"Multa gement plagasque superbi
Victoris--"
I have been told, that petitions and addresses, to either King or
Parliament, are the right of every subject, provided they consist with
that respect which is due to princes and great assemblies. Neither do I
remember, that the modest proposals or opinions of private men have been
ill-received, when they have not been delivered in the style of advice;
which is a presumption far from my thoughts. However, if proposals should
be looked upon as too assuming, yet I hope every man may be suffered to
declare his own and the nation's wishes. For instance; I may be allowed to
wish, that some farther laws were enacted for the advancement of trade;
for the improvement of agriculture, now strangely neglected, against the
maxims of all wise nations; for supplying the manifest defects in the acts
concerning the plantation of trees; for setting the poor to work; and many
others.
Upon this principle I may venture to affirm, it is the hearty wish of the
whole nation, very few excepted, that the Parliament, in this session,
would begin by strictly examining into the detestable fraud of one William
Wood, now or late of London, hardwareman; who illegally and clandestinely,
as appears by your own votes and addresses, procured a patent in England
for coining halfpence in that kingdom to be current here. This, I say, is
the wish of the whole nation, very few excepted; and upon account of those
few, is more strongly and justly the wish of the rest; those few
consisting either of Wood's confederates, some obscure tradesmen, or
certain bold UNDERTAKERS,[23] of weak judgment and strong ambition, who
think to find their accounts in the ruin of the nation, by securing or
advancing themselves. And because such men proceed upon a system of
politics, to which I would fain hope you will be always utter strangers, I
shall humbly lay it before you.
Be pleased to suppose me in a station of fifteen hundred pounds a year,
salary and perquisites: and likewise possessed of 800_l._ a-year, real
estate. Then suppose a destructive project to be set on foot; such for
instance, as this of Wood; which, if it succeed in all the consequences
naturally to be expected from it, must sink the rents and wealth of the
kingdom one half, although I am confident it would have done so
five-sixths; suppose, I conceive that the countenancing, or privately
supporting, this project, will please those by whom I expect to be
preserved or higher exalted; nothing then remains, but to compute and
balance my gain and my loss, and sum up the whole. I suppose that I shall
keep my employment ten years, not to mention the fair chance of a better.
This, at 1500_l._ a year, amounts in ten years to 15,000_l._ My estate, by
the success of the said project, sinks 400_l._ a-year; which, at twenty
years' purchase, is but 8000_l._; so that I am a clear gainer of 7000_l._
upon the balance. And during all that period I am possessed of power and
credit, can gratify my favourites, and take vengeance on mine enemies. And
if the project miscarry, my private merit is still entire. This
arithmetic, as horrible as it appears, I knowingly affirm to have been
practised and applied, in conjunctures whereon depended the ruin or safety
of a nation; although probably the charity and virtue of a senate will
hardly be induced to believe, that there can be such monsters among
mankind. And yet the wise Lord Bacon mentions a sort of people (I doubt
the race is not yet extinct) who would "set a house on fire for the
convenience of roasting their own eggs at the flame."
But whoever is old enough to remember, and has turned his thoughts to
observe, the course of public affairs in this kingdom from the time of the
Revolution, must acknowledge, that the highest points of interest and
liberty have often been sacrificed to the avarice and ambition of
particular persons, upon the very principles and arithmetic that I have
supposed. The only wonder is, how these artists were able to prevail upon
numbers, and influence even public assemblies, to become instruments for
effecting their execrable designs.
It is, I think, in all conscience, latitude enough for vice, if a man in
station be allowed to act injustice upon the usual principles of getting a
bribe, wreaking his malice, serving his party, or consulting his
preferment, while his wickedness terminates in the ruin only of particular
persons; but to deliver up our whole country and every living soul who
inhabits it, to certain destruction, has not, as I remember, been
permitted by the most favourable casuists on the side of corruption.
It were far better, that all who have had the misfortune to be born in
this kingdom, should be rendered incapable of holding any employment
whatsoever above the degree of a constable (according to the scheme and
intention of a great minister,[24] _gone to his own place_), than to live
under the daily apprehension of a few false brethren among ourselves;
because, in the former case, we should be wholly free from the danger of
being betrayed, since none could then have impudence enough to pretend any
public good. It is true, that in this desperate affair of the new
halfpence, I have not heard of any man above my own degree of a
shopkeeper, to have been hitherto so bold, as, in direct terms, to
vindicate the fatal project; although I have been told of some very
mollifying expressions which were used, and very gentle expedients
proposed and handed about, when it first came under debate; but since the
eyes of the people have been so far opened, that the most ignorant can
plainly see their own ruin in the success of Wood's attempt, these grand
compounders have been more cautious.... In the small compass of my reading
(which, however, has been more extensive than is usual to men of my
inferior calling,) I have observed, that grievances have always preceded
supplies. And if ever grievances had a title to such pre-eminence, it must
be this of Wood; because it is not only the greatest grievance that any
country could suffer, but a grievance of such a kind, that, if it should
take effect, would make it impossible for us to give any supplies at all,
except in adulterate copper; unless a tax were laid, for paying the civil
and military lists and the large pensions, with real commodities instead
of money. Which, however, might be liable to some few objections, as well
as difficulties; for, although the common soldiers might be content with
beef, and mutton, and wool, and malt, and leather, yet I am in some doubt
as to the generals, the colonels, the numerous pensioners, the civil
officers and others, who all live in England upon Irish pay, as well as
those few who reside among us only because they cannot help it. There is
one particular, which, although I have mentioned more than once in some of
my former papers, yet I cannot forbear to repeat, and a little enlarge
upon it; because I do not remember to have read or heard of the like in
the history of any age or country, neither do I ever reflect upon it
without the utmost astonishment.
After the unanimous addresses to his sacred Majesty, against the patent of
Wood, from both Houses of Parliament, which are the three estates of the
kingdom, and likewise an address from the Privy-council, to whom, under
the chief governors, the whole administration is entrusted, the matter is
referred to a committee of council in London. Wood and his adherents are
heard on one side; and a few volunteers, without any trust or direction
from hence, on the other. The question, as I remember, chiefly turned upon
the want of halfpence in Ireland. Witnesses are called on the behalf of
Wood, of what credit I have formerly shown. Upon the issue, the patent is
found good and legal; all his Majesty's officers here, not excepting the
military, commanded to be aiding and assisting to make it effectual; the
addresses of both Houses of Parliament, of the Privy-council, and of the
city of Dublin, the declarations of most counties and corporations
throughout the kingdom, are altogether laid aside, as of no weight,
consequence, or consideration whatsoever; and the whole kingdom of Ireland
non-suited in default of appearance, as if it were a private case between
John Doe, plaintiff, and William Roe, defendant.
With great respect to those honourable persons, the committee of council
in London, I have not understood them to be our governors, councillors, or
judges. Neither did our case turn at all upon the questions whether
Ireland wanted halfpence or no. For there is no doubt, but we do want both
halfpence, gold, and silver; and we have numberless other wants, and some
that we are not so much as allowed to name, although they are peculiar to
this nation; to which no other is subject, whom God has blessed with
religion and laws, or any degree of soil and sunshine; but for what
demerits on our side, I am altogether in the dark. But I do not remember
that our want of halfpence was either affirmed or denied in any of our
addresses or declarations against those of Wood. We alleged the fraudulent
obtaining and executing of his patent; the baseness of his metal; and the
prodigious sum to be coined, which might be increased by stealth, from
foreign importation and his own counterfeits, as well as those at home;
whereby we must infallibly lose all our little gold and silver, and all
our poor remainder of a very limited and discouraged trade. We urged, that
the patent was passed without the least reference hither; and without
mention of any security given by Wood, to receive his own halfpence upon
demand; both which are contrary to all contrary proceedings in the like
cases.
These, and many other arguments, we offered, but still the patent went on;
and at this day our ruin would have been half completed, if God in His
mercy had not raised a universal detestation of these halfpence in the
whole kingdom, with a firm resolution never to receive them; since we are
not under obligations to do so by any law, either human or divine.
But, in the name of God, and of all justice and pity, when the King's
Majesty was pleased that this patent should pass, is it not to be
understood that he conceived, believed, and intended it, as a gracious act
for the good and benefit of his subjects, for the advantage of a great and
fruitful kingdom; of the most loyal kingdom upon earth, where no hand or
voice was ever lifted up against him; a kingdom, where the passage is not
three hours from Britain; and a kingdom where Papists have less power and
less land than in England? Can it be denied or doubted that his Majesty's
ministers understood and proposed the same end, the good of this nation,
when they advised the passing of this patent? Can the person of Wood be
otherwise regarded than as the instrument, the mechanic, the head-workman,
to prepare his furnace, his fuel, his metal, and his stamps? If I employ a
shoe-boy, is it in view to his advantage, or to my own convenience? I
mention the person of William Wood alone, because no other appears; and we
are not to reason upon surmises; neither would it avail, if they had a
real foundation. Allowing therefore (for we cannot do less) that this
patent for the coining of halfpence was wholly intended by a gracious
King, and a wise public-spirited ministry, for the advantage of Ireland;
yet when the whole kingdom to a man, for whose good the patent was
designed, do, upon maturest consideration, universally join in openly
declaring, protesting, addressing, petitioning, against these halfpence,
as the most ruinous project that ever was set on foot to complete the
slavery and destruction of a poor innocent country; is it, was it, can it,
or will it, ever be a question, not, whether such a kingdom, or William
Wood, should be a gainer; but whether such a kingdom should be wholly
undone, destroyed, sunk, depopulated, made a scene of misery and
desolation, for the sake of William Wood? God of His infinite mercy avert
this dreadful judgment! And it is our universal wish, that God would put
it into your hearts to be His instruments for so good a work.
For my own part, who am but one man, of obscure condition, I do solemnly
declare, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will suffer the most
ignominious and torturing death, rather than submit to receive this
accursed coin, or any other that shall be liable to these objections,
until they shall be forced upon me by a law of my own country; and, if
that shall ever happen, I will transport myself into some foreign land,
and eat the bread of poverty among a free people.
Am I legally punishable for these expressions? shall another proclamation
issue against me, because I presume to take my country's part against
William Wood, where her final destruction is intended? But, whenever you
shall please to impose silence upon me, I will submit; because I look upon
your unanimous voice to be the voice of the nation; and this I have been
taught, and do believe, to be in some manner the voice of God....
I have sometimes wondered upon what motives the peerage of England were so
desirous to determine our controversies; because I have been assured, and
partly know, that the frequent appeals from hence have been very irksome
to that illustrious body: and whoever has frequented the Painted Chamber
and Courts of Requests, must have observed, that they are never so nobly
filled as when an Irish appeal is under debate.
The peers of Scotland, who are very numerous, were content to reside in
their castles and houses in that bleak and barren climate; and although
some of them made frequent journeys to London, yet I do not remember any
of their greatest families, till very lately, to have made England their
constant habitation before the Union; or, if they did, I am sure it was
generally to their own advantage, and whatever they got was employed to
cultivate and increase their own estates, and by that means enrich
themselves and their country.
As to the great number of rich absentees under the degree of peers, what
particular ill-effects their absence may have upon this kingdom, besides
those already mentioned, may perhaps be too tender a point to touch. But
whether those who live in another kingdom upon great estates here, and
have lost all regard to their own country, farther than upon account of
the revenues they receive from it; I say, whether such persons may not be
prevailed upon to recommend others to vacant seats, who have no interest
here except a precarious employment, and consequently can have no views
but to preserve what they have got, or to be higher advanced; this, I am
sure, is a very melancholy question, if it be a question at all.
But, besides the prodigious profit which England receives by the
transmittal thither of two-thirds of the revenues of this old kingdom, it
has another mighty advantage, by making our country a receptacle, wherein
to disburden themselves of their supernumerary pretenders to offices;
persons of second-rate merit in their own country, who, like birds of
passage, most of them thrive and fatten here, and fly off when their
credit and employments are at an end. So that Ireland may justly say, what
Luther said of himself, POOR Ireland makes many rich!
If, amid all our difficulties, I should venture to assert that we have one
great advantage, provided we could improve it as we ought, I believe most
of my readers would be long in conjecturing what possible advantage could
ever fall to our share. However, it is certain that all the regular seeds
of party and faction among us are entirely rooted out, and if any new ones
shall spring up, they must be of equivocal generation, without any seed at
all, and will be justly imputed to a degree of stupidity beyond even what
we have been ever charged with upon the score of our birthplace and
climate.
The parties in this kingdom (including those of modern date) are, first,
of those who have been charged or suspected to favour the Pretender; and
those who were zealous opposers of him. Secondly, of those who were for
and against a toleration of Dissenters by law. Thirdly, of High and Low
Church, or (to speak in the cant of the times) of Whig and Tory. And,
fourthly, of court and country. If there be any more, they are beyond my
observation or politics; for, as to subaltern or occasional parties, they
have been all derivations from the same originals.
Now it is manifest, that all these incitements to faction, party, and
division, are wholly removed from among us. For, as to the Pretender, his
cause is both desperate and obsolete. There are very few now alive who
were men in his father's time, and in that prince's interest; and in all
others, the obligation of conscience has no place.[25] Even the Papists in
general, of any substance or estates, and their priests almost
universally, are what we call Whigs, in the sense which by that word is
generally understood. They feel the smart, and see the scars of their
former wounds, and very well know, that they must be made a sacrifice to
the least attempts toward a change; although it cannot be doubted that
they would be glad to have their superstition restored, under any prince
whatsoever.
Secondly, the Dissenters are now tolerated by law; neither do we observe
any murmurs at present from that quarter, except those reasonable
complaints they make of persecution, because they are excluded from civil
employments; but their number being very small in either House of
Parliament, they are not yet in a situation to erect a party: because,
however indifferent men may be with regard to religion, they are now grown
wise enough to know that if such a latitude were allowed to Dissenters,
the few small employments left us in cities and corporations would find
other hands to lay hold on them.
Thirdly, the dispute between High and Low Church is now at an end;
two-thirds of the bishops having been promoted in this reign, and most of
them from England, who have bestowed all preferments in their gift to
those they could well confide in: the deaneries, all except three, and
many principal church-livings are in the donation of the Crown, so that we
already possess such a body of clergy as will never engage in controversy
upon that antiquated and exploded subject.
Lastly, as to court and country parties, so famous and avowed under most
reigns in English Parliaments; this kingdom has not, for several years
past, been a proper scene whereon to exercise such contentions, and is now
less proper than ever; many great employments for life being in distant
hands, and the reversions diligently watched and secured; the temporary
ones of any inviting value are all bestowed elsewhere as fast as they
drop, and the few remaining are of too low consideration to create
contests about them, except among younger brothers, or tradesmen like
myself. And therefore, to institute a court and country party, without
materials would be a very new system in politics, and what I believe was
never thought on before: nor, unless in a nation of idiots, can ever
succeed; for the most ignorant Irish cottager will not sell his cow for a
groat.
Therefore I conclude, that all party and faction, with regard to public
proceedings, are now extinguished in this kingdom; neither does it appear
in view how they can possibly revive, unless some new causes be
administered; which cannot be done without crossing the interests of those
who are the greatest gainers by continuing the same measures. And general
calamities, without hope of redress, are allowed to be the great uniters
of mankind.
However we may dislike the causes, yet this effect of begetting a
universal discord among us, in all national debates, as well as in cities,
corporations, and country neighbourhoods, may keep us at least alive, and
in a condition to eat the little bread allowed us in peace and amity.
I have heard of a quarrel in a tavern, where all were at daggers drawing,
till one of the company cried out, desiring to know the subject of the
quarrel; which, when none of them could tell, they put up their swords,
sat down, and passed the rest of the evening in quiet. The former has been
our case, I hope the latter will be so too; that we shall sit down
amicably together, at least until we have something that may give us a
title to fall out, since nature has instructed even a brood of goslings to
stick together, while the kite is hovering over their heads....