maxim is utterly false; and the putting of it in practice may have
such a pernicious consequence, as, I certainly believe, the thoughts of
proposers were not able to reach.
The miseries we suffer by our absentees, are of a far more extensive
nature than seems to be commonly understood. I must vindicate myself to
the reader so far, as to declare solemnly, that what I shall say of those
lords and squires, does not arise from the least regard I have for their
understandings, their virtues, or their persons: for, although I have not
the honour of the least acquaintance with any one among them (my ambition
not soaring so high), yet I am too good a witness of the situation they
have been in for thirty years past; the veneration paid them by the
people, the high esteem they are in among the prime nobility and gentry,
the particular marks of favour and distinction they receive from the
Court; the weight and consequence of their interest, added to their great
zeal and application for preventing any hardships their country might
suffer from England, wisely considering that their own fortunes and
honours were embarked in the same bottom.